The globe. (Huntingdon, Pa.) 1856-1877, October 31, 1860, Image 1
TERMS GE THE GLOBE.- Per annum in advance Six months Three months A allure to notify a discontinuance at the expiration of the term subscribed for will be considered a new engage ment. - TERMS OF ADVERfISINO 1 insertion. 2 do. 3 do. Four lines or less, $ 25... $ 37%* $5O One square, (12 lines,) ...... .... 50 75 100 Two squares, 1 00 1 50 2 00 Three squares, 1 50 2 25 3 00 Over three week and less than three months, 25 cents i. - .1.1' dquare for each insertion. 3 months. 6 months. 12 months. .$1 50 4;3 00 $5 00 3 00 5 00 7 00 Six lines or less, One square, Two squares,.. Three squares, Pour squares,. half a column, One column, 0 0 00 00 Professional and Business Cards not exceeding four lines, bne year, $3 00 Administrators' and Executors' NotiCeS, $1 75 Advertisements not marked with the number of inser tions desired, will be continued till forbid and charged ac tording to these terms. rpRIAL* LIST FOR NOVEMBER, TER34 ISCO t FIRST WEEK. nett, Wigton & Co. vs Joshua Johns. A. J. Wigton & Bro. vs Same Saml. B. MeFeaters vs Benjamin. Beers, et al. Wm. Brewster vs John Jacobs. Cleinent's heirs vs M. J. Martin, et al. John Gearhart vs George Bell. D. Logan - vs B. X. Blair. J. &J. A. Hagerty vs Thomas Weston. J. A. Hagerty ' vs Same. -, E. J. Dougherty, indorsee vs Jacob Cresswell. SECOND WEEK. John 'Hutchison -vs M. Funk, et al, M. Wallace vs Win. McCauley, et al. ~,,jolin Lyon, et al. vs Thomas Ewing, et al. ?John S. Robinson vs Silas Lock. S4iah Shaffer -, -... ,vs George Berkstresser. ''.-- S. Lr. Keen , vs Wilson & Gorstich. George Householder vs Abraham Grubb, et al. Milliken, for use , vs John. McComb. A. S.. - Harrison, for use vs Mary A. Shearer. Jacob Fisher - . vs J. &D. Hamilton. JameS Gotalon . , vs Cresswell & Williams. Joseph S. heed vs The B. T. Inuit Co. Same vs Semi Anthracite Co. Silas Lock's site , vs Benjamin Ramsey. liorstman Bro. & Co. - vs- J. 11. Dull & Co. Moses itobison, for use vs William McClure. Huntingdon County vs J. Saxtom; Committee &c T. M. Owens, Adet'r vs Hugh Seeds. Jas. R. Crownover vs Wm. Crawnerer. Morris, Fasker & Co. vs Harrison & Mattern. Barndollar, Lowry & Co. vs Osborn & Cress well. William Crotsley vs Abraham Kurtz, et al. Thomas Weston, Jr. vs Thomas Weston. Perot & Bro. vs ilarriSon & Couch. Jas. Wall vs Jon. Wall. COURT AFFAIRS-NOV. TERM 1860 GRAND JURORS David Beck, farmer, Warriorsmark. Robert Barr, farmer, Jackson. Benjamin Baker, farmer, Tod. Wesley Crotsley, farmer, Cass. Henry Canan, chairmaker, Morris. Asa Corbin, farmer, Union. George Davis, Jr. farmer, M.)rris. Robert Fleming, fiirmer, Jackson. Samuel Goshorn, farmer, Tell. George Ganshnore, farmer, Warriorsmark. William Hight, laborer, Barree. James Harper, clerk, Cromwell. Daniel Kyper, farmer, Oneida. Henry Miller, farmer, Juniata. Simon McGarvey, farmer, Shirley. Thos. Monteague, of John, lumbe'n, Dublin Benjamin Neff, farmer, Porter. John Oaks, farmer, Jackson. Samuel Pheasant, farmer, Cass. Elisha Shoemaker, Jr., farmer, Oneida. Isaac Wolverton, millwright, Brady. Robert Wilson, farmer, West. Marshall Yocum, laborer, Union. Edmund Yocum, farmer. Walker. TRAVERSE JURORS-FIRST WEEK. Jesse Rutter, farmer, Springfield. Daniel Bolinger, farmer, Tell. . William Burket, carpenter, Warrivrsmark. William Boate, collector, Huntington. Jacob Booher, farmer, Springfield. Robert Baird, 111. D., Shirley. Jonathan Cree, farmer, Dublin. Richard Cunningham, farmer, Jackson. Joseph Cornelius, farmer, Cromwell. J. M. Cunningham, carpenter, Huntingdon James Clark, Sr., merchant, Warriorsmark Jacob Fink, farmer, Penn. Abednego Grazier, farmer, Warriorsmark. James Goodrich, farmer, Henderson. Israel Grafftus, driller, Alexandria. Jesse Gorsuch, farmer, Oneida. David Hawn, farmer, Juniata. George Hartley, teacher, Huntingdon. James Hamilton, farmer, Henderson. John Hall, farmer, Oneida. William Harper, J. P., Dublin. Jackson Harmon, cabinetmaker, Jackson. James Isett, farmer, Penn. John Irvin, farmer, Jackson. Robert B. Jones, farmer, Tell. James R. Lane, farmer, Cromwell. Miles Lewis, farmer, West. William Madden, farmer, Springfield. Charles McCarthey, farmer, Clay. Peter Myers, tailor, Shirley. Daniel Neff, farmer, Porter. George Numer, farmer, Henderson. James Neely, farmer, Dublin. James Oliver, farmer, Franklin. Geo. 'V. Owens, gentleman, Warriorsmark. William Rothrock, brewer, Huntingdon. Samuel Sharrer, farmer, Shirley. Thomas Sankey, farmer, Henderson. James Saxton, coal merchant, Huntingdon. John Steel, farmer, West. Geor g e M. Smelker, farmer, Shirley. John H. H. Stonebraker, potter, Franklin. Daniel Teague, farmer, Cromwell. George S. Tate, gentleman, Carbon. William B. White, farmer, Juniata. John Woodring, drover, Franklin. Edward 'Lerner, farmer, Shirley. David Zentmire, farmer, Franklin. TRAVERSE JURORS-SECOND WEEK. Alexander Baker, farmer, Morris. Peter M. Bare, merchant, Shirley. Jacob Baker, farmer, Springfield. Wm. Copley, Jr., blacksmith,Warriorsmark Adolphus Cunningham, farmer, Penn. Benjamin Corbin, farmer, Oneida. • Elijah Curfman, farmer, Cass. Lewis Carothers, carpenter, Cromwell. George Dare, clerk, Franklin. Samuel Douglas, farmer, Shirley. Wm. Drake, coachmaker, Shirleysburg. Isaac Enyeart, farmer, Cromwell. Tobias Foreman, laborer, Morris. Wm. 11. Gorsuch, merchant, Shirley. David S. Henderson, shoemaker, Alexandria Elijah G. Heck, plasterer, Clay. Daniel Harris, carpenter, Penn. Isaac Kurtz, farmer, Walker. A. B. Lang, farmer, Walker. Jno. A. McPherran, farmer, Franklin. Thos. Monteague, carpenter, Franklin. John Moore, inn keeper, West. H. L. McCarthy; surveyor, Brady. John R. McCartney, farmer, Henderson. Saral. S. Marks, carpenter, Franklin. Daniel Piper, blacksmith, Alexandria. Wm. Philips, merchant, Alexandria. Samuel Ralston, J. P., Warriorsmark. John Simons, miller, Franklin. Peter Shaver, Hill Valley, farmer, Shirley. Richard Silverthorn, farmer, Tell. Frederick Snyder, farmer, Henderson. Henry Swoope, farmer, Walker. Jno. B. Thompson, farmer, Franklin. Leonard Weaver, farmer, Hopewell. Henry S. Wilson, surveyor, Oneida. $1 50 5 00 8 00 10 00 7 00 10 00 .....15 00 . 9 00 13 00 .12 00 16 00 WILLIAM LEWIS, .20 00 24 00 VOL. XVI. IyJxtxxaL SENATOR DOUGLAS AND THE LECOMPTON CONSTITUTION. A SINGULAR CHARGE AND ITS REFUTATION; An attempt has recently been made by . the Breekinridge and Lane Club of Leavenworth, Kansas Territory, to prove that Senator Dou glas suggested to John Calhoun the plan of submitting the slavery clause which was adopted by the Convention which framed the Lecompton Constitution. The letters, , upon which this charge is based, have been exten sively circulated in the Breekinridge, and some of the Republican papers, Mr. Douglas has had his attention directed to the matter, and has given•ttie whole'charge a most direct and unqualified denial: - In hiS speech at Milwaukee, on the 13th- inst.; he_ thus disposes of it: ; • An Abolition newspaper has just been placed in my hands,containing what purports to be a correspondence between a Breckin ridge committee in Kansas and certain citi-- zens of that Territory. I have no means of knowing whether this correspondence is gen uine or• fictitious. [A voice, "Fictitious, un-' doubtedly.l I have looked over the names attached to it, and recognize no one as a per sonal acquaintance. In this correspondence I am distinctly charged with being the author of the Lecompton Constitution. (Laughter.] I do not blame you fur laughing at that statement. [Renewed laughter.] If there is any statement on earth that ought to seem ludicrous and laughable, it is a charge of that kind. But, nevertheless, the charge is distinctly made, and that I not only devised the Lecompton Constitution, but that it was submitted to me and that I approved it, to gether with the plan of submitting the sla very clause. [Laughter.] I desire to say to you that it is false in every particular. [lm mense applause.] I never saw the Lecomp ton Constitution until after it had been adopt ed in Kansas by the Convention, and sent to the President of the United States fur ac ceptance. Inever saw the schedule by which, the slavery clause was submitted until after it was forwarded to the States for publication. I never heard, nor conceived, nor dreamed, that any man on earth ever thought of such a scheme. I make these statements distinctly, without equivocatian or mental reservation.— I appeal to God, in the presence of high Hea ven and this audience, that the charge is false, I care not who made it. [Tremendous ap plause.] It seems as if the Disunionists of the South and the Abolitionists of the North are determined to hunt me down by all the means that malice can invent. ["That's so," " They can't do it," "Never, never," " You are too much of a giant," and applause d i— Now, I intend to submit to you a simple statement of facts on this sulject. Before I left Washington, in the spring of 1857, after Mr. Buchanan's inauguration, the 'President tendered to Robert J. Walker the office of Governor of Kansas, which he declined to ac cept. Mr. Buchanan subsequently appealed to me to go and see Mr. Walker, and urge him to accept the appointment, upon the ground that he (Mr. Buchanan) believed the peace of Kansas, the peace of the country, and the Union itself, was in danger, and that Mr. Walker was the only suitable man in America to administer that office in such a juncture of affairs. I visited him accordingly, and urged him as a patriot to make the sac rifice, and go to Kansas. Mr. Walker replied that if the President put it upon the ground that the Union was in danger, and that he was the man to perform the high trust—under these circumstances he would not decline ; but that lie would never go to Kansas unless the Administration stood pledged to the prin ciple that the Constitution, whatever it might be when formed in Kansas, should be sub mitted to the people for aci;eptance or rejec tion. Ile also said that before he would go he must know distinctly that every Federal office-holder in Kansas would aid him in car rying out that principle. And he mention- , ed Mr. Calhoun, the Surveyor General of Kansas, as the man having the greatest pow er, by his patronage in surveying the public lands. I reported these facts to Mr. Buchan an, and he declared that the programme marked out by Gov. Walker was the one un der which his AdminiStration would sink or swim. Mr. Buchanan then requested me to see Mr. Calhoun, who was then in Washing ton, and say to him that he must act in con cert with Gov. Walker. I told him he had better give his own orders to General Cal houn. I was informed afterwards by Gener al Calhoun that the President sent for him, explained to him the programme agreed upon between Governor Walker and himself, and told him (Calhoun) that be was expected to carry it out in good :faith. At that stage of the proceedings I left Washington, and re turned to thy home in Chicago. A few weeks after a messenger brought me the card of R. J. Walker, asking me to call and see him at the Revere House in Chicago. I did so, and as - soon as I entered his room he produced a roll of papers, and said that he there held in his hand the inaugural address to, the people of Kansas, which he was - going to publish as soon as he arrived in the Territory. He fur ther said that it had been agreed to by the President and his Cabinet, and that they had instructed him to come by way of Chicago and stop one day in that city in order to get the assent of Senator Douglas to it. [Ap plause.] Governor Walker then proceeded to read that inaugural addres, and when he got to that part of it in which he stated he was authorized by the President and every member of his Cabinet to say that if the Constitution was not submitted.to Ike people it would not .be accepted by *Congress, I asked him whether he had that distinct 'understand ing wit7t the President and, with. the Cabinet. Ile, replied " Yes," and then turned over his manuscript and said that he had read( every word of it to President Buchanan ; that the President had approved of every word and syllable in it, but wanted to make one or two verbal alterations, which he permitted him to • , .4.-.... , iff • . , „..,„ N.,..x ,.. e.") , , ..... , .1,,,N a t t , i , . • . • ' ,y ,,. - , , i,,,, tr-li: , . AFT..., fil ;::: f- =.1 . 4::.,:- • 95...4.,... L • ~. 7 .t5 , , t" 1 : ' i .. . 04 . - ~ .A...., , t'r .„,, . ik 44' ..,,, .., .. ~ i; 11: ''' 444"4' . \ '‘ : -„, - ~..,* ~.. z.....„ 'fix t v *., *- . 5, - er ..., . „, k.,, .ii,y : . - ';:-.::. A.; , fi t -:••• * ' ” .. - ~,,,..,„ . •„ - Ffir.. • • - •:r,' , ..+4 4 ,,„ . • 1 ,..,.. '' • , -.3- : 4 ••,,%,,,: . ,!,..,w-, wr,.• - - z - ,,, , .e, ..I.* :CWA: ' , 71 , 74, • . “ 7- '' ' ' ..4.4.,,i , .-- .. . , - . ` ‘ . ; t d. ,' . 4j4:7 ‘ lA),, , r+tiF: , ,P.. l4 ' T -. f . ' N•4' <; • . - -W•:.:•, ) - . . do, and he allowed me to examine the inter lineations in the document in Mr. Buchanan's own handwriting. (Tremendous applansel Thus I had before my own-eyes the .unerring evidence that the President had endorsed the document. I asked Governor Walker if he had read it to the Cabinet; and be .answered not the whole of it; but that he bad attended a Cabinet meeting and discussed it all over, and stated all of its propositions, and that every member of the Cabinet, -.except one, cordially approved of it. - He also said that when that one member of the Cabinet disap proved it, he told the President that he Would not go to Kansas ; that he would not enter that Territory with any one member of the Administration against him"; that thereupon the dissenting member of the Cabinet with= drew his objection; and• they all pledged" themselves to stand by him on the principle, of submitting the Constitution to the people. • [Cheers.] I then informed Governor Walker that; as a Senator, I had no hesitation in as - miring him that I should require the best ev idetiCe the nature of the case would admit of, that 'the Constitution to be adopted in'Kansas was the act and deed of that people, and that I believed that the submission of that' Constitution to a vote of the people was' the best means of ascertaining that fact. [Cries of "Good," and cheers.] I also ' told• him that I was not prepared to endorse thepropo sition that the President and - Cabinet had anything to do with:the matter; that I did . not know what the Executive Department of the Governnient had to do with the Constitution of Kansas; and that, in my opinion, the people were to make it as they pleased, in the first instance ; and when it came to Congress, I, as a Senator, must demand the best evidence that it was the act and deed of that people...-. • Thereupon I gave him the assurance that' according to my judgment, the Constitution ought to be submitted to 'the people ; and I' intended, as a Senator and chairman of the Committee on Territories, to demand evidence that it had been properly done. Governor Walker and myself talked over the existing condition of Kansas, and it was conceded by us both, as it had been by everybody at Wash ington, of all parties, that Kansas would in evitably Le a free State. It was acknowledged that five out of six, if not nine out of ten, of the people of Kansas, were opposed to making it a slave State ; and it was conceded by , us both that they had a right to make it a free State, if they chose, or a slave State, if they I preferred it. [Cheers.] But inasmuch as we conceived that there was so large a ma jority of the people in favor of a free State, we discussed the proposition on the supposi tion that Kansas was to be a free State. I expressed the hope that, upon making it a free State, they would insert such clauses in their Constitution as would guaranty the ful filment on the part of their people of every provision of the Constitution of the United States, and that they would put into their Constitution a clause requiring every officer in that State, and every citizen to lend his aid in the enforcement of all Constitutional provisions—the fugitive slave law included— [Cries of " Good," and cheers.] I declared then, as I do to you to-day, that no man ought to be permitted to vote at any election who is not willing to obey the Constitution of the United States in all its parts. (Applause.] And I, therefore, trusted that they would so frame their Constitution as to make it obliga tory on every citizen of Kansas to perform his obligations under the Constitution. But while I expressed this opinion to • Governor Walker, it was distinctly understood that this was a question for the people of Kansas to decide for themselves, and 'which ever way they decided it was to be final and conclusive. I do not distinctly recollect whether I commu nicated to ilfr. Calhoun or not the result of this interview with Gov. Walker. It is well known to my friends that I am not in the habit of writing political letters. It is true that I gave many letters of introduction to Mr. Calhoun, to persons applying for surveying contracts, or having business with the land office in Kansas, and I may possibly have written him, narrating this interview. But lam very sure that I wrote him no letter upon the subject of politics, or the Lecompton Constitution, pending the session of the Convention. Gov. Walker proceeded to Kansas, and published his inaugural address containing the state ment that ho was authorized by the President and his Cabinet to say that the Constitution would be rejected unless it was submitted to a vote of the people. When the Convention adopted the Constitution and declared it in, force, without submitting it to the people, I de nounced it the very instant I heard of it., [Tre mendous shouts of applause.] The very night the news arrived at Chicago, 'changing the form of submission of the slavery clause, I de nounced it in unmeasured terms. I denounced it before I knew what the course of any other man in America in relation to it would be.— [Cries of " Bravo," "That's a man," and ap plause.] I did not wait one hour or one min ute, when I discovered the trick by which the people were to be cheated. [Cheers.] If you look into the Lecompton Constitution, you will find that the original document made Kansas a slave State, and then the schedule submitted another slavery clause to the peo ple to vote for or against ; if they voted for it, Kansas was a slave State, and if they voted against it, still it was a slave State. 'When I reached Washington, three days before the meeting of Congress, I went directly to the President and bad a talk with him upon this subject, in which I informed him, as a friend, not to send the Constitution into Congress for acceptance. I told him it was a violation of every pledge we had made to the people, a violation of the fundamental principles of the Democratic party, and a violation of the prin ciples of all parties in all Republican govern ments ; because it was an attempt to force a Constitution on' an unwilling people.' Ho begged me not to say anything upon the sub ject until we should hear the news as to how the vote stood on the slavery clause. The vote, you remember, was to be taken on the slavery clause on the 21st of December, three or four weeks subsequent to this Convention. I told the President that if he would withhold his recommendation until the vote was taken on that clause I would withhold my speech against the measure. He said he must rec- -rERSEVEAE.- HUNTINGDON, PA., OCTOBER 31, 1860. ommend it in his message, and I replied that if he did I would denounce it the moment his 'message was read. [Great applause. A voice, "We like you for it."] At last the Presi dent became somewhat excited upon the sub ject—[laughter]—and he arose and said to me, " Mr. Douglas, I desire you to remember :that no Democrat ever yet differed from an Administration of his own choice without be ing crushed." I" Ah !" and laughter.] Then lie added, "Beware of the fate of Tallmadge and Rives." I arose and said, " Mr. Presi dent, I wish you to remember that General Jackson is dead, sir." [Tumultuous cheer ing.] From that day to this be and I have been trying the question whether General Jackson is dead. [Great laughter and ap plause.] And one thing is certain, the peo ple of Illinois decided in 1858, that James Buchanan was no General Jackson. Soon after I made my speech against the Lecomp ton Constitution, in December of that year, Gen. Calhoun and a large number of the mem bers of the Lecompton Convention, all his par ticular and confidential friends, visited Wash ington. Now, if it be true, as they charge on me, _that Iliad advised Calleoun to pursuethi SCOW'S C hOw does it happen that these gentlemen, while in Washington, did not charge me with that fact . [A voice, " That's the point."] They were present in the galleries of the Senate day after day, week after week, and month after month, hearing me denounce the Le compton Constitution, and the scheme of sub mission, as a fraud, and not a man of than whispered that I had even been satisfied with it. f Cries of " Never, they could not do it."] My enemies wait until the controversy has I passed away, until John Calhoun is dead, and until we arrive upon the eve of a Presidential election, and then they trump up this mar erable, base charge, which they never be fore dared to insinuate, that Iliad sanctioned a_ scheme from which now even they shrink with horror. [A voice, " Just like them."] If you will read these pretended letters—for I do not know whether they are genuine or forged—you will find in them the evidence that this charge is basely false. And now let me call your attention to them. My ene mies found the charge upon the hypothesis that Mr. Calhoun was under my influence, and did just what I directed ; and because Mr. Calhoun finally submitted to this form of submission of the Constitution, they infer that I must have agreed to it. If you will read all of these letters, you will find that every man who speaks on the subject testifies that Calhoun was, from the beginning to the end,. in favor of submitting the whole Consti tution to the people. .1 rejoice that this fact has l...een brought before the country, for it will relieve Mr. Calhoun's name of much cen sure that has been cast upon him, under the supposition that he was opposed to the sub mission of the whole Constitution. They all bear witness that he stood by the proposition to submit the whole Constitution until he was defeated, and when he failed to carry it, they say he called a caucus at his office, at which he counselled with the friends of submission, as to what they should then do. That cau cus, according to their statement, sat three nights, and during the first night John Cal houn absolutely refused to yield, or be satis fied with anything less than the submission of the whole Constitution. The second night, they say, he demanded the same thing ; but the third night, finding he could not secure the submission of the entire Constitution, he agreed to a partial submission. Now if it be true, as my enemies aver, that Calhoun was acting under my advice, that fact proves that I was for submitting the whole Constitution, for Calhoun insisted upon that up to the last hour. [Cheers.] So these men have not been sufficiently guarded in getting up this testi mony, for while they show the design to as sail me, they furnish facts which acquit me entirely. [Cheers.] Read the testimony of Mr. Doniphan, in which he says he was pres ent at each one of these night caucusses; that be never heard my name -mentioned or any pretext of a letter having been received from me, or of any advice whatever, and that he is certain if my name had been connected with it that fact would have been stated. No such thing occurred when lie was present. He is their own witness, and they have published his statement to the world. But I am not going into a defence against these charges, got up loosely upon the recollection of men three years after the events have transpired, and when they are so much interested in throwing the responsibility of their own dis reputable conduct upon others. I appeal to my - record—the record 1-have made before the world in a three years' fight—and I defy any honest man on earth to say I have wa vered a hair's breadth. [Cheers.] Ido not believe there is an honest man on earth doubts my fidelity to principle. I will here state another fact. During the Lecompton strug gle, when the war in Congress was raging furiously, I had one interview with General Calhoun. and but one. It took place in the presence of a gentleman whose name I will not give without consulting him. Mr. Cal houn being dead, I can only refer to this one witness ; and although he is not present, and I have not inquired of him as to . his recollec tions of the interview, I will undertake to state to you substantially what occurred on this point. Mr. Weir, then United States District Attorney in Kansas, holding an of fice under Mr. Buchanan, came to my house one night with Gen. Calhoun, the president of the Lecompton Convention. I received Mr. Calhoun courteously and kindly, as we had been old friends ; he ex pressed his regret at the differences which had grown up between us on this question ; he assured me, upon his honor, that he had done everything in his power to procure the submission of the whole Constitution, because he knew that it was my desire, and also the wish, of all his friends, and because he thought it was fair and just. Having failed in ac complishing it, the question arose as to what was the next best thing, and that he lead agreed to the schedule in the form in which. it was adop tea, believing it to be so I told him .Ithought it was the worst thing. [A voice, That's so."] He said he regretted it ; that he had hopes that I would deem that better than nothing. [Laughter.] I told him never ; that 'a fraud ulent submission was a mockery, and that I Editor and Proprietor could not sanction it without repudiating all the acts of my life, and doing a political act that I did not believe moral andjust. [Cheers.] I appeal to Mr, Weir, of Kansas, or, rather, I refer you to him as to his recollection of that interview, if you choose to consult him. In that conversation with Mr. Calhoun he never intimated that ho had any authority from me that I approved that scheme ; he nev er intimated that he had received a letter from me on that subject, or any authority di rectly or indirectly, but admitted that he knew that I wanted the whole Constitution submitted ; that he tried to have it submitted, and when he failed, on his own responsibili ty went for the other proposition as the best he could get:, and hoped I would not be dis satisfied with it ; thereupon Gen. Calhoun and myself parted ; I never saw him after wards. He is dead—and far be it from me to utter one word against his memory. I think he made a great and fearful mistake in his Kansas movements, and I said so in his presence and to his face, and in the Senate of the United States in his life time—since he is dead, peace to his ashes, it is not to my taste to indulge in criminations. The Abolition pa per in which I found this pretended corres pondence, contained an editorial article, in which it charged that I had offered Mrs. Cal houn two thousand dollars to suppress my correspondence with her husband, while he was Surveyor General of Kansas. [Laugh ter.] In this pretended correspondence the charge is made that Mrs. Calhoun had hawk ed these letters about in the market for sale, and that two thousand dollars had been of fered for them ; and on that statement the Abolition paper bases its charge, that I or my friends had made her that offer. I shall notice this only to vindicate the character of that widowed lady. I never insulted Mrs. Calhoun or degraded myself by offering her or anybody else any money or other compen sation for suppressing my private correspon dence with Mr. Calhoun, or anybody else on earth. I will tell you all I know about the last charge. Just before I left Washington, ' a few months ago, I received a letter from a near relative of the late John Calhoun, in which he furnished not only the statement, but the evidence, that one of Mr. Buchanan's Federal office-holders in Nebraska, a man holding a land office, and nearly connected with the worst enemy I have on earth, had gone to Mrs. Calhoun and asked permission to look over her deceased husband's private correspondence with Judge Douglas. She refused to permit him, saying that her hus band's correspondence was sacred. ["Sound," "right," &e.] Thereupon, this Federal of fice-holder offered Mrs. Calhoun two thousand if she would allow him to look-over General Calhoun's private papers and take out all the private papers that Judge Douglas had ever written to her husband. She, like a true hearted woman, who revered the memory and honor of her husband, indignantly rejected the bribe. And now, my enemies dare charge on me their attempt to bribe a widowed wo man. [" Shame, shame on them," and ap plause.] Mrs. Calhoun authorized her rel ative to inform me of these facts, which he did, together with the tender, on her part, to surrender to me all the letters I ever wrote to her deceased husband. I answered that I had never written any letter to the late Gen eral Calhoun that I was ashamed to have the whole -world see. That it was possible that, in the hurry and freedom of private corres pondence, that I might sometimes have ex pressed myself carelessly or inelegantly, but there was nothing in my letters which I was afraid to have the public know. I added that I appreciated the noble conduct of Mrs. Cal houn, and that she was authorized to forward the letters to me, if it was her will. I receiv ed a letter from her in reply, in which she stated that she had carefully examined all her husband's private papers, and there was no letter to bo found written by me to him since 1852 or 1853. Now, my friends, I submit these facts to you and to the world. What can you think of a body of men who will go around trying to bribe widow women to be tray the private correspondence of their dead husbands, to be used for political purposes? LA Voice—" They're. worse than Republi can's."] What do you think of the reckless ness of partisan papers that dare charge those attempts at bribery upon me, who was in tended to be their victim. [A Voice—"lt is like them."] I dislike to refer to my own private history, or to defend myself against any petty slanders. I have not been in the habit of doing so, and I do not intend to do it as a general rule ; but this scheme, just be fore election, to palm off an enormous fraud, such an infamous forgery, I thought it requi red that I should brand it the first time I met it. [Loud cheers.] In taking leave of the subject, I have only to add that if those news papers which have published and given cur rency to this calumny are disposed to treat me fairly, and do me justice, they will repub lish this speech, and alloW the antidote to fol low the poison, and my vindication to go to the world. INTERESTING STATISTICS Or TUE CENSUS.- The census shows that the annual increase in the population of the United States since 1790 is about three per cent. In 1715 the population of the Colonies was 433,500, of which 58,500 were negro slaves. The pres ent population is about 30,000,000, of whom about 4,000,000 are negroes. Our public schools are attended by 4,000,000 of children; we owe about $260,000,000, of which S9G, 000,000 are held by foreigners. It takes 750 paper mills and 2,000 steam engines to sup ply our publishers and newspapers with print ing paper at a cost of $27,000,000 per annum. AN AUXILIARY TO JUSTICE.-A Cincinnati paper says that a policeman of that city was having great difficulty, one day last week, in getting a large, stout, drunken woman to the station house, and was on the point of giving up the job, when a billy-goat, which has the liberty of the streets, came up behind and with a poWerful butt, lifted her from her feet and drove her forward, repeating the process till the station house was nearly reached. 411•.. There are forty acres of vineyaids in forty miles of Chattanooga, Tenn., producing ten thousand gallons of wine per annum. Southern Sentiment on the Late Elec tions. The Richmond _Enquirer of the 15th says : " Virginia can no more prevent the disso lution of the Union after Lincoln's election, than she can prevent that election. She will be powerless to prevent civil war, with all its attendant horrors. Any one of the Southern States can, and some of them will, involve the whole country, North as well as South, in the internecine strife of a bloody and desolating civil war. Virginia will, by a majority, of her people, decide upon resis tance, while a large minority may desire to postpone resistance fur the overset act ;' but pitched as she is to the Southern States, she will be dragged into a common destiny with them, no matter what may be the desire of her people. We believe that a Majority - of the people of Virginia, if the opportunity of a State Convention was allowed them, would vote for immediate resistance and for a com mon destiny with the Southern States, and with this belief we would advise the slave States not to hesitate to strike an early blow from fear that Virginia may hesitate in her duty to the South." The Richmond Whig, of the same date, is full of appeals in favor of the Union at all hazards. It says: NO. 19. " It is incumbent upon the industrious, in telligent, and patriotic citizens of. Virginia to pause and reflect, before they conclude to be led by the nose into the grand Disunion mash-trap set for them by the Yancey-Breck inridge leaders." The Charleston, South Carolina, Evening Nims of the 13th of October has a quaint ar ticle, as follows : " PENNSYLVANIA. — The Black Republican journals are triumphant at the success of their party in Pennsylvania as clearly prefiguring the election of Lincoln to the Presidency.-- The immediate cause of the success of the party in Pennsylvania is no doubt the ascen dency of the iron and coal interest over every consideration of patriotism. Pennsylvania wants protection to her peculiar products, and expects to find it in the Administration of Lincoln rather than that of Breckinridge. She has thus sacrificed her duty at the shrine of Mammon. She has descended from the elevation which she had won, as the Keystone State of the Union, at the mercenary call of interest. In the expected results of this de fection she may be deceived. The Senate is anti-tariff. That body will not protect the iron and coal -interests of Pennsylvania at the expense of the great body of consumers and in support of a gigantic monopoly." The Savannah Republican of the 13th says " The aspect of the political horizon is dark; and no doubt the prospect of a sectional, in stead of a National Federal Government to rule over us is doing much to augment the general uncertainty and alarm. This may be well founded or not, and in any event the South, beyond the justice and moral power of her cause, is impotent to control the result. We have only to do our duty, as our best judgments and sense of patriotism may prompt, and then leave the consequences to the majority of the American people, and in the hands of that wise Providence that has ever watched over our nation and protected it from harm." The New Orleans Bec of the 11th says : " We honestly confess that the news re ceived - 3-esterday has almost convinced us of the certainty of the success of the Black Re publicans. If neither PennsylVania, nor Ohio, nor Indiana, can be rescued, we are left with the faint and feeble hope that New York may stem the anti-slavery torrent. It is possible that the exertions and influence' of the conservative citizens of the Empire State may suffice to save the country from a sectional President ; but the elc'etion returns look too one-sided to justify much confidence in a fortunate issue. Meanwhile let us take it patiently and await events. If Lincoln is to be chosen President, it is well for the South —it is well for our trade and commerce that we should be prepared for the event. Far better that we should have a timely warning of misfortune, that we maY put our houses in order and meet it when it comes, than to stand unnerved and speechless before an un expected and crushing shock." The New Orleans Crescent, of the samo date, says : " THE LATE ELECTIONS. —The election re turns received yesterday from Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Indiana, indicate the triumph of the Black Republican candidates in each of these States. The news is unwelcome ; and the result, for many reasons, is greatly to be deplored. We reserve any extended com ment upon the subject until we can have a full view of the entire - field, and thus be ena bled to discuss the subject in all its bearings. Meantime, we may say the news produced a decided sensation in the city, and, by many, was regarded as the forerunner of evil results and coming trouble. Let us, however, pa tiently await fuller returns and further de velopments." The Wilmington, N. C., Journal (Brecki& ridge) says: " From all the indications, it would appear that Pennsylvania had gone for Curtin, the Black Republican candidate for Governor.•— The effect of this can hardly be over-estima ted. We hardly think that the majority of the voters of Pennsylvania care much about the negro. We rather think they don't.— They don't care to interfere with us just now in that way. Perhaps they would be willing to let us alone on condition of our paying them black mail. The protection which the tariff now gives to iron is some twenty-four per cent. It is, near as may be, a bonus of twenty-four per cent. lt,iven to the Pennsylva nia iron-maker. If the said maker, with a guarantied difference in his favor of twenty four per cent., cannot compete with the for eign manufacturer, surely it is unreasonable to ask us to pay more. We have railroads to build, ploughs to make, horses to shoe—a thousand useful and necessary things to do with iron ; then why should we bo made to pay tribute on our railroads, our agriculture, our machinery, simply that Pennsylvania iron-masters may get rich at our expense ?" [Nashville Gazette, Dreekinriage.] With solemn faces, and slow, measured words, do men in Southern communities now speak of the three States making up the above caption, or rather of the result of the popular elections transpiring there on Tuesday last. With almost breathless anxiety asks one of another, " What's the news ?" and half choked with chagrin and disappointment comes the answer, "Bad enough, in all con science. Like a mountain torrent did the tickets friendly to Lincoln, sweep Pennsylva. , nia, Indiana, and Ohio—all gone, gone glim mering for the Black Republicans." And thereupon begin the questioner and the infor mant to speculate upon the probable charac: ter of Lincoln's Administration, exhibiting but little, if any, doubt as to the certainty of that gentleman's cicction by the popular vote.