CZ
TERMS OF TEE GLOBE.
Per annum in advance
Six mouths
Three months 50
A failure to notify a discontinuance at the expiration of
the term subscribed icr will be considered a new engage
ment.
TERMS OF ADVERTISING.
I insertion. 2 do. 3 do.
Four lines or less, $ 25 $ !ITV $ 50
Ouo square, (12 lines,) 50 75 - 1 00
Two squares, 1 00 1 50 2 00
Three squares, 1 50 2 95 3 00
Oyer three week and less than three months, 25 cents
per square for each insertion.
Six lines or less,
Ono square,
no squares,....
Three squares,...
Four squares,....
'lair a column,
One column
Professional and Business Cards not exceeding four lines,
.one year, $a 00
Administrators' and Executors' Notices,
Advertisements not marked with the number of inser
tions desired, will be continued till forbid and charged ac
cording to these terms.
7 - )ON'T FORGET,
'ALLACE & CLEMENT,
'Huse just received another stock of new goods, such as
DRY GOODS, GROCERIES, QUEENSWARE,
in the store room at the south-east corner of the Diamond
in the borough of Huntingdon, lately occupied as a Jew
elry Store.
.
Their Stock has been carefully selected, and will be
sold low for cash or country produce.
FLOUR, FISH. HAMS, SIDES, SHOULDERS, SALT,
LARD, and provisions generally, kept constantly on hand
on reasonable terms.
Huntingdon, Sept. 24, 1500.
r
;t
i f R.s.t
MOOyg 7' 5 1 4 \E?
'
MeV .
SELLING OFF FOR CASH!!
BARGAINS IN HARDWARE
As "the nimble penny is better than the slow six pen, e.'
„unti smullpreyits in cash, are better than VP:Zing egr-sore
book accounts, J AMES A. !MOWN is non determined to
sell off the large and splendid stock of Hardware, Paints,
Ac., %%filch he has just brought from the east, at such low
prices, as will induce ever} body to crowd in for a share of
the bargains.
llis stuck inclu les a complete variety of
h3UILDING_IIAI'.DWAItI, MECIIANICS"I7OOI,S,
CUTLE - ItY, HOLLOW-WARE,
OILS, 'PAINTS, • SADDLERY,
VARNISHES, GLASS. CARRIAGE TRIMMINGS,
'STEEL, IRON, CHAIN PUMPS, LEAD PIPE,
MOROCCO, LINING SKINS,
COAL OIL LAMPS and COAL OIL, &c.. &c.,
Together with a full assortment of e% erything pertaining
to leis line of business.
tai ill orders receive prompt attention. -- GA
JAS. A. BLOWN
lluntingdon, Sept. 24. 1860
9, ®®() CUSTOMERS WANTED !
NEW GOODS
BENS. JACOBS
Has received a fine assortment of DRY
GOODS for the Spring and Summer season, comprising a
'very extensive a,sortineut of
LADIES DRESS GOODS,
DRY GOODS in general,
BEADY-MADE CLOTHING.
For Men and Boys
GROCERIES, HATS & CAPS,
BOOTS AND SHOES, &c. &c.
The public generally are requested to call and examine
my goods—and his prices.
As I am determined to sell my Goods, all who call may
expect bargains.
Country Produce taken in Exchange for Goods.
BENJ. J ACOBS, at the. Cheap Corner.
Huntingdon, Sept. 24, 1860.
CO
3 .orf
0 .71 ) . rif
r)
o;xa
1-4
CA i n
4
• 4P al
rn i r m.4
E il
c=
tin
tv
CD CD
).X1
TTAINES BROS.' OVERSTRU.NG
xi GRAND ACTION
PIANO FORTES,
Celebrated for superior quality of TONE and elegance and
beauty of finish. These Pianos have always taken the
FIRST PREMIUM when placed in competition N% ith oth
er makers.' CHALLENGE ALL COMPETITION'. A splendid as
eortment of LOUIS XIV and plainer styles always on
baud. Also Second-hand Pianos and 111...WE'S IM
PROVED MELODEO , NS from $45 to $350.
/far Every Instrumen t warran red.
GEO. L. WALKER'S
Piano and Melodeon Depot,
S. E. Cor, 7th R Arch Sts., Philadelphia.
July 25, 1860.-6 m.
COME tO THE NEW STORE FOR
- CHEAP BARGAINS.
NEW GROCERY
C. LONG
Informs the citizens of Huntingdon and vi
cinity, that he lets opened a new Grocery and Confection
ery Store in the basement, under G utntan & Co.'s Clothing
Store, in the Diamond, and would most respectfully re
quest' a share of public patromtge. liitl stock consists of
.all kinds of the
BEST GROCERIES,
CONFECTIONERIES, &c., &c.
Fish can be had at wholesale or retail.
ICE CRNAM will be furnished regularly to parties and
individuals. at his room.
Huntingdon, Sept. 24, 1860.
NEW MILLINERY ESTABLISH
MENT IN HUNTINGDON.
MRS. L. L. A. HAMER, ofer
:Respectfully informs the ladies of Huntingdon and vicini
ty, that she has opened a Millinery store on Hill street,
ono door west of Dr. Dorsey's residence, where may be
found every article in her line of business. such as Bonnets,
Ribbons, Laces, Blonds, Collars. Under Sleeves, Palls, and
a general assortment of Fancy Goods.
The Mdies are respectfully invited to call and examine
her stock.
Ladies, dresses of all kinds made :in the best and most
fashionable style.
Huntingdon, Sept. 21,1860.—Gm.
beautiful lot of Shaker
D.
p o . n c n ss e u t x s ,s fo:
sale cheap, at
IF you want Carpets and Oil Cloths, call
itt D. P. (}WIN'S, where you will find the Inv vs
tns
ttortment in town.
you will find the Largest and Best
assortment of Ladies' Dress Goods
D. t a
P. GWYN'S.
====l
3 months. 6 months. 12 months.
...v. 5o $3 00 C 5 00
.... 3 00 5 00 7 00
.... 5 00 S 00 .10 00
... 7 00 10 00 15 00
... 0 00 13 00 "0 00
....12 00 16 00 .24 00
...20 00 '3O 00.... ..... .50 00
TUE' NEW STORE
immir
i
~ If
/I;.'
FOR FALL and WINTER.
te)
,05
((s)
•
f - Y - t I
AND
CONFECTIONERY
$1 50
WILLIAM LEWIS,
VOL XVI.
ME
eLcct `Vottil.
DISSOLVE THE UNION.
Dissolve the Union! Who would part
The chain that binds us heart to heart?
Each link was forged by sainted sires,
Amid the Revolution's fires;
And coord—oh, where so rich a flood?
In Warren's and in Sumpter's blood!
Dissolve the Union ! Be like France,
When " Terror" rear'd her bloody lance,
And man became destruction's child,
Anti woman in her passions wild
Danced in the life-blood of her Queen,
Before the dreadful guillotine!
Dissolve the Union! Roll away
The spangled flag of Glory's day;
Blot out the history of the brave,
And desecrate each Patriot's grave,
And then above the wreck of years
Quaff an eternity of tears?
Dissolve the Union I Can it be
That they who speak such words are free;
Great God! did any die to save
Such sordid wretches from the grave—
When breast to breast, and hand to hand
Our patriot fathers freed the land?
Dissolve the Union! Ho! Forbear!
The sword of Democles is there;
Cut but a hair and earth shall know
A darker, deadlier tale of woe
Than history's crimson page has told
Since Nero's car in blood e'er roll'd.
Dissolve the Union ! Speak! ye hills!
Ye everlasting mountains cry !
Shriek out! ye streams and mingling rills,
And ocean roar in agony !
Dead heroes ! leap from Glory's sod!
Aud shield the manor of your blood !
gijt Crisis.
The Attorney General on the Crisis
Official Opinion of the Attorney General of
the United States . as the Course of the
President in the Existing Political
Troubles.
ATTORNEY GENERAL'S OFFICE, 1
November 20, 1860.
Sir : I have had the honor to receive your
note of the 17th, and I now reply to the
grave questions therein propounded as fully
us the time allowed me will permit.
Within their respective spheres of action
the Federal Government and the Government
of a State are both of them independent and
snpreme, but each is utterly powerless be
yond the limits assigned to it by the Consti
tution. If Congress would attempt to change
the law of the descents, to make a new rule
of personal succession, or to dissolve the fam
ily relations existing in any State, the act
would be simply void, but not more void than
would be a State law to prevent the recap
ture of fugitives from labor, to forbid the
carrying of the mails, or to stop the collec
tion of duties on imports. The will of a
State, whether expressed in its Constitution
or laws, cannot, while it remains in the Con
federacy, absolve her people from the duty of
obeying the just and constitutional require
ments of the Central Government. Nor can
any act of the Central Government displace
the jurisdiction of a State, because the laws of
the United States are supreme and binding
only so far as they are passed in pursuance
of the Constitution. I do not say what
might be effected_ by mere revolutionary
force lam speaking of legal and constitu
tional right.
This is the view always taken by the ju
diciary, and so universally adopted that the
statement of it may seem commonplace.—
The Supreme Court of the United States has
declared it in many cases. I need only re
fer you to the United Slates vs. Booth, where
the present Chief Justice, expressing the
unanimous opinion of himself and all his
brethren, enunciated the doctrine in terms so
clear and full that any further demonstration
of it can scarcely be required.
The duty which these principles devolve,
not only , upon every officer but upon every
citizen, is that which Mr. Jefferson expressed
so compendiously in his first inaugural, name
ly, "to support the State Governments in
all their rights, as the most competent admin
istrations for their domestic concerns, and
the surest bulwarks against anti-republican
tendencies," combined with the preservation
of the General Government, in its whole con
stitutional vigor, as the sheet-anchor of our
peace at home and safety abroad.,'
To the Chief Executive Magistrate of the
Union is confided the solemn duty of seeing
the laws faithfully executed. That he may
be able to meet this duty with a power equal
to its performance, he nominates his own sub
ordinates and removes them at his pleasure.
For the same reason the land and naval for
ces are under his orders as their commander
in-chief. But his power is to be used only
in the manner prescribed by the legislative
department. He cannot accomplish a legal
purpose by illegal means, or break the laws '
himself to prevent them from being violated
by others.
The acts of Congress sometimes give the
President a broad discretion in the use of
means by which they are to be executed, and
sometimes limit his power so that he can ex
ercise it only in a certain prescribed manner.
Where the law directs a thing to be done,
without saying, how, that implies the power
to use such means as may be necessary and
proper to accomplish the end of the Legisla
ture. But where the mode of performing a
duty is pointed out by stittute, that is the ex
clusive mode, and no other can be followed.
The United States have no common l►w to
fall back upon when the written law is de
fective. If, therefore, an act of Congress de
clares, that a. certain thing shall be done by
a particular officer,it cannot be done by a diff
erent officer. The agency which the law fur
nishes for its own execution must be used, to
the exclusion of all others. For instance, the
revenues of the United States are to be collec
ted in a certain way, at certain established
ports, and by a certain class of officers ; the,
President has no authority, under any cir
cumstances, to collect the same revenues at
other places, by a different set of officers, or
in ways not provided for. Even if the ma
chinery furnished by Congress for the collec
tion of the duties should, by any cause, be
come so deranged or broken up that it could
not be used, that would not be a legal rea
son for substituting a different kind of ma
chinery in its place.
The law requires that all goods imported
into the United States 'within certain collec
tion districts shall be entered at the proper
port, and the duty thereof shall be received
by the collector appointed for and residing
at that port. But the functions of the collec
tor may be exercised anywhere at or within
the port. There is no law which confines
him to the custom-house, or to any other par
ticular spot. If the custom-house were burnt
down, he might remove to another building;
if he were driven from the shore, he might
go on board a vessel in the harbor. If he
keeps within the port, he is within the law.
A port is a place to which merchandise is
imported, and from whence it is exported.—
It is created by law. It is not merely a har
bor or haven, for it may be establsshed where
there is nothing but an open roadstead, or on
the shore of a navigable river, or at any other
place where vessels may arrive and discharge
or take in their cargoes. It comprehends the
city or town which is occupied by the mari
ners, merchants, and others who are engaged
in the business of importing and exporting
goods, navigating the ships, and furnishing
them with provisions. It includes, also, so
much of the water adjacent to the city as is
usually occupied by vessels discharging or
receiving . their cargoes, or lying at anchor
and waiting for that purpose.
The first section of the act of March 2, 1833,
authorized the President in a certain contin
gency to direct that the custom-house for any
collection district be established and kept in
any secure place within some port or harbor
of such district, either upon land or on board
any vessel. But this provision was tempora
ry, and expired at the end of the session of
Congress next afterwards. It conferred upon
the Executive the right to remove the site of
the custom-house, not merely to any secure
place within the legally established port of
entry for the district—that right he had be
fore—but it widened his authority so as to
allow the removal of it to any port or harbor
within the whole district. The enactment of
that law and the limitation of it to a certain
period of time now past, is not, therefore, an
argument against the opinion above ex
pressed, that you can now, if necessary, order
the duties to be collected on board a vessel
inside of any established port of entry.—
Whether the first and fifth sections of the act
of 1833, both of which were made temporary
by the eighth section, be re-enacted,
is a question for the legislative department.
your right to take such measures as may seem
to be necessary for the protection of the public
property is very clear. It results from the
proprietary rights of the Government as owner
of the forts, arsenals, magazines, dock-yards,
navy-yards, custom-houses, public ships, and
other property which the United States have
bought, built, and paid for. Besides, the
Government of the United States is authorized
by the Constitution (Art 1, Sec. 8) to "exer
cise exclusive legislation in all cases whatso
ever over all places purchased by the
consent of the Legislature of the State in
which the same shall be for the erection of
forts, magazines, arsenals, dock-yards, and
other needful buildings." It is believed that
no important public building has been bought
or erected on ground where the Legislature
of the State, in which it is has not passed a
law consenting to the purchase of it and ced
ing the exclusive jurisdiction. This Govern
ment, then, is not only the owner of those
buildings and grounds, but, by virtue of the
supreme and paramount law, it regulates the
action and punishes the offences of all who
are within them. If any one of an owner's
rights is plainer than another, it is that of
keeping exclusive possession and repelling
intrusion. The right of defending the public
property includes also the right of recapture
after it has been unlawfully taken by anoth
er. President Jefferson held the opinion, and
acted upon it, that he could order a military
force to take possession of any land to which
the United States had title, though they had
never occupied it before, though a private
party claimed and held it, and though it was
not then needed nor proposed to be used for
any purpose connected with the operations of
the Government. This may have been a
stretch of Executive power; but the right of
retaking public property, in which the Gov
ernment has been carrying on its lawful bu
siness, and from which its officers have been
unlawfully thrust out, cannot well be doubt
ed ; and when it was exercised at Harper's
Ferry, in October, 1859, every one acknowl
edged the legal justice of it.
I come now to the point in your letter which
is, probably, of the greatest practical impor
tance. By the act of 1807 you may employ
such parts of the land and naval forces as
you shall judge necessary for the purpose of
causing the laws to be duly executed, in all
cases where it is lawful to use the militia for
the same purpose. By the act of 1795, the
militia may be called forth, " whenever the
laws of the United States shall be opposed,
or the execution thereof obstructed in any
State by combinations too powerful to be sup
pressed by the ordinary course of judicial
proceedings, or by the power vested in the
marshals. This imposes upon the President
the solo responsibility of deciding whether
exigency has arisen which requires the use of
military force ; and in proportien to the mag
nitude of that responsibility will be his care
not to overstep the limits of his legal and just
authority.
The laws referred to in the act of 1795 are
manifestly those which are administered by
the judges, and executed by the ministerial
officers of the courts for the punishment of
crime against the United States, for the pro,
tection of rights claimed under the Federal
Constitution and laws, and -for the enforce
ment of such obligations as come within the
cognizance of the Federal Judiciary. To
compel obedience to these laws, the courts
have authority to punish all who obstruet
-PEItSEVERE.-
HUNTINGDON, PA,, DECEMBER 19, 1860,
their regular administration, and the marshals
and their deputies have the same powers as
sheriffs and their deputies in the several States
in executing the - laws of the States. These
are the ordinary means provided for the exe
cution of the laws, and the whole spirit of
our system is opposed to the employment of
any other except in cases of extreme necessi
ty, arising out of great and unusual combina
tions against them. Their agency must con
tinue to be used until their incapacity to cope
with the power opposed to them shall be
plainly demonstrated. It is only upon clear
evidence to that effect that a military force
can be called into the field. Even then its
operations must be purely defensive, It can
suppress only such combinations as are found
directly opposing the laws, and obstructing
the execution thereof. It can do no more than
What might and ought to be done by a civil
posse, if a civil posse could be raised large
enough to meet the same opposition. On
such occasions especially, the military power
must be kept in strict subordination to the
civil authority, since it is only in aid of the
latter that the former can act at all.
But what if the feeling in any State against
the United States should become so universal
that the Federal officers themselves, (inclu
ding judges, district attorneys, and marshals,)
would be reached by the same influences, and
resign their places? Of course the first step
would be to appoint others in their stead, if
others could be got to serve. But, in such
an event, it is more than probable that great
difficulty would be found in filling the offices.
We can easily conceive how it might become
altogether impossible. We are therefore
obliged to consider what can be done in case
we have no courts to issue judicial process,
and no ministerial officers ter execute it. In
that event troops would certainly be out of
place and their use wholly illegal. If they
are sent to aid the courts and marshals, there
must be courts and marshals to be aided.—
Without the exercise of those functions which
belong exclusively to the civil service, the
laws cannot be executed in any event, no
matter what may be the physical strength
which the Government has at its command.
Under such circumstances, to send a military
force into'any State with orders to act against
the people would be simply making war upon
them.
The existing laws put and keep the Feder
al Government strictly on the defensive. You
can use force only to repel an assault on the
public property, and aid the courts in the
performance of their duty. If the means
given you to collect the revenue and execute
.: ; be other laws be insufficient for that pupose,
Congress may extend and make — them more
effectual to that end.
If one of the States should declare her in
dependence, your action cannot depend upon
the rightfulness of the cause upon which such
declaration is based. Whether the retire
ment of a State from the Union be the exer
cise of a right reserved in the Constitution,
or a revolutionary movement, it is certain
that you have not in either case the authority
to recognize her independence, or to absolve
her from her Federal obligations. Congress,
or the other States in Convention assembled,
must take such measures as may be necessa
ry and proper. In such an event I see no
course for you but to go straight onward in
the path you have hitherto trodden ; that is,
execute the laws to the extent of the defensive
means placed in your hands, and net gener
ally upon the assumption that the present
constitutional relations between the States
and the Federal Government continue to exist
until a new order of things shall be estab
lished, either by law or force.
Whether Congress has the constitutional
right to make war against one or more States,
and require the Executive of the Federal
Government to carry it on by means of force
to be drawn from the other States, is a ques
tion for Congress itself to consider. It must
be admitted that no such power is expressly
given ; nor are there any words in the Con
stitution which imply it. Among the powers
enumerated in article 1, section 8, is that
" to declare war, grant letters of marque and
reprisal, and to make rules concerning cap
tures on land and water." This certainly
means nothing more than the power to com
mence and carry on hostilities against the
foreign enemies of the nation. Another
clause in the same section gives Congress the
power "to provide for calling forth the mili
tia," and to use them within the limits of the
State. But this power is so restricted by
the words which immediately follow, that it
can be exercised only for one of the following
purposes : I. To execute the laws of the
Union ; that is, to aid the Federal officers in
the performance of their respective duties.-
2. To suppress insurrections against the
States ; but this is confined by article IV,
sec. 4, to cases in which the State herself
shall apply for assistance against her own
people. 3. To repel the invasion of a State
by enemies who come from abroad to assail
her in her own territory. All these provisions
are made to protect the States, not to author
ize an attack by one part of the country upon
another ; to preserve their peace, and not to
plunge them into civil war. Our forefathers
do not seem to have thought that war was
calculated " to form a more perfect union,es
tablish justice, insure domestic tranquility,
provide for the common defence, promote the
general welfare, and secure the blessings of
liberty to ourselves and our posterity."—
There was undoubtedly a strong and univer
sal conviction among the men who framed
and ratified the Constitution that military
force would not only be useless but pernicious
as a means of holding the States together.
If it be true that war cannot be declared,
nor a system of general hostilities carried on
by the Central Government against a State,
then it seems to follow that an attempt to do
so would be ipso facto an expulsion of such
State from the Union. Being treated as an
alien and an enemy, she would be compelled
to act accordingly. And if Congress shall
break up the present Union by unconstitu
tionally putting strife and enmity and armed
hostility between different sections of the
country, instead of .the "domestic tranquili
ty" which the. Constitution was, meant to in
sure, will not all the States be absolved from
I ...
...t.,
...
..
. t
‘''', ' .4.,
i,,,, -,.%,:.
tz,.. i
1 ~2.,
---,:il :::,... -..: v
;...,..,. ~..„,.. ..,.d...
~..t, ,N, ...,,,x
Y,.'i
4 . 1 t.
..
,4,q, ,
their Federal obligations ? Is any portion of
the people bound to contribute their money
or their blood to carry on •a. contest like
that ?
The right of the General Government to
preserve itself in its whole constitutional vig
or by repelling a direct and positive aggres
sion upon its property or its officers cannot
be denied. But this is a totally different
thing from an offensive war to punish the
people for the political misdeeds of their
State Government, or to prevent a threatened
violation of the Constitution, or to enforce an
acknowledgment that the Government of the
United States is supreme. The States are
colleagues of one another, and if some of
them shall conquer the rest and hold them as
subjugated provinces, it would totally destroy
the whole theory upon which they are now
connected.
If this view of the subject be as correct as
I think it is, then the Union must utterly
perish at the moment when Congress shall
arm one part of the people against another
for any purpose beyond that of merely pro
tecting the General Government, in the ex
ercise of its proper constitutional functions.
I am, very respectfully, yours, &c.,
J. S. BLACK.
To the President of the United States.
[The present renewal of the frenzied efforts
of South Carolina to tear asunder the Union
or baptize it in all the horrors of civil war,
makes appropriate the re-publication of the
following article, which took the rounds of
the press some years ago.]
The other morning, at the breakfast table,
our friend, the Hon. John C. Calhoun, seem
ed very much troubled and out of spirits.—
You know he is altogether a venerable man,
with a hard stern, Scotch-Irish face, softened
in its expression around the mouth by a sort
of sad smile which wins the hearts of all who
converse with him. That he is honest, no
one doubts; he has sacrificed to his fatalism
his brightest hopes of political advancement
—has offered up on the shrine of that neces
sity which he worships, all that can excite
ambition—even the Presidency of the United
States.
But to my story. The other morning, at
the breakfast table, Calhoun was observed to
gaze frequently at his right hand, and brush
it with his left in a hurried and nervous man
ner. At length one of the persons compos
ing the breakfast party—his name, I think,
is Toombs, a Member of Congress from Geor
gia—took upon himself to ask the occasion
of Mr. Calhoun's disquietude.
" Does your hand pain you ?" he asked.
To this Mr. Calhoun replied, in rather a
flurried manner, "Pshaw ! it's nothing !
Only a dream which I bad last night, and
which makes me see perpetually a large,
black spot—like an ink blotch—upon the
back of my right hand. An optical illusion
I suppose."
Of course these words excited the curiosity
of the company, but no one ventured to beg
the details of this singular dream, until
Toombs asked quietly, " What was your
dream like? I'm not very superstitious about
dreams; but sometimes.-they have a good
deal of truth in them."
" But this was such a peculiarly absurd
dream," said Mr. Calhoun, again brushing
the back of his right hand, "however, if it
does not too much intrude upon the time of
our friends, I will relate it to you."
Of course the company was profuse in their
expressions of anxiety to know all about the
dream. In his singularly sweet voice, Mr.
Calhoun related it:
" At a late hOur last night, as I was sitting
in my room engaged in writing, I was aston-,
ished by the entrance of a visitor, who enter
ed, and, without a word, took a seat opposite
me at my table. This surprised me, as I
had given particular orders to the servant
that I should on no account be disturbed.—
The manner in which the intruder entered,
so perfectly self-possessed, taking his seat
without a word, as though my room and all
within it belonged-to him, excited in me as
ranch surprise as indignation. As I raised
my head to look into his features over the top
of my shaded lamp, I discovered that he was
wrapped in a thin cloak, which effectually
concealed his face and features from my
view. lie spoke :
"'What are you writing, Senator from
South Corolina 2"
" I did not think of his impertinence at
first, but answered him voluntarily: I am
writing a plan for the dissolution of the
American Union'—(you know, gentlemen,
that I am expected to produce a plan of dis
solution in the event of certain contingencies.)
" To this the intruder replied, in the cool
est manner possible: Senator from South
Carolina, will you allow me to look at your
hand—your right hand ?'
" lle arose, the cloak fell, and I beheld his
face. Gentlemen, the sight of that face struck
me like a thunder clap. It was the face of a
dead man, whom extraordinary events had
called back to life. The features were those'
of General George Washington—yes, gentle
men, the intruder was none other than George
Washington. Ile was dressed in the Revo
lutionary costume, such as you see preserved
in the Patent Office."
Here Mr. Calhocin paused, apparently much
agitated. His agitation, I need not tell you,
was shared by the company. Toombs at
length broke the embarrassing pause. "Well,
w-e-l-1, what irliS the issue of this scene ?"
Mr. Calhoun resumed
" Thig intruder, as I have said, arose and
asked to look at my right hand. As though
I had not the power to refuse, I extended it.
The truth is, I felt a strange thrill pervade
me at his touch ; ho grasped it and held it
near the light, thus affording me full time to
examine every feature of his face. It was
the face of Washington. Gentlemen, I shud
dered as I beheld the horribly dead-alive loOk
of that visage. After holdinn , my hand fora
moment, he looked at me steadily, and said
in a quiet way :
Editor and Proprietor.
Zilistenantoits.
"`And with this right baud, Senator from
Carolina, you would sign your name to a pa
per declaring the Union dissolved?'
" I answered in the affirniative. " Yes,"
said I, if a certain: eontingenL•y arises, I will
sign my name to the Declaration of Dissolu
tion." But at that moment a black blotch
appeared on the back of, my hand, an inky
blotch, which I seem to see even now. 'What
is that ?' said I, alarmed, I know not why, at
the blotch on my hand."
" That,' said he, dropping my hand, is
the mark by which Benedict Arnold is known
in the next world.'
" Ile said no more, gentlemen, but drew
from beneath his cloak an object which he
laid upon the table—laid it upon the very pa
per upon which I was writing. The object,
gentlemen, was a skeleton.
" "There,' said he, there are the bones of
Isaac Bayne, who was hung in Charleston
by the British. He gave his life in order to
establish the Union. When you put your
name to a Declaration of Dissolution, why,
you may as well have the bones of Isaac
Bayne before you ; but there was no blotch
upon his right hand."
" With these words, the intruder left the
room. I started back from the contact with
the dead man's bones, and—awoke. Over
worn by labor, I had fallen asleep and been
dreaming. Was it not a singular dream.
All the company answered in the affirma
tive, and Toombs muttered, " Singular, very
singular," at the same time looking curiously ,
at the back of his.right hand, while Mr. Cal
houn placed his head between his hands, and
seemed buried in thought.
NO. 626.
Census of Pennsylvania—Complete.
o
t•-•OrJ
a
Adam 5,27997 _____
494 2152 180 4012
Allegheny, 180074 2117 4550 1190 10320
Armstrong, 3611/ 246 2809 108 6316
Beaver, 29321 264 2262 319 5458
Bedford, 26803 279 2060 155 3615
Berke, 94043 1254 5531 747 16551
Blair, 27785 327 951 ISI 4877
Bradford, 50046 294 5507 230 9313
Bucks, 63803 713 6786 576 15989
Butler, 33753 352 4000 79 6517
Cambria, 29213 300 1435 314 5323
Carbon, 21238 236 409 94 3855
Centre, 27087 127 1061 129 4574.
Meister, - 74749 334 2123 666 13776
Clarion. 23575 98 2037 142 4333
Clearfield, 11,923 140 1564 114 3286
Clinton, 17722 163 784 I4S 3140
Columbia, 24603 207 2023 196 4549.
Crawford, 49041 294 5507 280 9313
Cumberland, 40402 5:33 21'z3 31S 7298
Dauphin, 48640 473 2525 324 8226-
Delaware, 30614 373 1629 "267 5546
Illr, 5848 55 1033 46 1026
_ .
Erie,
Fayette,
Forest,
Franklin, 42242 447 2434 325 7575
Fulton, 9140 69 1009 37 1086
Green, 24406 221 2111 78 4278
Huntingdon, 28204 278 2097 249 4971
Indiana, 33569 302 3410 142 6109
Jefferson, 18414 180 1926 317 3334
Juniata, 16300 194 967 154 2969
Lancaster, 116021 1259 6721 925 20521
Lawrence, 23213 163 1837 220 5376
Lebanon, 20030 310 1783 220 5376
Lehigh, 49932 605 2734 404 7748
Lucerne, 91080 868 3387 369 18029
Lycoming, 37560 323 2039 429 1700
AP liertn, 9000 49 859 33 6696
Mercer, 37164 379 3453 87 6869
Mifflin, 16378 188 1048 184 2394,
Monroe, 16805 164 970 81 2829
Montgomery, 70494 706 5303 609 12330
Montour, 13110 152 593 86 2381
Northampton, 47775 360 2263 231 8954
Northumberland, 29057 294 2416 744 5439
Perry, 22940 216 1715 174 4167
Philadelphia, 503034 6097 1731 4400 89978
Pike, 7360 64 544 43 1318
Potter. 11467 106 1224 87 2215
Schuylkill, 00173 971 2267 579 16962
Snyder, 15124 102 1094 81 2740
Somerset, 26920 197 2089 157 4676
Sullivan, 4140 51 663 14 1045
Susquehanna, 36665 453 3775 273 7004
Tioga, 31218 195 2859 207 5940
Union, 14222 103 927 50 2657
Yenan go, 25189 152 2550 69 4543
Warren, 39299 267 1491 216 3644
Washington, 48319 . 484 3776 334 9036
Wayne, 32172 168 3430 236 5727
Westmoreland, 54020 465 4360 389 9787
Wyoming, 12644 84 1274 136 2365
York, 68083 820 5159 673 1273
Total,
In 15,30,
Increne,
The Way They Talk in South Carolina.
Isaac W. Hayno, an es-Senator of that
State, in addressing the people of Charleston,
through the Mercury, in behalf of a seat in
the forthcoming Secession Convention, holds
this plain language, as to his views, which
he has entertained for thirty years, as doubt
less have most of the Disunionists who were
old enough at that period and have survived.
" It is now just thirty years since I edited
a newspaper in Columbia, advocating the doc
trine of nullification, as expounded by Cal
houn and Harper. lam not aware that I
have ever changed or wavered in a political
principle or sentiment since that time. In
my private judgment. at that time, I became
convinced that the South alone should gov
ern the South,' and ever since I have consid
ered a Southern Confederacy consumma
tion devoutly to be wished.' I opposed sep
arate secession in 1851, because I believed,
then as I believe now, that the time and th
occasion were inopportune. The other South
ern States had already signified their aqui . ;
escence in that which South Carolina pro
posed to resent by secession. I recommended
then that we &mild teach that Disunion
' was inevitable in the future,' and that upon
the first occasion of general ferment in tho -
South,' South Carolina should secede, and
stand the hazards of the die. That occasion
has arrived, and I now advocate immediate
secession.
I will say farther that, committed as
South Carolina now is, though all the rest of
the South should succumb,she is bound to try
the hazards, even though she should' be soli
tary and alone. The Rubicon is alrea - dy
passed.
" In conclusion, let me say, that I am riot
one of those who, ever, at any time, looked. to
secession as a means of saving the Union. I
want no new guaranty, but a separation, per
manently and forever, from a people whose
modes of thought and feeling are opposite
and antagonistic to our own, and who have
become strong enough to govern us, if we re
main united.
Hasty people drink the wine of life scald
ing hot.
Death is the only master Who takes his
servant without a character:
Content is the mother of good digestion.
When pride and poverty marry their chil
dren are want and crime.
Where hard work kills ten, idleness kills a
hundred men.
Folly and pride walk side by side.
He that borrows binds himself with his
neighbor's rope.
lie that is too good for good advice, is too
good fur his neighbor's company.
Friends and photographs never flatter.
Wisdom is always at home to those who
call.
The firmest friends ask the fewest favors.
ter- Wisconsin has a population of 777,777
—a curious accidental display of figures.
COUNTIES,
49697 413 4474 383 0759
40188 376 2054. 1.51 720 L
889 13 93 11 155
2913041 28037 150233 20715 514.547
2311156 386210
601255
" ISAAC W. ILLY ."
Proverbs Worth Remenib'ering.
13
125631