CZ TERMS OF TEE GLOBE. Per annum in advance Six mouths Three months 50 A failure to notify a discontinuance at the expiration of the term subscribed icr will be considered a new engage ment. TERMS OF ADVERTISING. I insertion. 2 do. 3 do. Four lines or less, $ 25 $ !ITV $ 50 Ouo square, (12 lines,) 50 75 - 1 00 Two squares, 1 00 1 50 2 00 Three squares, 1 50 2 95 3 00 Oyer three week and less than three months, 25 cents per square for each insertion. Six lines or less, Ono square, no squares,.... Three squares,... Four squares,.... 'lair a column, One column Professional and Business Cards not exceeding four lines, .one year, $a 00 Administrators' and Executors' Notices, Advertisements not marked with the number of inser tions desired, will be continued till forbid and charged ac cording to these terms. 7 - )ON'T FORGET, 'ALLACE & CLEMENT, 'Huse just received another stock of new goods, such as DRY GOODS, GROCERIES, QUEENSWARE, in the store room at the south-east corner of the Diamond in the borough of Huntingdon, lately occupied as a Jew elry Store. . Their Stock has been carefully selected, and will be sold low for cash or country produce. FLOUR, FISH. HAMS, SIDES, SHOULDERS, SALT, LARD, and provisions generally, kept constantly on hand on reasonable terms. Huntingdon, Sept. 24, 1500. r ;t i f R.s.t MOOyg 7' 5 1 4 \E? ' MeV . SELLING OFF FOR CASH!! BARGAINS IN HARDWARE As "the nimble penny is better than the slow six pen, e.' „unti smullpreyits in cash, are better than VP:Zing egr-sore book accounts, J AMES A. !MOWN is non determined to sell off the large and splendid stock of Hardware, Paints, Ac., %%filch he has just brought from the east, at such low prices, as will induce ever} body to crowd in for a share of the bargains. llis stuck inclu les a complete variety of h3UILDING_IIAI'.DWAItI, MECIIANICS"I7OOI,S, CUTLE - ItY, HOLLOW-WARE, OILS, 'PAINTS, • SADDLERY, VARNISHES, GLASS. CARRIAGE TRIMMINGS, 'STEEL, IRON, CHAIN PUMPS, LEAD PIPE, MOROCCO, LINING SKINS, COAL OIL LAMPS and COAL OIL, &c.. &c., Together with a full assortment of e% erything pertaining to leis line of business. tai ill orders receive prompt attention. -- GA JAS. A. BLOWN lluntingdon, Sept. 24. 1860 9, ®®() CUSTOMERS WANTED ! NEW GOODS BENS. JACOBS Has received a fine assortment of DRY GOODS for the Spring and Summer season, comprising a 'very extensive a,sortineut of LADIES DRESS GOODS, DRY GOODS in general, BEADY-MADE CLOTHING. For Men and Boys GROCERIES, HATS & CAPS, BOOTS AND SHOES, &c. &c. The public generally are requested to call and examine my goods—and his prices. As I am determined to sell my Goods, all who call may expect bargains. Country Produce taken in Exchange for Goods. BENJ. J ACOBS, at the. Cheap Corner. Huntingdon, Sept. 24, 1860. CO 3 .orf 0 .71 ) . rif r) o;xa 1-4 CA i n 4 • 4P al rn i r m.4 E il c= tin tv CD CD ).X1 TTAINES BROS.' OVERSTRU.NG xi GRAND ACTION PIANO FORTES, Celebrated for superior quality of TONE and elegance and beauty of finish. These Pianos have always taken the FIRST PREMIUM when placed in competition N% ith oth er makers.' CHALLENGE ALL COMPETITION'. A splendid as eortment of LOUIS XIV and plainer styles always on baud. Also Second-hand Pianos and 111...WE'S IM PROVED MELODEO , NS from $45 to $350. /far Every Instrumen t warran red. GEO. L. WALKER'S Piano and Melodeon Depot, S. E. Cor, 7th R Arch Sts., Philadelphia. July 25, 1860.-6 m. COME tO THE NEW STORE FOR - CHEAP BARGAINS. NEW GROCERY C. LONG Informs the citizens of Huntingdon and vi cinity, that he lets opened a new Grocery and Confection ery Store in the basement, under G utntan & Co.'s Clothing Store, in the Diamond, and would most respectfully re quest' a share of public patromtge. liitl stock consists of .all kinds of the BEST GROCERIES, CONFECTIONERIES, &c., &c. Fish can be had at wholesale or retail. ICE CRNAM will be furnished regularly to parties and individuals. at his room. Huntingdon, Sept. 24, 1860. NEW MILLINERY ESTABLISH MENT IN HUNTINGDON. MRS. L. L. A. HAMER, ofer :Respectfully informs the ladies of Huntingdon and vicini ty, that she has opened a Millinery store on Hill street, ono door west of Dr. Dorsey's residence, where may be found every article in her line of business. such as Bonnets, Ribbons, Laces, Blonds, Collars. Under Sleeves, Palls, and a general assortment of Fancy Goods. The Mdies are respectfully invited to call and examine her stock. Ladies, dresses of all kinds made :in the best and most fashionable style. Huntingdon, Sept. 21,1860.—Gm. beautiful lot of Shaker D. p o . n c n ss e u t x s ,s fo: sale cheap, at IF you want Carpets and Oil Cloths, call itt D. P. (}WIN'S, where you will find the Inv vs tns ttortment in town. you will find the Largest and Best assortment of Ladies' Dress Goods D. t a P. GWYN'S. ====l 3 months. 6 months. 12 months. ...v. 5o $3 00 C 5 00 .... 3 00 5 00 7 00 .... 5 00 S 00 .10 00 ... 7 00 10 00 15 00 ... 0 00 13 00 "0 00 ....12 00 16 00 .24 00 ...20 00 '3O 00.... ..... .50 00 TUE' NEW STORE immir i ~ If /I;.' FOR FALL and WINTER. te) ,05 ((s) • f - Y - t I AND CONFECTIONERY $1 50 WILLIAM LEWIS, VOL XVI. ME eLcct `Vottil. DISSOLVE THE UNION. Dissolve the Union! Who would part The chain that binds us heart to heart? Each link was forged by sainted sires, Amid the Revolution's fires; And coord—oh, where so rich a flood? In Warren's and in Sumpter's blood! Dissolve the Union ! Be like France, When " Terror" rear'd her bloody lance, And man became destruction's child, Anti woman in her passions wild Danced in the life-blood of her Queen, Before the dreadful guillotine! Dissolve the Union! Roll away The spangled flag of Glory's day; Blot out the history of the brave, And desecrate each Patriot's grave, And then above the wreck of years Quaff an eternity of tears? Dissolve the Union I Can it be That they who speak such words are free; Great God! did any die to save Such sordid wretches from the grave— When breast to breast, and hand to hand Our patriot fathers freed the land? Dissolve the Union! Ho! Forbear! The sword of Democles is there; Cut but a hair and earth shall know A darker, deadlier tale of woe Than history's crimson page has told Since Nero's car in blood e'er roll'd. Dissolve the Union ! Speak! ye hills! Ye everlasting mountains cry ! Shriek out! ye streams and mingling rills, And ocean roar in agony ! Dead heroes ! leap from Glory's sod! Aud shield the manor of your blood ! gijt Crisis. The Attorney General on the Crisis Official Opinion of the Attorney General of the United States . as the Course of the President in the Existing Political Troubles. ATTORNEY GENERAL'S OFFICE, 1 November 20, 1860. Sir : I have had the honor to receive your note of the 17th, and I now reply to the grave questions therein propounded as fully us the time allowed me will permit. Within their respective spheres of action the Federal Government and the Government of a State are both of them independent and snpreme, but each is utterly powerless be yond the limits assigned to it by the Consti tution. If Congress would attempt to change the law of the descents, to make a new rule of personal succession, or to dissolve the fam ily relations existing in any State, the act would be simply void, but not more void than would be a State law to prevent the recap ture of fugitives from labor, to forbid the carrying of the mails, or to stop the collec tion of duties on imports. The will of a State, whether expressed in its Constitution or laws, cannot, while it remains in the Con federacy, absolve her people from the duty of obeying the just and constitutional require ments of the Central Government. Nor can any act of the Central Government displace the jurisdiction of a State, because the laws of the United States are supreme and binding only so far as they are passed in pursuance of the Constitution. I do not say what might be effected_ by mere revolutionary force lam speaking of legal and constitu tional right. This is the view always taken by the ju diciary, and so universally adopted that the statement of it may seem commonplace.— The Supreme Court of the United States has declared it in many cases. I need only re fer you to the United Slates vs. Booth, where the present Chief Justice, expressing the unanimous opinion of himself and all his brethren, enunciated the doctrine in terms so clear and full that any further demonstration of it can scarcely be required. The duty which these principles devolve, not only , upon every officer but upon every citizen, is that which Mr. Jefferson expressed so compendiously in his first inaugural, name ly, "to support the State Governments in all their rights, as the most competent admin istrations for their domestic concerns, and the surest bulwarks against anti-republican tendencies," combined with the preservation of the General Government, in its whole con stitutional vigor, as the sheet-anchor of our peace at home and safety abroad.,' To the Chief Executive Magistrate of the Union is confided the solemn duty of seeing the laws faithfully executed. That he may be able to meet this duty with a power equal to its performance, he nominates his own sub ordinates and removes them at his pleasure. For the same reason the land and naval for ces are under his orders as their commander in-chief. But his power is to be used only in the manner prescribed by the legislative department. He cannot accomplish a legal purpose by illegal means, or break the laws ' himself to prevent them from being violated by others. The acts of Congress sometimes give the President a broad discretion in the use of means by which they are to be executed, and sometimes limit his power so that he can ex ercise it only in a certain prescribed manner. Where the law directs a thing to be done, without saying, how, that implies the power to use such means as may be necessary and proper to accomplish the end of the Legisla ture. But where the mode of performing a duty is pointed out by stittute, that is the ex clusive mode, and no other can be followed. The United States have no common l►w to fall back upon when the written law is de fective. If, therefore, an act of Congress de clares, that a. certain thing shall be done by a particular officer,it cannot be done by a diff erent officer. The agency which the law fur nishes for its own execution must be used, to the exclusion of all others. For instance, the revenues of the United States are to be collec ted in a certain way, at certain established ports, and by a certain class of officers ; the, President has no authority, under any cir cumstances, to collect the same revenues at other places, by a different set of officers, or in ways not provided for. Even if the ma chinery furnished by Congress for the collec tion of the duties should, by any cause, be come so deranged or broken up that it could not be used, that would not be a legal rea son for substituting a different kind of ma chinery in its place. The law requires that all goods imported into the United States 'within certain collec tion districts shall be entered at the proper port, and the duty thereof shall be received by the collector appointed for and residing at that port. But the functions of the collec tor may be exercised anywhere at or within the port. There is no law which confines him to the custom-house, or to any other par ticular spot. If the custom-house were burnt down, he might remove to another building; if he were driven from the shore, he might go on board a vessel in the harbor. If he keeps within the port, he is within the law. A port is a place to which merchandise is imported, and from whence it is exported.— It is created by law. It is not merely a har bor or haven, for it may be establsshed where there is nothing but an open roadstead, or on the shore of a navigable river, or at any other place where vessels may arrive and discharge or take in their cargoes. It comprehends the city or town which is occupied by the mari ners, merchants, and others who are engaged in the business of importing and exporting goods, navigating the ships, and furnishing them with provisions. It includes, also, so much of the water adjacent to the city as is usually occupied by vessels discharging or receiving . their cargoes, or lying at anchor and waiting for that purpose. The first section of the act of March 2, 1833, authorized the President in a certain contin gency to direct that the custom-house for any collection district be established and kept in any secure place within some port or harbor of such district, either upon land or on board any vessel. But this provision was tempora ry, and expired at the end of the session of Congress next afterwards. It conferred upon the Executive the right to remove the site of the custom-house, not merely to any secure place within the legally established port of entry for the district—that right he had be fore—but it widened his authority so as to allow the removal of it to any port or harbor within the whole district. The enactment of that law and the limitation of it to a certain period of time now past, is not, therefore, an argument against the opinion above ex pressed, that you can now, if necessary, order the duties to be collected on board a vessel inside of any established port of entry.— Whether the first and fifth sections of the act of 1833, both of which were made temporary by the eighth section, be re-enacted, is a question for the legislative department. your right to take such measures as may seem to be necessary for the protection of the public property is very clear. It results from the proprietary rights of the Government as owner of the forts, arsenals, magazines, dock-yards, navy-yards, custom-houses, public ships, and other property which the United States have bought, built, and paid for. Besides, the Government of the United States is authorized by the Constitution (Art 1, Sec. 8) to "exer cise exclusive legislation in all cases whatso ever over all places purchased by the consent of the Legislature of the State in which the same shall be for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dock-yards, and other needful buildings." It is believed that no important public building has been bought or erected on ground where the Legislature of the State, in which it is has not passed a law consenting to the purchase of it and ced ing the exclusive jurisdiction. This Govern ment, then, is not only the owner of those buildings and grounds, but, by virtue of the supreme and paramount law, it regulates the action and punishes the offences of all who are within them. If any one of an owner's rights is plainer than another, it is that of keeping exclusive possession and repelling intrusion. The right of defending the public property includes also the right of recapture after it has been unlawfully taken by anoth er. President Jefferson held the opinion, and acted upon it, that he could order a military force to take possession of any land to which the United States had title, though they had never occupied it before, though a private party claimed and held it, and though it was not then needed nor proposed to be used for any purpose connected with the operations of the Government. This may have been a stretch of Executive power; but the right of retaking public property, in which the Gov ernment has been carrying on its lawful bu siness, and from which its officers have been unlawfully thrust out, cannot well be doubt ed ; and when it was exercised at Harper's Ferry, in October, 1859, every one acknowl edged the legal justice of it. I come now to the point in your letter which is, probably, of the greatest practical impor tance. By the act of 1807 you may employ such parts of the land and naval forces as you shall judge necessary for the purpose of causing the laws to be duly executed, in all cases where it is lawful to use the militia for the same purpose. By the act of 1795, the militia may be called forth, " whenever the laws of the United States shall be opposed, or the execution thereof obstructed in any State by combinations too powerful to be sup pressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, or by the power vested in the marshals. This imposes upon the President the solo responsibility of deciding whether exigency has arisen which requires the use of military force ; and in proportien to the mag nitude of that responsibility will be his care not to overstep the limits of his legal and just authority. The laws referred to in the act of 1795 are manifestly those which are administered by the judges, and executed by the ministerial officers of the courts for the punishment of crime against the United States, for the pro, tection of rights claimed under the Federal Constitution and laws, and -for the enforce ment of such obligations as come within the cognizance of the Federal Judiciary. To compel obedience to these laws, the courts have authority to punish all who obstruet -PEItSEVERE.- HUNTINGDON, PA,, DECEMBER 19, 1860, their regular administration, and the marshals and their deputies have the same powers as sheriffs and their deputies in the several States in executing the - laws of the States. These are the ordinary means provided for the exe cution of the laws, and the whole spirit of our system is opposed to the employment of any other except in cases of extreme necessi ty, arising out of great and unusual combina tions against them. Their agency must con tinue to be used until their incapacity to cope with the power opposed to them shall be plainly demonstrated. It is only upon clear evidence to that effect that a military force can be called into the field. Even then its operations must be purely defensive, It can suppress only such combinations as are found directly opposing the laws, and obstructing the execution thereof. It can do no more than What might and ought to be done by a civil posse, if a civil posse could be raised large enough to meet the same opposition. On such occasions especially, the military power must be kept in strict subordination to the civil authority, since it is only in aid of the latter that the former can act at all. But what if the feeling in any State against the United States should become so universal that the Federal officers themselves, (inclu ding judges, district attorneys, and marshals,) would be reached by the same influences, and resign their places? Of course the first step would be to appoint others in their stead, if others could be got to serve. But, in such an event, it is more than probable that great difficulty would be found in filling the offices. We can easily conceive how it might become altogether impossible. We are therefore obliged to consider what can be done in case we have no courts to issue judicial process, and no ministerial officers ter execute it. In that event troops would certainly be out of place and their use wholly illegal. If they are sent to aid the courts and marshals, there must be courts and marshals to be aided.— Without the exercise of those functions which belong exclusively to the civil service, the laws cannot be executed in any event, no matter what may be the physical strength which the Government has at its command. Under such circumstances, to send a military force into'any State with orders to act against the people would be simply making war upon them. The existing laws put and keep the Feder al Government strictly on the defensive. You can use force only to repel an assault on the public property, and aid the courts in the performance of their duty. If the means given you to collect the revenue and execute .: ; be other laws be insufficient for that pupose, Congress may extend and make — them more effectual to that end. If one of the States should declare her in dependence, your action cannot depend upon the rightfulness of the cause upon which such declaration is based. Whether the retire ment of a State from the Union be the exer cise of a right reserved in the Constitution, or a revolutionary movement, it is certain that you have not in either case the authority to recognize her independence, or to absolve her from her Federal obligations. Congress, or the other States in Convention assembled, must take such measures as may be necessa ry and proper. In such an event I see no course for you but to go straight onward in the path you have hitherto trodden ; that is, execute the laws to the extent of the defensive means placed in your hands, and net gener ally upon the assumption that the present constitutional relations between the States and the Federal Government continue to exist until a new order of things shall be estab lished, either by law or force. Whether Congress has the constitutional right to make war against one or more States, and require the Executive of the Federal Government to carry it on by means of force to be drawn from the other States, is a ques tion for Congress itself to consider. It must be admitted that no such power is expressly given ; nor are there any words in the Con stitution which imply it. Among the powers enumerated in article 1, section 8, is that " to declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and to make rules concerning cap tures on land and water." This certainly means nothing more than the power to com mence and carry on hostilities against the foreign enemies of the nation. Another clause in the same section gives Congress the power "to provide for calling forth the mili tia," and to use them within the limits of the State. But this power is so restricted by the words which immediately follow, that it can be exercised only for one of the following purposes : I. To execute the laws of the Union ; that is, to aid the Federal officers in the performance of their respective duties.- 2. To suppress insurrections against the States ; but this is confined by article IV, sec. 4, to cases in which the State herself shall apply for assistance against her own people. 3. To repel the invasion of a State by enemies who come from abroad to assail her in her own territory. All these provisions are made to protect the States, not to author ize an attack by one part of the country upon another ; to preserve their peace, and not to plunge them into civil war. Our forefathers do not seem to have thought that war was calculated " to form a more perfect union,es tablish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity."— There was undoubtedly a strong and univer sal conviction among the men who framed and ratified the Constitution that military force would not only be useless but pernicious as a means of holding the States together. If it be true that war cannot be declared, nor a system of general hostilities carried on by the Central Government against a State, then it seems to follow that an attempt to do so would be ipso facto an expulsion of such State from the Union. Being treated as an alien and an enemy, she would be compelled to act accordingly. And if Congress shall break up the present Union by unconstitu tionally putting strife and enmity and armed hostility between different sections of the country, instead of .the "domestic tranquili ty" which the. Constitution was, meant to in sure, will not all the States be absolved from I ... ...t., ... .. . t ‘''', ' .4., i,,,, -,.%,:. tz,.. i 1 ~2., ---,:il :::,... -..: v ;...,..,. ~..„,.. ..,.d... ~..t, ,N, ...,,,x Y,.'i 4 . 1 t. .. ,4,q, , their Federal obligations ? Is any portion of the people bound to contribute their money or their blood to carry on •a. contest like that ? The right of the General Government to preserve itself in its whole constitutional vig or by repelling a direct and positive aggres sion upon its property or its officers cannot be denied. But this is a totally different thing from an offensive war to punish the people for the political misdeeds of their State Government, or to prevent a threatened violation of the Constitution, or to enforce an acknowledgment that the Government of the United States is supreme. The States are colleagues of one another, and if some of them shall conquer the rest and hold them as subjugated provinces, it would totally destroy the whole theory upon which they are now connected. If this view of the subject be as correct as I think it is, then the Union must utterly perish at the moment when Congress shall arm one part of the people against another for any purpose beyond that of merely pro tecting the General Government, in the ex ercise of its proper constitutional functions. I am, very respectfully, yours, &c., J. S. BLACK. To the President of the United States. [The present renewal of the frenzied efforts of South Carolina to tear asunder the Union or baptize it in all the horrors of civil war, makes appropriate the re-publication of the following article, which took the rounds of the press some years ago.] The other morning, at the breakfast table, our friend, the Hon. John C. Calhoun, seem ed very much troubled and out of spirits.— You know he is altogether a venerable man, with a hard stern, Scotch-Irish face, softened in its expression around the mouth by a sort of sad smile which wins the hearts of all who converse with him. That he is honest, no one doubts; he has sacrificed to his fatalism his brightest hopes of political advancement —has offered up on the shrine of that neces sity which he worships, all that can excite ambition—even the Presidency of the United States. But to my story. The other morning, at the breakfast table, Calhoun was observed to gaze frequently at his right hand, and brush it with his left in a hurried and nervous man ner. At length one of the persons compos ing the breakfast party—his name, I think, is Toombs, a Member of Congress from Geor gia—took upon himself to ask the occasion of Mr. Calhoun's disquietude. " Does your hand pain you ?" he asked. To this Mr. Calhoun replied, in rather a flurried manner, "Pshaw ! it's nothing ! Only a dream which I bad last night, and which makes me see perpetually a large, black spot—like an ink blotch—upon the back of my right hand. An optical illusion I suppose." Of course these words excited the curiosity of the company, but no one ventured to beg the details of this singular dream, until Toombs asked quietly, " What was your dream like? I'm not very superstitious about dreams; but sometimes.-they have a good deal of truth in them." " But this was such a peculiarly absurd dream," said Mr. Calhoun, again brushing the back of his right hand, "however, if it does not too much intrude upon the time of our friends, I will relate it to you." Of course the company was profuse in their expressions of anxiety to know all about the dream. In his singularly sweet voice, Mr. Calhoun related it: " At a late hOur last night, as I was sitting in my room engaged in writing, I was aston-, ished by the entrance of a visitor, who enter ed, and, without a word, took a seat opposite me at my table. This surprised me, as I had given particular orders to the servant that I should on no account be disturbed.— The manner in which the intruder entered, so perfectly self-possessed, taking his seat without a word, as though my room and all within it belonged-to him, excited in me as ranch surprise as indignation. As I raised my head to look into his features over the top of my shaded lamp, I discovered that he was wrapped in a thin cloak, which effectually concealed his face and features from my view. lie spoke : "'What are you writing, Senator from South Corolina 2" " I did not think of his impertinence at first, but answered him voluntarily: I am writing a plan for the dissolution of the American Union'—(you know, gentlemen, that I am expected to produce a plan of dis solution in the event of certain contingencies.) " To this the intruder replied, in the cool est manner possible: Senator from South Carolina, will you allow me to look at your hand—your right hand ?' " lle arose, the cloak fell, and I beheld his face. Gentlemen, the sight of that face struck me like a thunder clap. It was the face of a dead man, whom extraordinary events had called back to life. The features were those' of General George Washington—yes, gentle men, the intruder was none other than George Washington. Ile was dressed in the Revo lutionary costume, such as you see preserved in the Patent Office." Here Mr. Calhocin paused, apparently much agitated. His agitation, I need not tell you, was shared by the company. Toombs at length broke the embarrassing pause. "Well, w-e-l-1, what irliS the issue of this scene ?" Mr. Calhoun resumed " Thig intruder, as I have said, arose and asked to look at my right hand. As though I had not the power to refuse, I extended it. The truth is, I felt a strange thrill pervade me at his touch ; ho grasped it and held it near the light, thus affording me full time to examine every feature of his face. It was the face of Washington. Gentlemen, I shud dered as I beheld the horribly dead-alive loOk of that visage. After holdinn , my hand fora moment, he looked at me steadily, and said in a quiet way : Editor and Proprietor. Zilistenantoits. "`And with this right baud, Senator from Carolina, you would sign your name to a pa per declaring the Union dissolved?' " I answered in the affirniative. " Yes," said I, if a certain: eontingenL•y arises, I will sign my name to the Declaration of Dissolu tion." But at that moment a black blotch appeared on the back of, my hand, an inky blotch, which I seem to see even now. 'What is that ?' said I, alarmed, I know not why, at the blotch on my hand." " That,' said he, dropping my hand, is the mark by which Benedict Arnold is known in the next world.' " Ile said no more, gentlemen, but drew from beneath his cloak an object which he laid upon the table—laid it upon the very pa per upon which I was writing. The object, gentlemen, was a skeleton. " "There,' said he, there are the bones of Isaac Bayne, who was hung in Charleston by the British. He gave his life in order to establish the Union. When you put your name to a Declaration of Dissolution, why, you may as well have the bones of Isaac Bayne before you ; but there was no blotch upon his right hand." " With these words, the intruder left the room. I started back from the contact with the dead man's bones, and—awoke. Over worn by labor, I had fallen asleep and been dreaming. Was it not a singular dream. All the company answered in the affirma tive, and Toombs muttered, " Singular, very singular," at the same time looking curiously , at the back of his.right hand, while Mr. Cal houn placed his head between his hands, and seemed buried in thought. NO. 626. Census of Pennsylvania—Complete. o t•-•OrJ a Adam 5,27997 _____ 494 2152 180 4012 Allegheny, 180074 2117 4550 1190 10320 Armstrong, 3611/ 246 2809 108 6316 Beaver, 29321 264 2262 319 5458 Bedford, 26803 279 2060 155 3615 Berke, 94043 1254 5531 747 16551 Blair, 27785 327 951 ISI 4877 Bradford, 50046 294 5507 230 9313 Bucks, 63803 713 6786 576 15989 Butler, 33753 352 4000 79 6517 Cambria, 29213 300 1435 314 5323 Carbon, 21238 236 409 94 3855 Centre, 27087 127 1061 129 4574. Meister, - 74749 334 2123 666 13776 Clarion. 23575 98 2037 142 4333 Clearfield, 11,923 140 1564 114 3286 Clinton, 17722 163 784 I4S 3140 Columbia, 24603 207 2023 196 4549. Crawford, 49041 294 5507 280 9313 Cumberland, 40402 5:33 21'z3 31S 7298 Dauphin, 48640 473 2525 324 8226- Delaware, 30614 373 1629 "267 5546 Illr, 5848 55 1033 46 1026 _ . Erie, Fayette, Forest, Franklin, 42242 447 2434 325 7575 Fulton, 9140 69 1009 37 1086 Green, 24406 221 2111 78 4278 Huntingdon, 28204 278 2097 249 4971 Indiana, 33569 302 3410 142 6109 Jefferson, 18414 180 1926 317 3334 Juniata, 16300 194 967 154 2969 Lancaster, 116021 1259 6721 925 20521 Lawrence, 23213 163 1837 220 5376 Lebanon, 20030 310 1783 220 5376 Lehigh, 49932 605 2734 404 7748 Lucerne, 91080 868 3387 369 18029 Lycoming, 37560 323 2039 429 1700 AP liertn, 9000 49 859 33 6696 Mercer, 37164 379 3453 87 6869 Mifflin, 16378 188 1048 184 2394, Monroe, 16805 164 970 81 2829 Montgomery, 70494 706 5303 609 12330 Montour, 13110 152 593 86 2381 Northampton, 47775 360 2263 231 8954 Northumberland, 29057 294 2416 744 5439 Perry, 22940 216 1715 174 4167 Philadelphia, 503034 6097 1731 4400 89978 Pike, 7360 64 544 43 1318 Potter. 11467 106 1224 87 2215 Schuylkill, 00173 971 2267 579 16962 Snyder, 15124 102 1094 81 2740 Somerset, 26920 197 2089 157 4676 Sullivan, 4140 51 663 14 1045 Susquehanna, 36665 453 3775 273 7004 Tioga, 31218 195 2859 207 5940 Union, 14222 103 927 50 2657 Yenan go, 25189 152 2550 69 4543 Warren, 39299 267 1491 216 3644 Washington, 48319 . 484 3776 334 9036 Wayne, 32172 168 3430 236 5727 Westmoreland, 54020 465 4360 389 9787 Wyoming, 12644 84 1274 136 2365 York, 68083 820 5159 673 1273 Total, In 15,30, Increne, The Way They Talk in South Carolina. Isaac W. Hayno, an es-Senator of that State, in addressing the people of Charleston, through the Mercury, in behalf of a seat in the forthcoming Secession Convention, holds this plain language, as to his views, which he has entertained for thirty years, as doubt less have most of the Disunionists who were old enough at that period and have survived. " It is now just thirty years since I edited a newspaper in Columbia, advocating the doc trine of nullification, as expounded by Cal houn and Harper. lam not aware that I have ever changed or wavered in a political principle or sentiment since that time. In my private judgment. at that time, I became convinced that the South alone should gov ern the South,' and ever since I have consid ered a Southern Confederacy consumma tion devoutly to be wished.' I opposed sep arate secession in 1851, because I believed, then as I believe now, that the time and th occasion were inopportune. The other South ern States had already signified their aqui . ; escence in that which South Carolina pro posed to resent by secession. I recommended then that we &mild teach that Disunion ' was inevitable in the future,' and that upon the first occasion of general ferment in tho - South,' South Carolina should secede, and stand the hazards of the die. That occasion has arrived, and I now advocate immediate secession. I will say farther that, committed as South Carolina now is, though all the rest of the South should succumb,she is bound to try the hazards, even though she should' be soli tary and alone. The Rubicon is alrea - dy passed. " In conclusion, let me say, that I am riot one of those who, ever, at any time, looked. to secession as a means of saving the Union. I want no new guaranty, but a separation, per manently and forever, from a people whose modes of thought and feeling are opposite and antagonistic to our own, and who have become strong enough to govern us, if we re main united. Hasty people drink the wine of life scald ing hot. Death is the only master Who takes his servant without a character: Content is the mother of good digestion. When pride and poverty marry their chil dren are want and crime. Where hard work kills ten, idleness kills a hundred men. Folly and pride walk side by side. He that borrows binds himself with his neighbor's rope. lie that is too good for good advice, is too good fur his neighbor's company. Friends and photographs never flatter. Wisdom is always at home to those who call. The firmest friends ask the fewest favors. ter- Wisconsin has a population of 777,777 —a curious accidental display of figures. COUNTIES, 49697 413 4474 383 0759 40188 376 2054. 1.51 720 L 889 13 93 11 155 2913041 28037 150233 20715 514.547 2311156 386210 601255 " ISAAC W. ILLY ." Proverbs Worth Remenib'ering. 13 125631
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers