The globe. (Huntingdon, Pa.) 1856-1877, October 31, 1860, Image 1

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nett, Wigton & Co. vs Joshua Johns.
A. J. Wigton & Bro. vs Same
Saml. B. MeFeaters vs Benjamin. Beers, et al.
Wm. Brewster vs John Jacobs.
Cleinent's heirs vs M. J. Martin, et al.
John Gearhart vs George Bell.
D. Logan - vs B. X. Blair.
J. &J. A. Hagerty vs Thomas Weston.
J. A. Hagerty ' vs Same. -,
E. J. Dougherty, indorsee vs Jacob Cresswell.
John 'Hutchison -vs M. Funk, et al,
M. Wallace vs Win. McCauley, et al.
~,,jolin Lyon, et al. vs Thomas Ewing, et al.
?John S. Robinson vs Silas Lock.
S4iah Shaffer -, -... ,vs George Berkstresser.
''.-- S. Lr. Keen , vs Wilson & Gorstich.
George Householder vs Abraham Grubb, et al.
Milliken, for use , vs John. McComb.
A. S.. - Harrison, for use vs Mary A. Shearer.
Jacob Fisher - . vs J. &D. Hamilton.
JameS Gotalon . , vs Cresswell & Williams.
Joseph S. heed vs The B. T. Inuit Co.
Same vs Semi Anthracite Co.
Silas Lock's site , vs Benjamin Ramsey.
liorstman Bro. & Co. - vs- J. 11. Dull & Co.
Moses itobison, for use vs William McClure.
Huntingdon County vs J. Saxtom; Committee &c
T. M. Owens, Adet'r vs Hugh Seeds.
Jas. R. Crownover vs Wm. Crawnerer.
Morris, Fasker & Co. vs Harrison & Mattern.
Barndollar, Lowry & Co. vs Osborn & Cress well.
William Crotsley vs Abraham Kurtz, et al.
Thomas Weston, Jr. vs Thomas Weston.
Perot & Bro. vs ilarriSon & Couch.
Jas. Wall vs Jon. Wall.
David Beck, farmer, Warriorsmark.
Robert Barr, farmer, Jackson.
Benjamin Baker, farmer, Tod.
Wesley Crotsley, farmer, Cass.
Henry Canan, chairmaker, Morris.
Asa Corbin, farmer, Union.
George Davis, Jr. farmer, M.)rris.
Robert Fleming, fiirmer, Jackson.
Samuel Goshorn, farmer, Tell.
George Ganshnore, farmer, Warriorsmark.
William Hight, laborer, Barree.
James Harper, clerk, Cromwell.
Daniel Kyper, farmer, Oneida.
Henry Miller, farmer, Juniata.
Simon McGarvey, farmer, Shirley.
Thos. Monteague, of John, lumbe'n, Dublin
Benjamin Neff, farmer, Porter.
John Oaks, farmer, Jackson.
Samuel Pheasant, farmer, Cass.
Elisha Shoemaker, Jr., farmer, Oneida.
Isaac Wolverton, millwright, Brady.
Robert Wilson, farmer, West.
Marshall Yocum, laborer, Union.
Edmund Yocum, farmer. Walker.
Jesse Rutter, farmer, Springfield.
Daniel Bolinger, farmer, Tell. .
William Burket, carpenter, Warrivrsmark.
William Boate, collector, Huntington.
Jacob Booher, farmer, Springfield.
Robert Baird, 111. D., Shirley.
Jonathan Cree, farmer, Dublin.
Richard Cunningham, farmer, Jackson.
Joseph Cornelius, farmer, Cromwell.
J. M. Cunningham, carpenter, Huntingdon
James Clark, Sr., merchant, Warriorsmark
Jacob Fink, farmer, Penn.
Abednego Grazier, farmer, Warriorsmark.
James Goodrich, farmer, Henderson.
Israel Grafftus, driller, Alexandria.
Jesse Gorsuch, farmer, Oneida.
David Hawn, farmer, Juniata.
George Hartley, teacher, Huntingdon.
James Hamilton, farmer, Henderson.
John Hall, farmer, Oneida.
William Harper, J. P., Dublin.
Jackson Harmon, cabinetmaker, Jackson.
James Isett, farmer, Penn.
John Irvin, farmer, Jackson.
Robert B. Jones, farmer, Tell.
James R. Lane, farmer, Cromwell.
Miles Lewis, farmer, West.
William Madden, farmer, Springfield.
Charles McCarthey, farmer, Clay.
Peter Myers, tailor, Shirley.
Daniel Neff, farmer, Porter.
George Numer, farmer, Henderson.
James Neely, farmer, Dublin.
James Oliver, farmer, Franklin.
Geo. 'V. Owens, gentleman, Warriorsmark.
William Rothrock, brewer, Huntingdon.
Samuel Sharrer, farmer, Shirley.
Thomas Sankey, farmer, Henderson.
James Saxton, coal merchant, Huntingdon.
John Steel, farmer, West.
Geor g e M. Smelker, farmer, Shirley.
John H. H. Stonebraker, potter, Franklin.
Daniel Teague, farmer, Cromwell.
George S. Tate, gentleman, Carbon.
William B. White, farmer, Juniata.
John Woodring, drover, Franklin.
Edward 'Lerner, farmer, Shirley.
David Zentmire, farmer, Franklin.
Alexander Baker, farmer, Morris.
Peter M. Bare, merchant, Shirley.
Jacob Baker, farmer, Springfield.
Wm. Copley, Jr., blacksmith,Warriorsmark
Adolphus Cunningham, farmer, Penn.
Benjamin Corbin, farmer, Oneida.
Elijah Curfman, farmer, Cass.
Lewis Carothers, carpenter, Cromwell.
George Dare, clerk, Franklin.
Samuel Douglas, farmer, Shirley.
Wm. Drake, coachmaker, Shirleysburg.
Isaac Enyeart, farmer, Cromwell.
Tobias Foreman, laborer, Morris.
Wm. 11. Gorsuch, merchant, Shirley.
David S. Henderson, shoemaker, Alexandria
Elijah G. Heck, plasterer, Clay.
Daniel Harris, carpenter, Penn.
Isaac Kurtz, farmer, Walker.
A. B. Lang, farmer, Walker.
Jno. A. McPherran, farmer, Franklin.
Thos. Monteague, carpenter, Franklin.
John Moore, inn keeper, West.
H. L. McCarthy; surveyor, Brady.
John R. McCartney, farmer, Henderson.
Saral. S. Marks, carpenter, Franklin.
Daniel Piper, blacksmith, Alexandria.
Wm. Philips, merchant, Alexandria.
Samuel Ralston, J. P., Warriorsmark.
John Simons, miller, Franklin.
Peter Shaver, Hill Valley, farmer, Shirley.
Richard Silverthorn, farmer, Tell.
Frederick Snyder, farmer, Henderson.
Henry Swoope, farmer, Walker.
Jno. B. Thompson, farmer, Franklin.
Leonard Weaver, farmer, Hopewell.
Henry S. Wilson, surveyor, Oneida.
$1 50
5 00 8 00 10 00
7 00 10 00 .....15 00
. 9 00 13 00
.12 00 16 00
.20 00
24 00
An attempt has recently been made by . the
Breekinridge and Lane Club of Leavenworth,
Kansas Territory, to prove that Senator Dou
glas suggested to John Calhoun the plan of
submitting the slavery clause which was
adopted by the Convention which framed the
Lecompton Constitution. The letters, , upon
which this charge is based, have been exten
sively circulated in the Breekinridge, and
some of the Republican papers,
Mr. Douglas has had his attention directed
to the matter, and has given•ttie whole'charge
a most direct and unqualified denial: - In hiS
speech at Milwaukee, on the 13th- inst.; he_
thus disposes of it: ; •
An Abolition newspaper has just been
placed in my hands,containing what purports
to be a correspondence between a Breckin
ridge committee in Kansas and certain citi--
zens of that Territory. I have no means of
knowing whether this correspondence is gen
uine or• fictitious. [A voice, "Fictitious, un-'
doubtedly.l I have looked over the names
attached to it, and recognize no one as a per
sonal acquaintance. In this correspondence
I am distinctly charged with being the author
of the Lecompton Constitution. (Laughter.]
I do not blame you fur laughing at that
statement. [Renewed laughter.] If there
is any statement on earth that ought to seem
ludicrous and laughable, it is a charge of
that kind. But, nevertheless, the charge is
distinctly made, and that I not only devised
the Lecompton Constitution, but that it was
submitted to me and that I approved it, to
gether with the plan of submitting the sla
very clause. [Laughter.] I desire to say to
you that it is false in every particular. [lm
mense applause.] I never saw the Lecomp
ton Constitution until after it had been adopt
ed in Kansas by the Convention, and sent to
the President of the United States fur ac
ceptance. Inever saw the schedule by which,
the slavery clause was submitted until after it
was forwarded to the States for publication.
I never heard, nor conceived, nor dreamed,
that any man on earth ever thought of such a
scheme. I make these statements distinctly,
without equivocatian or mental reservation.—
I appeal to God, in the presence of high Hea
ven and this audience, that the charge is false,
I care not who made it. [Tremendous ap
plause.] It seems as if the Disunionists of
the South and the Abolitionists of the North
are determined to hunt me down by all the
means that malice can invent. ["That's so,"
" They can't do it," "Never, never," " You
are too much of a giant," and applause d i—
Now, I intend to submit to you a simple
statement of facts on this sulject. Before I
left Washington, in the spring of 1857, after
Mr. Buchanan's inauguration, the 'President
tendered to Robert J. Walker the office of
Governor of Kansas, which he declined to ac
cept. Mr. Buchanan subsequently appealed
to me to go and see Mr. Walker, and urge
him to accept the appointment, upon the
ground that he (Mr. Buchanan) believed the
peace of Kansas, the peace of the country,
and the Union itself, was in danger, and that
Mr. Walker was the only suitable man in
America to administer that office in such a
juncture of affairs. I visited him accordingly,
and urged him as a patriot to make the sac
rifice, and go to Kansas. Mr. Walker replied
that if the President put it upon the ground
that the Union was in danger, and that he
was the man to perform the high trust—under
these circumstances he would not decline ;
but that lie would never go to Kansas unless
the Administration stood pledged to the prin
ciple that the Constitution, whatever it might
be when formed in Kansas, should be sub
mitted to the people for aci;eptance or rejec
tion. Ile also said that before he would go
he must know distinctly that every Federal
office-holder in Kansas would aid him in car
rying out that principle. And he mention- ,
ed Mr. Calhoun, the Surveyor General of
Kansas, as the man having the greatest pow
er, by his patronage in surveying the public
lands. I reported these facts to Mr. Buchan
an, and he declared that the programme
marked out by Gov. Walker was the one un
der which his AdminiStration would sink or
swim. Mr. Buchanan then requested me to
see Mr. Calhoun, who was then in Washing
ton, and say to him that he must act in con
cert with Gov. Walker. I told him he had
better give his own orders to General Cal
houn. I was informed afterwards by Gener
al Calhoun that the President sent for him,
explained to him the programme agreed upon
between Governor Walker and himself, and
told him (Calhoun) that be was expected to
carry it out in good :faith. At that stage of
the proceedings I left Washington, and re
turned to thy home in Chicago. A few weeks
after a messenger brought me the card of R.
J. Walker, asking me to call and see him at
the Revere House in Chicago. I did so, and
as - soon as I entered his room he produced a
roll of papers, and said that he there held in his
hand the inaugural address to, the people of
Kansas, which he was - going to publish as
soon as he arrived in the Territory. He fur
ther said that it had been agreed to by the
President and his Cabinet, and that they had
instructed him to come by way of Chicago
and stop one day in that city in order to get
the assent of Senator Douglas to it. [Ap
plause.] Governor Walker then proceeded
to read that inaugural addres, and when he
got to that part of it in which he stated he
was authorized by the President and every
member of his Cabinet to say that if the
Constitution was not Ike people
it would not .be accepted by *Congress, I asked
him whether he had that distinct 'understand
ing wit7t the President and, with. the Cabinet.
Ile, replied " Yes," and then turned over his
manuscript and said that he had read( every
word of it to President Buchanan ; that the
President had approved of every word and
syllable in it, but wanted to make one or two
verbal alterations, which he permitted him to
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do, and he allowed me to examine the inter
lineations in the document in Mr. Buchanan's
own handwriting. (Tremendous applansel
Thus I had before my own-eyes the .unerring
evidence that the President had endorsed the
document. I asked Governor Walker if he
had read it to the Cabinet; and be .answered
not the whole of it; but that he bad attended
a Cabinet meeting and discussed it all over,
and stated all of its propositions, and that
every member of the Cabinet, -.except one,
cordially approved of it. - He also said that
when that one member of the Cabinet disap
proved it, he told the President that he Would
not go to Kansas ; that he would not enter
that Territory with any one member of the
Administration against him"; that thereupon
the dissenting member of the Cabinet with=
drew his objection; and• they all pledged"
themselves to stand by him on the principle,
of submitting the Constitution to the people.
• [Cheers.] I then informed Governor Walker
that; as a Senator, I had no hesitation in as
- miring him that I should require the best ev
idetiCe the nature of the case would admit of,
that 'the Constitution to be adopted in'Kansas
was the act and deed of that people, and
that I believed that the submission of that'
Constitution to a vote of the people was' the
best means of ascertaining that fact. [Cries
of "Good," and cheers.] I also ' told• him
that I was not prepared to endorse thepropo
sition that the President and - Cabinet had
anything to do with:the matter; that I did .
not know what the Executive Department of the
Governnient had to do with the Constitution of
Kansas; and that, in my opinion, the people
were to make it as they pleased, in the first
instance ; and when it came to Congress, I,
as a Senator, must demand the best evidence
that it was the act and deed of that people...-. •
Thereupon I gave him the assurance that'
according to my judgment, the Constitution
ought to be submitted to 'the people ; and I'
intended, as a Senator and chairman of the
Committee on Territories, to demand evidence
that it had been properly done. Governor
Walker and myself talked over the existing
condition of Kansas, and it was conceded by
us both, as it had been by everybody at Wash
ington, of all parties, that Kansas would in
evitably Le a free State. It was acknowledged
that five out of six, if not nine out of ten, of
the people of Kansas, were opposed to making
it a slave State ; and it was conceded by , us
both that they had a right to make it a free
State, if they chose, or a slave State, if they
I preferred it. [Cheers.] But inasmuch as
we conceived that there was so large a ma
jority of the people in favor of a free State,
we discussed the proposition on the supposi
tion that Kansas was to be a free State. I
expressed the hope that, upon making it a
free State, they would insert such clauses in
their Constitution as would guaranty the ful
filment on the part of their people of every
provision of the Constitution of the United
States, and that they would put into their
Constitution a clause requiring every officer
in that State, and every citizen to lend his
aid in the enforcement of all Constitutional
provisions—the fugitive slave law included—
[Cries of " Good," and cheers.] I declared
then, as I do to you to-day, that no man ought
to be permitted to vote at any election who is
not willing to obey the Constitution of the
United States in all its parts. (Applause.]
And I, therefore, trusted that they would so
frame their Constitution as to make it obliga
tory on every citizen of Kansas to perform
his obligations under the Constitution. But
while I expressed this opinion to • Governor
Walker, it was distinctly understood that this
was a question for the people of Kansas to
decide for themselves, and 'which ever way
they decided it was to be final and conclusive.
I do not distinctly recollect whether I commu
nicated to ilfr. Calhoun or not the result of this
interview with Gov. Walker. It is well known
to my friends that I am not in the habit of
writing political letters. It is true that I gave
many letters of introduction to Mr. Calhoun,
to persons applying for surveying contracts,
or having business with the land office in
Kansas, and I may possibly have written him,
narrating this interview. But lam very sure
that I wrote him no letter upon the subject
of politics, or the Lecompton Constitution,
pending the session of the Convention. Gov.
Walker proceeded to Kansas, and published
his inaugural address containing the state
ment that ho was authorized by the President
and his Cabinet to say that the Constitution
would be rejected unless it was submitted to
a vote of the people. When the Convention
adopted the Constitution and declared it in,
force, without submitting it to the people, I de
nounced it the very instant I heard of it., [Tre
mendous shouts of applause.] The very night
the news arrived at Chicago, 'changing the
form of submission of the slavery clause, I de
nounced it in unmeasured terms. I denounced
it before I knew what the course of any other
man in America in relation to it would be.—
[Cries of " Bravo," "That's a man," and ap
plause.] I did not wait one hour or one min
ute, when I discovered the trick by which the
people were to be cheated. [Cheers.] If you
look into the Lecompton Constitution, you
will find that the original document made
Kansas a slave State, and then the schedule
submitted another slavery clause to the peo
ple to vote for or against ; if they voted for it,
Kansas was a slave State, and if they voted
against it, still it was a slave State. 'When
I reached Washington, three days before the
meeting of Congress, I went directly to the
President and bad a talk with him upon this
subject, in which I informed him, as a friend,
not to send the Constitution into Congress for
acceptance. I told him it was a violation of
every pledge we had made to the people, a
violation of the fundamental principles of the
Democratic party, and a violation of the prin
ciples of all parties in all Republican govern
ments ; because it was an attempt to force a
Constitution on' an unwilling people.' Ho
begged me not to say anything upon the sub
ject until we should hear the news as to how
the vote stood on the slavery clause. The
vote, you remember, was to be taken on the
slavery clause on the 21st of December, three
or four weeks subsequent to this Convention.
I told the President that if he would withhold
his recommendation until the vote was taken
on that clause I would withhold my speech
against the measure. He said he must rec-
ommend it in his message, and I replied that
if he did I would denounce it the moment his
'message was read. [Great applause. A voice,
"We like you for it."] At last the Presi
dent became somewhat excited upon the sub
ject—[laughter]—and he arose and said to
me, " Mr. Douglas, I desire you to remember
:that no Democrat ever yet differed from an
Administration of his own choice without be
ing crushed." I" Ah !" and laughter.] Then
lie added, "Beware of the fate of Tallmadge
and Rives." I arose and said, " Mr. Presi
dent, I wish you to remember that General
Jackson is dead, sir." [Tumultuous cheer
ing.] From that day to this be and I have
been trying the question whether General
Jackson is dead. [Great laughter and
plause.] And one thing is certain, the peo
ple of Illinois decided in 1858, that James
Buchanan was no General Jackson. Soon
after I made my speech against the Lecomp
ton Constitution, in December of that year,
Gen. Calhoun and a large number of the mem
bers of the Lecompton Convention, all his par
ticular and confidential friends, visited Wash
ington. Now, if it be true, as they charge on me,
_that Iliad advised Calleoun to pursuethi SCOW'S C
hOw does it happen that these gentlemen, while
in Washington, did not charge me with that
fact . [A voice, " That's the point."] They
were present in the galleries of the Senate
day after day, week after week, and month
after month, hearing me denounce the Le
compton Constitution, and the scheme of sub
mission, as a fraud, and not a man of than
whispered that I had even been satisfied with
it. f Cries of " Never, they could not do it."]
My enemies wait until the controversy has I
passed away, until John Calhoun is dead, and
until we arrive upon the eve of a Presidential
election, and then they trump up this mar
erable, base charge, which they never be
fore dared to insinuate, that Iliad sanctioned
a_ scheme from which now even they shrink
with horror. [A voice, " Just like them."]
If you will read these pretended letters—for
I do not know whether they are genuine or
forged—you will find in them the evidence
that this charge is basely false. And now
let me call your attention to them. My ene
mies found the charge upon the hypothesis
that Mr. Calhoun was under my influence,
and did just what I directed ; and because
Mr. Calhoun finally submitted to this form
of submission of the Constitution, they infer
that I must have agreed to it. If you will
read all of these letters, you will find that
every man who speaks on the subject testifies
that Calhoun was, from the beginning to the
end,. in favor of submitting the whole Consti
tution to the people. .1 rejoice that this fact
has l...een brought before the country, for it
will relieve Mr. Calhoun's name of much cen
sure that has been cast upon him, under the
supposition that he was opposed to the sub
mission of the whole Constitution. They all
bear witness that he stood by the proposition
to submit the whole Constitution until he was
defeated, and when he failed to carry it, they
say he called a caucus at his office, at which
he counselled with the friends of submission,
as to what they should then do. That cau
cus, according to their statement, sat three
nights, and during the first night John Cal
houn absolutely refused to yield, or be satis
fied with anything less than the submission
of the whole Constitution. The second night,
they say, he demanded the same thing ; but
the third night, finding he could not secure
the submission of the entire Constitution, he
agreed to a partial submission. Now if it be
true, as my enemies aver, that Calhoun was
acting under my advice, that fact proves that
I was for submitting the whole Constitution,
for Calhoun insisted upon that up to the last
hour. [Cheers.] So these men have not been
sufficiently guarded in getting up this testi
mony, for while they show the design to as
sail me, they furnish facts which acquit me
entirely. [Cheers.] Read the testimony of
Mr. Doniphan, in which he says he was pres
ent at each one of these night caucusses; that
be never heard my name -mentioned or any
pretext of a letter having been received from
me, or of any advice whatever, and that he is
certain if my name had been connected with
it that fact would have been stated. No such
thing occurred when lie was present. He is
their own witness, and they have published
his statement to the world. But I am not
going into a defence against these charges,
got up loosely upon the recollection of men
three years after the events have transpired,
and when they are so much interested in
throwing the responsibility of their own dis
reputable conduct upon others. I appeal to
my - record—the record 1-have made before
the world in a three years' fight—and I defy
any honest man on earth to say I have wa
vered a hair's breadth. [Cheers.] Ido not
believe there is an honest man on earth doubts
my fidelity to principle. I will here state
another fact. During the Lecompton strug
gle, when the war in Congress was raging
furiously, I had one interview with General
Calhoun. and but one. It took place in the
presence of a gentleman whose name I will
not give without consulting him. Mr. Cal
houn being dead, I can only refer to this one
witness ; and although he is not present, and
I have not inquired of him as to . his recollec
tions of the interview, I will undertake to
state to you substantially what occurred on
this point. Mr. Weir, then United States
District Attorney in Kansas, holding an of
fice under Mr. Buchanan, came to my house
one night with Gen. Calhoun, the president of
the Lecompton Convention.
I received Mr. Calhoun courteously and
kindly, as we had been old friends ; he ex
pressed his regret at the differences which
had grown up between us on this question ;
he assured me, upon his honor, that he had
done everything in his power to procure the
submission of the whole Constitution, because
he knew that it was my desire, and also the
wish, of all his friends, and because he thought
it was fair and just. Having failed in ac
complishing it, the question arose as to what
was the next best thing, and that he lead agreed
to the schedule in the form in which. it was adop
tea, believing it to be so I told him .Ithought it
was the worst thing. [A voice, That's so."]
He said he regretted it ; that he had hopes
that I would deem that better than nothing.
[Laughter.] I told him never ; that 'a fraud
ulent submission was a mockery, and that I
Editor and Proprietor
could not sanction it without repudiating all
the acts of my life, and doing a political act
that I did not believe moral andjust. [Cheers.]
I appeal to Mr, Weir, of Kansas, or, rather,
I refer you to him as to his recollection of
that interview, if you choose to consult him.
In that conversation with Mr. Calhoun he
never intimated that ho had any authority
from me that I approved that scheme ; he nev
er intimated that he had received a letter
from me on that subject, or any authority di
rectly or indirectly, but admitted that he
knew that I wanted the whole Constitution
submitted ; that he tried to have it submitted,
and when he failed, on his own responsibili
ty went for the other proposition as the best
he could get:, and hoped I would not be dis
satisfied with it ; thereupon Gen. Calhoun
and myself parted ; I never saw him after
wards. He is dead—and far be it from me
to utter one word against his memory. I
think he made a great and fearful mistake in
his Kansas movements, and I said so in his
presence and to his face, and in the Senate of
the United States in his life time—since he is
dead, peace to his ashes, it is not to my taste to
indulge in criminations. The Abolition pa
per in which I found this pretended corres
pondence, contained an editorial article, in
which it charged that I had offered Mrs. Cal
houn two thousand dollars to suppress my
correspondence with her husband, while he
was Surveyor General of Kansas. [Laugh
ter.] In this pretended correspondence the
charge is made that Mrs. Calhoun had hawk
ed these letters about in the market for sale,
and that two thousand dollars had been of
fered for them ; and on that statement the
Abolition paper bases its charge, that I or
my friends had made her that offer. I shall
notice this only to vindicate the character of
that widowed lady. I never insulted Mrs.
Calhoun or degraded myself by offering her
or anybody else any money or other compen
sation for suppressing my private correspon
dence with Mr. Calhoun, or anybody else on
earth. I will tell you all I know about the
last charge. Just before I left Washington, '
a few months ago, I received a letter from a
near relative of the late John Calhoun, in
which he furnished not only the statement,
but the evidence, that one of Mr. Buchanan's
Federal office-holders in Nebraska, a man
holding a land office, and nearly connected
with the worst enemy I have on earth, had
gone to Mrs. Calhoun and asked permission
to look over her deceased husband's private
correspondence with Judge Douglas. She
refused to permit him, saying that her hus
band's correspondence was sacred. ["Sound,"
"right," &e.] Thereupon, this Federal of
fice-holder offered Mrs. Calhoun two thousand
if she would allow him to look-over General
Calhoun's private papers and take out all the
private papers that Judge Douglas had ever
written to her husband. She, like a true
hearted woman, who revered the memory and
honor of her husband, indignantly rejected
the bribe. And now, my enemies dare charge
on me their attempt to bribe a widowed wo
man. [" Shame, shame on them," and ap
plause.] Mrs. Calhoun authorized her rel
ative to inform me of these facts, which he
did, together with the tender, on her part, to
surrender to me all the letters I ever wrote to
her deceased husband. I answered that I
had never written any letter to the late Gen
eral Calhoun that I was ashamed to have the
whole -world see. That it was possible that,
in the hurry and freedom of private corres
pondence, that I might sometimes have ex
pressed myself carelessly or inelegantly, but
there was nothing in my letters which I was
afraid to have the public know. I added that
I appreciated the noble conduct of Mrs. Cal
houn, and that she was authorized to forward
the letters to me, if it was her will. I receiv
ed a letter from her in reply, in which she
stated that she had carefully examined all her
husband's private papers, and there was no
letter to bo found written by me to him since
1852 or 1853. Now, my friends, I submit
these facts to you and to the world. What
can you think of a body of men who will go
around trying to bribe widow women to be
tray the private correspondence of their dead
husbands, to be used for political purposes?
LA Voice—" They're. worse than Republi
can's."] What do you think of the reckless
ness of partisan papers that dare charge those
attempts at bribery upon me, who was in
tended to be their victim. [A Voice—"lt is
like them."] I dislike to refer to my own
private history, or to defend myself against
any petty slanders. I have not been in the
habit of doing so, and I do not intend to do it
as a general rule ; but this scheme, just be
fore election, to palm off an enormous fraud,
such an infamous forgery, I thought it requi
red that I should brand it the first time I met
it. [Loud cheers.] In taking leave of the
subject, I have only to add that if those news
papers which have published and given cur
rency to this calumny are disposed to treat
me fairly, and do me justice, they will repub
lish this speech, and alloW the antidote to fol
low the poison, and my vindication to go to
the world.
The census shows that the annual increase in
the population of the United States since
1790 is about three per cent. In 1715 the
population of the Colonies was 433,500, of
which 58,500 were negro slaves. The pres
ent population is about 30,000,000, of whom
about 4,000,000 are negroes. Our public
schools are attended by 4,000,000 of children;
we owe about $260,000,000, of which S9G,
000,000 are held by foreigners. It takes 750
paper mills and 2,000 steam engines to sup
ply our publishers and newspapers with print
ing paper at a cost of $27,000,000 per annum.
paper says that a policeman of that city was
having great difficulty, one day last week, in
getting a large, stout, drunken woman to the
station house, and was on the point of giving
up the job, when a billy-goat, which has the
liberty of the streets, came up behind and
with a poWerful butt, lifted her from her feet
and drove her forward, repeating the process
till the station house was nearly reached.
There are forty acres of vineyaids in
forty miles of Chattanooga, Tenn., producing
ten thousand gallons of wine per annum.
Southern Sentiment on the Late Elec
The Richmond _Enquirer of the 15th says :
" Virginia can no more prevent the disso
lution of the Union after Lincoln's election,
than she can prevent that election. She
will be powerless to prevent civil war, with
all its attendant horrors. Any one of the
Southern States can, and some of them will,
involve the whole country, North as well as
South, in the internecine strife of a bloody and
desolating civil war. Virginia will, by a
majority, of her people, decide upon resis
tance, while a large minority may desire to
postpone resistance fur the overset act ;' but
pitched as she is to the Southern States, she
will be dragged into a common destiny with
them, no matter what may be the desire of
her people. We believe that a Majority - of
the people of Virginia, if the opportunity of
a State Convention was allowed them, would
vote for immediate resistance and for a com
mon destiny with the Southern States, and
with this belief we would advise the slave
States not to hesitate to strike an early
blow from fear that Virginia may hesitate in
her duty to the South."
The Richmond Whig, of the same date, is
full of appeals in favor of the Union at all
hazards. It says:
NO. 19.
" It is incumbent upon the industrious, in
telligent, and patriotic citizens of. Virginia to
pause and reflect, before they conclude to
be led by the nose into the grand Disunion
mash-trap set for them by the Yancey-Breck
inridge leaders."
The Charleston, South Carolina, Evening
Nims of the 13th of October has a quaint ar
ticle, as follows :
" PENNSYLVANIA. — The Black Republican
journals are triumphant at the success of their
party in Pennsylvania as clearly prefiguring
the election of Lincoln to the Presidency.--
The immediate cause of the success of the
party in Pennsylvania is no doubt the ascen
dency of the iron and coal interest over every
consideration of patriotism. Pennsylvania
wants protection to her peculiar products,
and expects to find it in the Administration
of Lincoln rather than that of Breckinridge.
She has thus sacrificed her duty at the shrine
of Mammon. She has descended from the
elevation which she had won, as the Keystone
State of the Union, at the mercenary call of
interest. In the expected results of this de
fection she may be deceived. The Senate is
anti-tariff. That body will not protect the
iron and coal -interests of Pennsylvania at
the expense of the great body of consumers
and in support of a gigantic monopoly."
The Savannah Republican of the 13th says
" The aspect of the political horizon is dark;
and no doubt the prospect of a sectional, in
stead of a National Federal Government to
rule over us is doing much to augment the
general uncertainty and alarm. This may
be well founded or not, and in any event the
South, beyond the justice and moral power of
her cause, is impotent to control the result.
We have only to do our duty, as our best
judgments and sense of patriotism may
prompt, and then leave the consequences to
the majority of the American people, and in
the hands of that wise Providence that has
ever watched over our nation and protected
it from harm."
The New Orleans Bec of the 11th says :
" We honestly confess that the news re
ceived - 3-esterday has almost convinced us of
the certainty of the success of the Black Re
publicans. If neither PennsylVania, nor
Ohio, nor Indiana, can be rescued, we are
left with the faint and feeble hope that New
York may stem the anti-slavery torrent. It
is possible that the exertions and influence'
of the conservative citizens of the Empire
State may suffice to save the country from a
sectional President ; but the elc'etion returns
look too one-sided to justify much confidence
in a fortunate issue. Meanwhile let us take
it patiently and await events. If Lincoln is
to be chosen President, it is well for the South
—it is well for our trade and commerce that
we should be prepared for the event. Far
better that we should have a timely warning
of misfortune, that we maY put our houses in
order and meet it when it comes, than to
stand unnerved and speechless before an un
expected and crushing shock."
The New Orleans Crescent, of the samo
date, says :
" THE LATE ELECTIONS. —The election re
turns received yesterday from Pennsylvania,
Ohio, and Indiana, indicate the triumph of
the Black Republican candidates in each of
these States. The news is unwelcome ; and
the result, for many reasons, is greatly to be
deplored. We reserve any extended com
ment upon the subject until we can have a
full view of the entire - field, and thus be ena
bled to discuss the subject in all its bearings.
Meantime, we may say the news produced a
decided sensation in the city, and, by many,
was regarded as the forerunner of evil results
and coming trouble. Let us, however, pa
tiently await fuller returns and further de
The Wilmington, N. C., Journal (Brecki&
ridge) says:
" From all the indications, it would appear
that Pennsylvania had gone for Curtin, the
Black Republican candidate for Governor.•—
The effect of this can hardly be over-estima
ted. We hardly think that the majority of
the voters of Pennsylvania care much about
the negro. We rather think they don't.—
They don't care to interfere with us just now
in that way. Perhaps they would be willing
to let us alone on condition of our paying
them black mail. The protection which the
tariff now gives to iron is some twenty-four
per cent. It is, near as may be, a bonus of
twenty-four per cent. lt,iven to the Pennsylva
nia iron-maker. If the said maker, with a
guarantied difference in his favor of twenty
four per cent., cannot compete with the for
eign manufacturer, surely it is unreasonable
to ask us to pay more. We have railroads
to build, ploughs to make, horses to shoe—a
thousand useful and necessary things to do
with iron ; then why should we bo made to
pay tribute on our railroads, our agriculture,
our machinery, simply that Pennsylvania
iron-masters may get rich at our expense ?"
[Nashville Gazette, Dreekinriage.]
With solemn faces, and slow, measured
words, do men in Southern communities now
speak of the three States making up the above
caption, or rather of the result of the popular
elections transpiring there on Tuesday last.
With almost breathless anxiety asks one of
another, " What's the news ?" and half
choked with chagrin and disappointment
comes the answer, "Bad enough, in all con
science. Like a mountain torrent did the
tickets friendly to Lincoln, sweep Pennsylva. ,
nia, Indiana, and Ohio—all gone, gone glim
mering for the Black Republicans." And
thereupon begin the questioner and the infor
mant to speculate upon the probable charac:
ter of Lincoln's Administration, exhibiting
but little, if any, doubt as to the certainty of
that gentleman's cicction by the popular vote.