TERMS OP THE GLOBE Per annem in advance Mx months Three months 50 A. failure to notify a discontinuance at tho expiration o the term subscribed for will be considered a new ongoge meat. TERNS Or ADVERTISING 1 Insertion. 2 do. 3 do. Pour lines or Jr.,, $ 2$ $ 37J $ 50 Oa, equare, (12 line.,) ...... 50 76 1 00 Two squares 1 00 1 60 2 00 . . • • .. ..... ... • • •• Three squares, 1 50 2 2b 3 00 Over three week end lean than three menthe, 26 cents per lantern for each ineortion. . . S months. 8 months. 12 months. ✓6)x lines or lest, $1 50 $3 00 $5 00 One square 3 00 5 00 1 00 Two squares, 5 00 8 00 10 00 Three squares 7 00 10 00 15 00 Tour squares, 0 00 13 00 20 00 Calf a column 12 00 16 00 ...... ....24 00 One column 20 00 SO 00.... 50 00 Professional and Business Cards not exceeding four lines, too year $3 OD Administrators' and Executors' Notices $1 75 Advertisements not marked with the number of inter. Cons desired, will be continued till forbid and charged as to these terms. INAUGURAL ADDRESS OF GOV, ANDREW G. CURTIN DELIVERED JAN. 15, 1861. FELLOW-CITIZENS : - Having been entrusted by the people of Pennsylva nia, with the administration of the Executive department of the govern ment for the next three years, and having taken a solemn oath of fidelity to the Constitution of the United States, and to the Constitution of Pennsylvania, I avail myself of your presence to express to you,and through you to the people of the State, mygrat itude for the distinguished honor they have, in their partiality, conferred up on me. Deeply impressed with its responsi bilities and duties, I enter upon the office of Governor of Pennsylvania, with a determination to fulfill them all faithfully to the utmost of my ability. Questions of great moment intimately connected with the feelings and inter ests of the people of all parts of the Nation, now agitate the public mind; and some of them, from their novelty and importance, are left for settlement in the uncertainty of the future. A selfiah.caution might indicate silence as the safest course tobe pursued as to these questions, by one just entering upon the responsibilities of high offi cial position; but fidelity to the hi,gl trust reposed in me demand, especially at this juncture, that I yield to an honored custom which requires a frank declaration of the principles to be adopted, and the policy to be pursued during my official term. We have assumed, as the great fun damental truth of our political theory, that man is capable of self-government, and that all power emanates from the people. An experience of seventy-one years, under the Constitution of the United States, has demonstrated to all mankind that the people can be en trusted with their own political 'desti nies; and the deliberate expression of their will should furnish the rule of conduct to their representatives in of ficial station. Thus appreciating their liberal capacity for self-government, and alive to the importance of preserv ing, pure and unsullied as it came from the hands of the Apostles of Liberty, this vital principle, I pledge myself to stand between it and encroachments, - whether instigated by hatred or ambi tion, by fanaticism or folly. The policy that should regulate the administration of the government of our State, was declare - clby its founZl < - •ers, and is fully established by experi ence. It is just nun fraternal in its aims, liberal in its spirit, and patriotic in its progress. The freedom of speech and of the press, the right of con science and of private judgment in civil and religious faith, are the high prerogatives to which the American citizen is born. In our social organi zation the rich and the poor, the high and the low, enjoy these equally, and the constitution and the laws in har mony therewith, protect the rights of all. The intelligence of the people is one of the main pillars of the fabric of our Government,and the highest hopes Of the patriot for its safety rest on en lightened public morality and virtue. Our system of Common Schools will ever enlist my earnest solicitude. For its growing wants the most ample pro vision should be made by the Legisla ture. I feel that I need not urge this duty. The system has been gaining in strength and usefulness for a quar ter of a century, until it has silenced opposition by its beneficent fruits. It has at times languished for want of just appropriations, from changes and amendments of the law, and perhaps from inefficiency in its administration; but it has surmounted every difficulty and is now regarded by the enlighten ed and patriotic of every political faith as the great bulwark of safety for our free institutions. The manner in which this subject is presented to the Legislature, by my immediate pre decessor, in'his annual message, fully harmonizes with public sentiment; and his recommendation for aid to the Farmers' High School, of Pennsylva nia meets my most cordial approbation. Invited to the rich prairie lands of the West, where the labor of of the husbandman is simple and uni form, when population has filled our valleys, it passes away from our high land soils where scientific culture is required to reward labor by bringing fruitfulness andplenty out of compar ative sterility, While individual liber- Ality has done much for an institution that is designed to educate the farmer of the State, the school languishes for want of public aid. An experience of ten years has fully demonstrated that the institution can be made self-sus taining; and it requires no aid from the State except for the completion of the buildings in accordance with the original design. A liberal appropria tion for that purpose would be honor able to the Legislature and a just rec ognition of a system of public instruc tion that is of the highest importance to the State in the development of our wealth, the growth of our population and the prosperity of our great agri cultural interests. The State having been wisely re lieved of the management of the pub lic improvements by their sale, the ad ministration of the government is greatly simplified, its resources are certain and well understood, and the amount of the public debt is definitely ascertained. A rigid co:moray in all its various departments and a strict ac countability from all public officers, are expected by our people, and they shall not be disappointed. Now that the debt of the State is in the course of steady liquidation, by the ordinary means of the treasury, all unnecessary expenditures of the public money must firmly resists., so that the gradual EMI ~~ ~,~ WILLIAM LEWIS, Editor and Proprietor. VOL. XVL diminution of the indebtedness shall not be interrupted. To promote the prosperity of the people and the power of the Common wealth, by increasing her financial re sources, by a liberal recognition of the vast interests of our commerce, by hus banding our means and diminishing the burdens of taxation and of debt will be the highest objects of my am bition, and all the energy of my ad ministration will be directed to the ac complishment of these results. The pardoning power is one of the most important and delicate powers conferred upon the Chief Magistrate by the Constitution, and it should al ways be exercised with great caution, and never except on the most conclu sive evidence that it is due to the con demned, and that the public security will not be prejudiced by the act.— When such applications are presented to the Executive it is due to society,to the administration of justice, and to all interested, that public notice should be given. By the adoption of such a regulation imposition will be prevent ed and just efforts will be strengthen ed. The association of capital and labor, under acts of incorporation, where the purposes to be accomplished arc be yond the reach of individual enter prise, has long been the policy of the State, and has done . much to advance the prosperity of the people. Where the means of the citizens are moderate, as they generally are in a new and growing country, and where the con centration of the capital of many is necessary to development and progress, such associations, when judiciously re stricted, confer large benefits on the State. The vast resources of Pennsyl vania, and the variety of her mechan ical and other industrial pursuits, in vite capital and enterprise from abroad which, on every sound principle of po litical economy, should be encouraged. Much of the time of the Legislature is consumed by applications for spe cial chartered privileges which might be saved by the enactment of general laws and by such amendment to our general milling and manufacturing law as will remove needless and burthen some restraints, and at the same time afford ample protection to capital and labor, and to the community at large. Our statute books are full of acts of in corporation conferring special privi leges various as they are numerous, dissimilar in their grants of power, and unequal in their liabilities and restric tions. Well considered and judicious porations, would remedy the evil, econ omize time and money, relieve the Legislature from the constant pressure for undue privileges, and be just and equal to all in their administration. The veto power conferred upon the Executive was given with much hesi tation, and not without serious appre hensions as to its abuse, by the framers of our organic law. It is, in my judg ment, to be used with the greatest caution, and only when legislation is manifestly inconsiderate, or of more than doubtful constitutionality. The legislators, chosen as they aro directly by the people, in such a manner that a fair expression of their views of the true policy of the government can always be had, give to all well con sidered measures of legislation the solemn sanction of the highest power of the State, and it should not be arbitra rily interfered with, While I shall shrink from no duty involved by the sacred trust reposed in me by the peo ple of the Commonwealth, I would have all the other departments of the ' government appreciate the full meas ure of responsibility that devolves upon them. The position of mutual estrange ment in which the different sections of our country have been placed by the precipitate action and violent de nunciation of heated partizans, the apprehension of still more serious complications of our political affairs, and the fearful uncertainty of the fu ture, have had the effect of weakening commercial credit, and partially inter rupting trade; and, as a natural con sequence, deranging our exchanges and currency. Yet the elements of general prosperity are everywhere diffused amongst us, and nothing is wanting but a return of confidence to enable us to reap the rich rewards of our diversified industry and enterprise. Should the restitution of confidence in business and commercial circles be long delayed, the Legislature, in its wisdom, will, I doubt not, meet the necessities of the crisis in a generous and patriot ic spirit. Thus far our system of Government has fully answered the expectations of its founders, and has demonstrated the capacity of the people for self-gov ernment. The country has advanced in wealth, knowledge and power, and secured to all classes of its citizens the blessings of peace, prosperity and hap piness. The workings of our simple and natural political organizations have given direction and energy to individual and associated enterprise, maintained public order and promoted the welfare of all parts of our vast and expanding country. No one who knows the history of Pennsylvania and understands the opinions and feelings of her people, can justly charge us with hostility to our brethren of other States. We regard them as friends and fellow countrymen, in whose welfare we feel a kindred inter ets ; and we recognise, in their broad est extent, all our constitutional obli gations to them. These we aro ready and willing to observe generously and fraternally in their letter and spirit, with unswerving fidelity. The election of a President of the United States, according to the forms of the Constitution, has recently been made a pretext for disturbing the peace of the country. by a delihAra te_ HUNTINGDON, PA., WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 23, 1861. attempt to wrest from the Federal Government the powers which the people conferred on it when they adop ted the Constitution. By this move ment the question whether the gov ernment of the United States embod ies the prerogatives, rights and powers of sovereignty, or merely represents, for specific purposes, a multitude of independent communities, confedera ted in league which any one of them may dissolve at will, is now placed directly before the American people. Unhappily this question is nut presen ted in the simple form of political dis cussion, but complicated with the pas sions and jealousies of impending or actual conflict. There is nothing in the life of Mr. Lincoln, nor in any of his acts or de clarations before or since his election, to warrant the apprehension that his Administration wilrbe unfriendly to the local institutions of any of the States. No sentiments but those of kindness and conciliation have been expressed or entertained by the con stitutional majority which elected him; and nothing has occurred to justify the excitement which seems to have blinded the judgment of a part of the people, and is precipitating them into Revolution. The supremacy- of the National Gov ernment has been so fully admitted and so long cherished by the people of Pennsylvania, and so completely has the conviction of its nationality and sovereignty directed their political ac tion, that they are surprised at the pertinacity with which a portion of the people elsewhere maintain the op posite view. The traditions of the past, the recorded teachings of the Fa thers of the Republip, the security of their freedom and prosperity, and their hopes for the future, are all in harmo ny with an unfaltering allegiance to the National Union, the maintenance of the Constitution and the enforce ment of the laws. They have faith fully adhered to the compromises of our great National compact, and wil lingly recognise the peculiar institu tions and rights of property of the people of other States. Every true Pennsylvanian admits that his first civil and political duty is to the Gen eral Government, and he frankly ac knowledges his obligations to protect the constitutional rights of all who live under its authority and enjoy its blessings. I have already taken occasion to say publicly, and I now repeat, that if we have any laws upon our statute o?tlio people of any of tfie'b`ta ,or contravene any law of the Federal Government, or obstruct its execution they ought to be repealed. We ought not to hesitate to exhibit to other States that may have enacted laws in terfering with the rights, or obstruc tive of the remedies which belong con stitutionally to all American citizens, an example of magnanimity and of implicit obedience to the paramount law, and by a prompt repeal of every statute that may even, by implication, be liable to reasonable objection, do our part to remove every just cause of dissatisfaction with our legislation. Pennsylvania has never faltered in her recognition of all the duties im posed upon her by the national com pact, and she will, by every act con sistent with her devotion to the inter ests of her own people, promote fra ternity and peace, and a liberal comi ty between the States. Her convic tions on the vital questions which have agitated the public mind are well , understood at home, and should not be misunderstood abroad. Her verdicts have been as uniform as they have been decisive, in favor of the dignity, the prosperity and the progress of her free industry, and support of the principles of liberty on which the gov ernment is founded, and menace or re bellion cannot reverse them. They have passed into history as the delib erate judgment of her people, express- ed in a peaceful, fraternal and consti tutional manner; and when they shall have been administered in the govern- as soon they will be, the mad ness that now rules the hour will sub side, as their patriotic, faithful and national aims bring ample protection and peaceful progress to all sections of the Republic, In the grave questions which now agitate the country, no State has a more profound concern than Pennsyl vania. Occupying a geographical po sition between the North and the South, the East and the West, with the great avenues of travel and trade passing through her borders, carrying on an extensive commerce with her neighbors, in the vast and varied pro ductions of her soil, her mines and her manufacturing industry, and bound to them by the ties of kindred and so cial intercourse, the question of disu nion involves momentous consequen ces to her people. The second of the thirty-three States in population, and the first in material resources, it is duo both to ourselves and to the other States, thatthe position and sentiments of Pennsylvania on the question should be distinctly understood. All the elements of wealth and great ness have been spread over the State by a kind Providence with profuse lib.. erality. Our temperate climate, pro ductive soil, and inexhaustible mineral wealth, have stimulated the industry of our people, and improved the skill of our mechanics. To develop, en large and protect the interests which grow out of our natural advantages, have become cardinal principles of po litical economy in Pennsylvania, and the opinion everywhere prevails among our people that development, progress and wealth depend on educated and requited labor; and that labor, and the interests sustained by it, should •be adequately protected against foreign mmpotition. The peopl of Prnnsyl- - PERSEVERE.- vania have always favored that policy which aims to elevate and foster the industry of the country in the collec tion of revenue for the support of the General Government; and whenever they had the opportunity, in a fair election, they have vindicated that policy at the ballot-box. When their trade was prostrated and their indus try paralyzed by the legislation of the General Government, which favored adverse interests, they waited patiently for the return of another opportunity to declare the public will in a constitu tional manner. In the late election of President of the United States, the principle of protection was one of the prominent issues. With the proceed ings of Congress at its last session fresh in their memories, a large ma jority of the people of Pennsylvania enrolled themselves in an organization, which, in its declaration of principles, promised, if successful, to be faithful to their suffering interests and lan guishing industry. Protection to labor was one of the great principles of its platform; it was inscribed on its ban ners; it was advocated by its public journals; and throughout the canvass it was a leading text of the orators of the successful party. This is a propitious moment to de clare that while the people of Penn sylvania were not indifferent to other vital issues of the canvass, they were demanding justice for themselves in the recent election, and had no design to interfere with, or abridge the rights of, the people of other States. The growth of our State had been retarded by the abrogation of the principle of protection from the revenue laws of the national government; bankruptcy had crushed the energies of many of our most enterprising citizens; but no voice of disloyalty or treason was heard, nor was an arm raised to offer violence to the sacred fhbrie of our national Union. _ Conscious of their rights and their power, our people looked to the ballot-box alone as the legal remedy for existing evils. In the present unhappy condition of the country, it will be our duty to unite with the people of the States which remain loyal to the Union, in any just and honorable measures of conciliation and fraternal kindness.— Let us invite them to join us in the fulfillment' of all our obligations under the Federal Constitution and laws.— Then we can cordially unite with them in claiming like obedience from those States which have renounced their al legiance. If the loyal States are just right or Seff.respect,"the tliteTtrene danger may be averted. Ours is a National government. It has within the sphere of its action all the attributes of sovereignty, and among these are the right and duty of self-preservation. It is based upon a compact to which all the people of the United States are parties. It is the result of mutual concessions, which were made for the purpose of securing reciprocal benefits. It acts directly on the people, and they owe it a per sonal allegiance. No part of the peo ple, no State nor combination of States, can voluntarily secede from the Union, nor absolve themselves from their ob ligations to it. To permit a State to withdraw at pleasure from the Union, without the consent of the rest, is to confess that our government is a fail ure. Pennsylvania can never acquiesce in such a conspiracy, nor assent to a doctrine which involves the destruction of the Government. If the Govern ment is to exist, all the requirements of the Constitution must be obeyed; and it must have power adequate to the enforcement of the supreme law of the land in every State. It is the first duty of the National authorities to stay the progress of anarchy and en force the laws, and Pennsylvania with a united people, will give them an honest, faithful and active support.— The people mean.to preserve the in tegrity of the National Union at every hazard. The Constitution which was origi nally framed to promote the welfare of thirteen States and four millions of people, in less than three quarters of a century has embraced thirty-three States and thirty millions of inhabi tants. Our territory has been extend ed over new climates, including peo ple with new interests and wants, and the Government has protected them all. Everything requisite to the per petuity of the Union and its expand ing power, would seem to have been foreseen and provided for by the wis dom and sagacity of the framers of the Constitution. It is all we desire or hope for, and all that our fellow-countrymen who complain, can reasonably demand.— It provide& that amendments may be proposed by Congress; and, whenever the necessity to amend shall occur, the people of Pennsylvania will give to the amendments which Congress may propose, the careful and deliber ate consideration which their impor tance may demand. Change is not always progress, and a people who have lived so long, and enjoyed so much prosperity, who have so many sacred memories of the past, and such rich legacies to transmit to the future, should deliberate long and seriously before they attempt to alter any of the fundamental principles of the great charter of our liberties. I assume the duties of this high of fice at the most trying period of our national history. The public mind is agitated by fears, suspicions and jeal ousies. Serious apprehensions of the future pervade the people. A precon certed and organized effort has been made to disturb the stability of Gov ernment, dissolve the Union of the States, and mar the symmetry and or der of the noblest political structure ever devised and enacted by human wisdom. Ti shall be my earnest en- ,i:•44 -. 1., c.4...i:,,....i.i0.,...:,.,.:..../e, deavor to justify the confidence which you have reposed in me, and to deserve, your approbation. With a conscious ness of the rectitude of my intentions, with no resentments to cherish, no en mities to avenge, no wish but the pub lic good to ratify, and with a pro found sense of solemnity of the my posi tion, I humbly invoke the assistance of our Heavenly Father, in whom alone is my dependence, that His strength may sustain and His wisdom guide me. Wsth His divine aid I shall apply my self faithfully and fearlessly to my re sponsible duties, and abide the judg ment of a generous people. Invoking the blessing of the God of our fathers upon our State and Nation, it. shall be the highest object of my ambition to contribute to the glory of the Commonwealth, maintain the civil and religious privileges of the people, and promote the union, prosperity and happiness of the country. A LETTER FROM VICE-PRESI DENT BREOKINRIDGE. His Views on the Crisis [From the Wohltigton Constitution, ,Trin.lo.l WASHINGTON CITY, Jan. 6, 1861. My DEAD, Slit think all thought ful men will approve your conduct in convening the Legislature. Within a few weeks I have received many letters, chiefly from Kentucky, asking my opinion as to the prospect of a litir adjustment of our political troubles, which I have not answered, for reasons satisfactory to my own mind, among which has been a linger ing hope that some acceptible plan of settlement might be proposed by Con gress, securing the rights and honor of all. Ido not feel at liberty longer to remain silent, and, without intending to burden you with an extended letter, I will offer a few thoughts upon the condition of public affairs. I am convinced that no thorough and satisfactory plan will be proposed to the Slates by Congress. All efforts for this purpose have disclosed differ ences too radical to admit of agree ment. At an early hour in the session, on the motion of a Senator from Kentucky, (Mr. Powell,) a committee of thirteen Senators was appointed to consider the state of the country and report a rem edy. It was composed of representa tive men from different parts of the Union. After long conferences, for many clays, the chairman reported to the Senate that they had been wholly the radical differences between the Re publicans and others. Propositions, conceived in a spirit of patriotic concession, were offered by Senator Crittenden. I refer to them because they concede much to the spirit of conciliation. They embrace the %Bowing as amendments to the Con stitution : That Congress shall have no power to abolish slavery in the forts, dock yards, and other places under its juris diction in the Southern States; Nor to prevent the transportation of slaves from one slaveholding State to another, nor to any Territory where slavery may exist, whether the trans portation be coastwise or inland; Nor to abolish slavery in the Dis trict of Columbia, while it exists in Maryland or Virginia, nor without the consent of the inhabitants and compen sation to the owners. And in regard to the Territories: That in all the territory now held, or hereafter to be acquired, north of latitude 36 deg. 30 min., slavery or in voluntary servitude, except as a pun ishment lbr crime, shall be prohibited, while in all the territory now held, or hereafter to be acquired, south of said line of latitude, slavery of the African race shall be recognized and protected; in both cases, the prohibition on one side of the line, and the protection of the other, covering the period of terri torial existence. These provisions, the resolutions pro pose, shall be made a part of the Con stitution, and together with the fea tures now in the Constitution relative to the representation of three-fifths of the slaves, and the return of fugitive slaves, shall not be subject to fhture alteration. As subsequently modified, they contain, among other things, a very proper declaration that citizen ship and suffrage shall not be conferred on persons, in whole or in part, of Af rican descent. A glance at these resolutions will show the immense concessions they offer for security and peace. Leaving out of view for a moment the Territo rial question, the other amendments are but declaratory of the present Con stitution. Congress has no power now to abolish slavery in the places within its jurisdiction in the Southern States, nor to prevent the transportation of slaves from one slaveholding State or Territory to another. Nor are persons of African descent citizens of the Uni ted States; and the basis of Federal representation and the return of fugi tive slaves aro stipulated for in ex press terms in the present instrument. If it bo said that Congress may Consti tutionally abolish slavery in this Dis trict, I will not pause to argue the question,but onlyenter a protest against the assumption. If agreed to, they should be unamen dable parts of the Constitution, since the North would soon have a sufficient number of States to change the instru ment in the manner prescribed by itself. It must be confessed that it offers but a faint hope of security and good faith when powers not granted to Congress by the Constitution must again be ex pressly denied, and the provisions made unalterable, to guard against appre hensions of a sectional and growing sjori Cy, TERMS, $1,50 a year in advance. Upon these points, then, as_.l sup pose, there is concession neither upon the one side nor the other. The free States are only asked to agree that they will never use their growing pow er to deprive the South of existing rig•hts, which are essential to its safety. I come, now, to the vast concession to the North, The Southern States assert, with groat unanimity, the right of all the citizens of all the States to enter the common Territories with their property of whatever kind, inclu ding slaves, and to have it protected by the common Government. This right is sustained by a highly respec table class of opinion in the Northern States, and has been affirmed by the highest judicial tribunal known to the Constitution. It does not fall within the scope of this letter to re-argue the question.. I treat it as a settled right, upon which the argument has been exhausted. Mr. Crittenden's territorial amend ment offers, so far as the Southern States and their slave property. are concerned, to yield this right in three fourths of the existing territory to save it in the remaining fourth. The citi zens of the Northern States and their property are to be protected in ALT, the territory; the citizens of the South ern States with their property IN ONE FOURTH OF IT. Prohibition of slave property north of 36 deg. 30 min.; rec ognition and protection of it south of that line—and the rule to apply to all territory hereafter acquired—this is the principle of the proposed amend ment. And the last-named feature is vital. If the territorial question can be settled at all, it should be settled for all time, and locked up in the Con stitution. Otherwise, there can be no hope of exemption from incessant anti slavery agitation, and the country would soon be thrown again into the midst of political and financial convul sions. The Southern States cannot afford to be shut off from all possibili ty of expansion towards the tropics by the hostile action of the Federal Gov ernment. I am sure that this plan of adjust inent has been offered, not as the full measure of our rights, but as a patriotic concession with the hope of obtaining promptly security and peace. In view of the knowledge we have of the pro gress of political anti-slavery opinion, and of the manner in which the Fed eral Government may be employed by hostile influences, it falls far short of what would be required in forming an nA • 'lv , I .ela=kmA 'of nuarn.r.Amt turexperience- 1711Ve - AlaU 4 81 - practical working of the system, I find it difficult to cherish a well grounded hope of permanent security except by the introduction of some element which would give the South the power of self-protection. I cannot suppose that Kentucky would consider her rights, interests, and honor safe under any settlement less thorough than this proposed by Mr. Crittenden. Any attempt to emas culate it by excluding from its scope ' after acquired territory, or by failing to recognize and protect slave proper ty south of the line by language as clear and explicit as that employed to prohibit it north of the line, or by veil ing its provisions in ambiguous phrases, could only result in new agi tations and convulsions. I believe that Kentucky wants a thorough settle ment or none, and one that any plain and honest man can understand. I have not referred to the personal liberty bills of the Northern States, because they are the subjects of State action; nor to various propositions concerning the fugitive-slave law, be cause they relate only to legislative action ; nor to the question concerning the right of sojourn and transit with slave-property; nor to the several schemes of constitutional amendment which demand more for the South than the plan of Mr. Crittenden. I have said that, in my opinion, no thorough and satisfactory amendments will be proposed to the States by Congress; and I have taken the plan which con cedes most to the Northern States, and which presents the least that I suppose any portion of the South would accept. And now, sir, I tell you that the Re publicans in Congress, and I fear in the country, never will adopt it. They will not recognize in any form, directly or indirectly, property in slaves. They will outlaw from the protection of the common Government property to the value of four thousand millions of dol lars, and which is interwoven with the very structure of society in nearly half the States of the Union. They intend that the South shall never have any portion in the Territory of the Union. Their fixed policy is to wield the Fed eral Government for anti-slavery pur poses, and to crush all opposition by arms. lam not mistaken as to the purposes of the resolute and controll ing spirits of that organization at this capital. At an early day in the session, a number of gentlemen, fearing that no suitable guarantees could be proposed by Congress, began to look to the States and the people. The Republicans having control of the Northern States, our friends there were, of course, una ble to move. An earnest effort was made here to secure a Convention of all the Southern States. The plan could not command the requisite sup port, and was lost in the rapid progress of events. Next, a more hopeful move ment was set on foot, looking to an immediate conference of the border slaveholding States, (embracing Ten nessee and North Carolina,) with the view to unite their counsels and avert the danger of civil war. But here, also, the obstacles proved insurmount able, and the time for such action has ' - *Nom—The langunge of Mr. Crittenden's resolution on that point may bo !labia to mimon4truction, but I know that it woo intended to embraea otter smutted territory R. 111141 , d .^„t lon. passed. Each of these States ; there fore, must decide for itself4he attitude it will' oebupy' in this onieigencY- The immediate question now pre sentedis, peace or war; - Whetjier the right of a State or 'States to diSsolve connection with the Federal system be a reserved right, or one growing out of the Constitution, or the right of revo lution, the great fact' lies before us, that the act has been clone ; and we are not permitted to doubt that in a few weeks seven or. eight States,.contain ing a larger population than the thir teen Colonies at the epoch of the Rev olution, will have withdrawn from the Union and declared their independence. Under whatever name disguised, a col lision of arms with them will be war. NO. 81. The dominant party hero, rejecting everything, proposing nothing, are pursuing a policy which, under the name of " enforcing the laws" and " punishing traitors," threatens to plunge the country into all the calam ities of civil war. The Federal Union cannot be pre served by arms. The attempt would unite the Southern States in resistance, while in the North a great multitude of true and loyal men never would consent to shed the blood of our peo ple in the name and under the author ity of a violated compact., A serious collision upon existing issues would destroy whatever hope may yet remain of preserving or restoring the Union. An attempt to hold it together by the bayonet would exceed anything yet recorded in the annals of human mad ness and folly. It would bring on a war of unexampled ferocity, in which every vital principle of the Union would dis appear forever. If the South should succeed in main- taining her. independence, the - feuds and animosities engendered by the contest between the sections would bo transmitted to succeeding generations, while, if she should be subjugated, the Government would become in form and in fact consolidated, and Would soon reach the usual historical terrain ation in a military despotism. But her subjugation is impossible, without extermination—and that is impossi ble. And yet the danger of civil war is imminent, unleqs it shall be arrested by prompt and energetic action. If, before the passions of men become aroused, and a series of untoward events drifts us into strife, Kentucky and the other border States shall calm ly and firmly present a united front against it, I believe it may be arrested. Fifteen States are potent to prevent war. This, too, would strengthen all the true men in the Northern States who resist the atrocious policy. —Upon this question let us annihilate . party. The force party believe that Kentitcky and other Southern States are serious ly divided on this subject. Unless this can be quickly shown to be a de lusion, it may become the parent of a brood of woes. The wisdom of the Legislature will doubtless provide whatever is needful; yet, at a time like this, it becomes the duty, as it is the right, of every man to express his opinions; and as ono citizen of 'the Commonwealth, I give my voice for a State Convention. It is only by the direct action of the sev eral States in their sovereign capacity -ALL • awe an opportnnirfto — delermini, in the most solemn manner, her judg ment of her rights, and: her attitude in the preserAt condition of affairs. She has not been an inactive nor inglorious member of the Confederacy; she is in the presence of great and startling events, and it is not her na ture to sit in listless apathy, borne along by rapid currents, without the power to direct her course. Lot her have the opportunity, through . her chosen representatives and deciding upon the prospect of re-uniting all the States in a constitutional Union, or, if that shall be impossible, let her be in a position to determine her own des tiny. This letter has grown longer than I intended, although I have adhered pretty closely to my original purpose, rather to present facts, and my im pressions of them, from this stand point, than to enter upon elaborate discussion. I need not say to you, my dear sir, that I have uttered nothing in an obtrusive spirit, but rather re luctantly and sorrowfully. My sug gestions in regard to the action of Kentucky are offered in the spirit of loyalty to the State I love and will ever obey. They are clearly right, or very wrong. If right, the pleasure will be mine to have said a timely word, if wrong, I will know how to bear, without a murmur all the conse quences of an honest but terrible mis take. Very sincerely your friend, JOHN C. BRECKINRIDGE. Ben. B. Magoffin, Gov. of Ky. MONUMENTS OF LABOR, Ninevah was 15 miles long, 8 wide, and 40 miles round, with a wall 100 ft. high, and thick enough for three char iots abreast. Babylon was 15 miles within the walls, which were 75 feet thick and 300 feet high, with 100 brazen gates. The Temple of Diana, at Ephesus, was 420 feet to the support of the roof. It was a hundred years in building. The largest of the pyramids is 481 feet high, 653 on the sides; the base covers 11 acres. The stones are about 30 feet in length, and the layers are 208. It employed 330,000 men in The labyrinth in Egypt contains 300 chambers and 12 halls. Thebes, in Egypt, presents ruins 27 miles round, and 100 gates. Carthage was 23 miles round. Athens was 25 miles round, and contained 359,000 citizens and 400,000 slaves. The Temple of Delphos was so rich in donation, that it was plundered of £500,000, and Nero carried away from it 200 statues. The walls of Rome. were 18 miles round. s6r. A church-bell, made of glass, fourteen inches high and fifteen feet in diameter, has recently been placed in the turret of the chapel at Grange, Borrowdale, Cumberland, England. ler In the year 1301, a sheep could be bought in England, for fourpence, and wheat enough to feed one hun dred men for a whole day. cost but a single ghilhng.
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers