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`',9 olitical.
SPEECH
OF
HON. STEPTIEN A. DOUGLAS,
Democratic Candidate for President,
Delivered at the Great Barbecue held in
0707105' Woods, N. York, on Wednesday,
12th inst., in the presence of over
50,000 People.
FELLOW-CITIZENS OP NEW YORE. : I appear
before you to-day, for the purpose of making
an earnest appeal on behalf of this glorious
Union. [Loud cheers, and cries of "Good
boy."] There can be no Disunionists—there
can be no enemy of this Union in the Empire
City of America. [A voice—" That's so,"
and loud applause.] New York is not North
ern, nor is it Southern, nor is it Western, nor
is it Eastern—but she is Continental and
Metropolitan. [Loud cheers.] New York
is the great commercial centre, the great
monetary heart, of the American continent ;
and as such, every New Yorker ought to sym
pathize with every State, with every Territo
ry, and with every people in the whole Union.
[Applause.] Now, I ask your attention as
to the mode in which this glorious Union is
to be maintained and perpetuated forever to
our posterity. There is but one mode, fellow
citizens, in which this can be done.
There is but one mode in which this glori
ous country can be permanently preserved.
That mode is by maintaining inviolate every
provision of the Constitution, as our fathers
made it. The Union, under the Constitution,
and in conformity with its guarrantees is the
greatest blessing ever transmitted to a free
people. [Vehement cheers.] I care not
whether you like or dislike all its provisions,
yet every American and foreign-born citizen
rests under hereditary obligations to fulfil its
provisions. Every naturalized and adopted
citizen has taken an oath of fidelity to the
Constitution ; and he who is not willing to
carry out, in good faith, every clause, every
word, every letter of the Constitution ; is a
traitor in his heart to his country. [Bravo,
and tremendous applause.] I tell the Aboli
tionists that they are bound, as honest men, to
carry into effect that clause of the Constitu
tion providing for the surrender of fugitive
slaves, just as much as any and every other
clause. [Cheers, and "That's so."]
A Voice—How about secession ?
A gentleman in the crowd asked me about
secession. I will answer him. I tell you
that, when you have performed all your du
ties under the Constitution, when you have
carried into effect every provision that the in
strument contains, there is no excuse, no pre
text whatever for secession. [Applause.]—
But I am prepared to return a more definite
and specific answer to the inquiry. When I
landed at Norfolk, Virginia, the head of a
Breekinridge electoral ticket propounded to
me the question whether the inauguration of
Abraham Lincoln as President of the United
States would be a justifiable cause for break
ing up this Union. [Shouts of "Never,"
"never. ,
"] I answered him thus, as I will an
swer everywhere in America where I may go
to address my fellow-citizens the election of
any man by the American people according
to the provisions of the Constitution, is no
pretext for breaking up this Government.—
[Loud cheers.
I should regret the election of Lincoln, as
a great national calamity. [Applause, and
a voice, "So would I." 1 I know him well—
very well. I have had good reasons to know
him, and he has still better reason to remem
ber me. [Laughter and loud cheers.]
A Voice—" Douglas you're not gone yet.—
He will know you better by and by." [Ap
plause.]
Mr. Douglas. I have no word of unkind
ness, or of personal disrespect to say to him,
[Mr. Lincoln,] but I do believe that he holds
political opinions which, if carried out, would
be subversive of all the principles of the
American Constitution. [Loud cheers.]
I was also asked at Norfolk, Va., and oth
er places, whether, in the event that any of
the Southern States should secede from this
Union when Lincoln was elected, I would go
for the enforcement of the laws of the United
States. I tell you, as I told them, that who
ever may be President, he is bound by his
oath to carry out the laws to their faithful
execution. I also tell you that it is the duty
of every law abiding man, I care not what
may be his politics, to aid and assist in the
execution of the law. [Cries of "Good, ",good"
and applause.] And if Lincoln shall be elec
ted, which God Forbid [loud cheers, and
cries of, "He never will be"] if Lincoln,
say, should be elected, be must be inaugura
ted according to the Constitution and laws
of his country ; and I, as his firmest and most
strenuous and most irreconcilable opponent,
will sustain him in the exercise of every con
stitutional function. [Applause.] But if,
after that shall have been done, he shall at
tempt to subvert the Constitution, violate its
provisions, or make war upon the rights and
interests of any section of this Confederacy,
I will aid, to the full extent of my power,
according to the Constitution and laws, in
hanging him higher than Virginia hanged
John Brown. [Tremendous cheers.]
I had supposed that there were no loyal
citizens—no friends of this country—who
could find fault with these sentiments ; but
I discover in the newspapers of to-day a pro
test against my Norfolk speech, signed by
Mr. eitt, of South Carolina, and some forty
or fifty other disunionists, declaring that these
sentiments must be repelled and resisted, and
calling upon the American people to repudi
ate me in order to repudiate those sentiments.
I mean no disrespect to the gentlemen who
have signed this protest, but I have as much
reason to protest against their treason as they
have against my loyalty and devotion to the
Constitution. tLoud cheers.] They assert
in their protest that I treat the Union as a
perpetual bond, to be acquiesced in and obey
ed in all future time by the weaker section
towards the stronger.
They misapprehend totally my position.—
My position is this ; that this Union is a per
petual bond, demanding and requiring im-
81 50
75
50
WILLIAM LEWIS,
VOL. XVI.
plicit obedience to the Constitution and laws
by every good citizen not by the weaker seec
tion towards the stronger but obedience from
every honest man to the Government under
which he was born, and which he has sworn
to support. [Loud cheers.] But they assert
in this protest that they have a right to se
cede from this Government. 1 . tell you, as
General Jackson told the Nullifiers in 1832,
that secession is but another name for revolu
tion.
If these gentlemen combine together to
break up this Government, and are determin
ed to carry their treasonable projects into ef
fect, let them take upon themselves the re
sponsibility of their conduct. I tell you that
revolution is never justifiable until the evils
of submitting to the laws are greater than
the horrors of civil war and disunion.
These Disunionists, who protest against
my Norfolk speech, who have such a horror
of the gallows in the event they carry out
their purposes, talk in their protest about
me making war on the sovereign States. I
desire them to understand that sovereign
States never commit treason. [Cries of" Good"
"Good," and cheers.] Individuals may do it
—but States, never. It is a principle in this
Government, that the laws have to be enfor
ced against the individuals who violate them.
Why these nullifiers and Disunionists seem
to think that we are still living under the old
articles of Confederation. That old system
was abandoned in 1787, merely because it
proved impracticable. The great defect in
the old system of government was that the
Federal Government had no power to execute
its own laws. They abolished that Govern
ment, and adopted the Constitution under
which we live, conferring on the Federal
Government all the power necessary to carry
its own decrees into effect according to the
Constitution.
Whenever any one of these Abolition States
set up their unconstitutional laws as an excuse
for resisting the Federal authorities, we will
hang them higher than Haman for treason.—
And, my fellow-citizens, it will not do for the
Abolitionists to set up the plea that we are
making war on the sovereignty of any State
of this Union, merely because we are carry
ing into execution in good faith, the Consti
tution and laws of our country. So on the
other band, when the State of South Caroli
na, in 1832, attempted to resist the laws of
the United States for the collection of the
public revenue, Old Hickory told them that
they must and they should obey. [Tremen
dous applause.]l wish to God we had Old
Hickory now alive—[loud cheers]—in order
that he might hang Northern and Southern
traitors on the same gallows.
[A scene of great confusion here followed.
Hundreds of Democratic voices shrieked for
three cheers for Stephen A. Douglas, our next
President.]
They have determined to make the election
of a Black Republican President that pretext
and hence the real Disunionists favor the
election of Lincoln, so that they may accom
plish the dissolution of the Union. If Lin
coln is elected it will be brought about by the
agency of those who are now opposing the
regular Democratic party. [Cheers.] In
other words, his election will be brought
about by the influence of those who seceded
at Charleston, and again at Baltimore.
Now, my fellow-citizens, I was about say
ing to you that there is a scheme to break up
this glorious Union.
A Voice.—They can't do it.
The pretest for doing so is to be the elec
tion of Mr. Lincoln, and those who are genu
ine disunionists desire his election. [Uproar
and cheers.] But silence, my friends, if you
please. I do not charge all the Breckinridge
men in the United States with being Dis
unionists. [Cries of " Good," " Good."]
I do not charge Mr. Beckinridge himself
with being a Disunionist, but I do express
my firm conviction that there is not a Dis
unionist in America • who is not a Breckin
ridge man. [Applause.] And now, permit
me to inquire of them that while they put
these questions to me, whether the election of
Lincoln would be a good cause, of disunion,
why do not they propound the same questions
to their candidate ? My answers to those in
terrogatories at Norfolk, Va. were published
in Kentucky, and Mr. Breckinridge's special
attention must fall to them six or eight days
before his Lexington speech. In that speech he
answered the charge that he was in favor of
pardoning John Brown. [lronical cheers and
laughter.] He answered the charge that he
was in favor of self-government in the Terri
tories. He professed great attachment to the
Constitution and the Union. But I have yet
been unable to learn whether or not he would
enforce the laws against those who would at
tempt to break up the Government.
It is not satisfactory to me that a man says
he is in favor of the Union. I have heard Barn
well Rhett make the same declaration. I
have heard W.L. Yancey declare his devotion
to the Union. I have heard all the leaders
of the Disunion party make the same protes
tation, but they all admit that while they
are favorable to the Union, yet there is a
" contingency" upon which they would dis
solve. Now, I desire to know of Major
Breckinridge whether the " contingency . "
stated by his electoral friends in Virginia in
their inquiries to me, is the one upon which
he would dissolve the Union.
I am in favor of a cordial union of every
Union man, every constitutional man, every
man who desires the preservation of the Union
and_the Constitution and the enforcement of
the laws in every and all contingencies.—
[Loud cheers.] If Major Breckinridge is in
favor of enforcing the laws against Disunion
ists, seceders, Abolitionists, and all other
classes of men, in the event the election does
not result to suit him, then I am willing—
[great applause]—but I tell you that I am
utterly opposed to any union or any fusion
with any man or any
. party who will not en
force the laws, maintain the Constitution, and
preserve the Union in all contingencies.
Now, if my excitable friend wishes to know
whether his man Breckinridge is inside of the
church, he must get an answer from that
gentleman himself through the Norfolk ques
tions. [Renewed laughter.] When he an
ewers, and pledges himself to enforce the laws
in the contingencies named in the Norfolk in
terrogatories to me, it will be time enough to
talk about be and I fusing or coalescing.—
[Three cheers.] Believing that this Union
is in danger, I will make any personal sacri
fice to preserve it. [Cries of "Good," and
three cheers] If the withdrawal of my name
would tend to defeat Mr. Lincoln I would
this moment withdraw it [Voices—"You,
shall not do it l" "No!" " Never !"] more
especially if such an act of mine would insure
the election of a man pledged to the Consti
tution, the Union, and the enforcement of the
laws.[Cheers.]
The Democratic party is a great political
party. Its proud achievements will be found
recorded on every page of American history,
and every great reform introduced into our
civil policy has been mainly owing to its
power and efforts. Every extension of our
territory has been a Democratic measure, and
all those great commercial enterprises for
which the U. States have becameso renowned
are Democratic triumphs. But still I ad
here to the old Democratic party, within
whose bosom I was born, more for its capa
city to do good in the future than for its great
achievements in the past.
I believe that this Union can only be main
tained by putting down all sectional parties.
It is not enough if you put down Northern
Abolitionism, unless you crush out and bury
in the same grave Southern Disunion. [ "Go od"
and cheers.] The great political question
now involved is that of intervention and non
intervention by Congress with slavery in the
Territories. The Northern interventionists
demand that Congress shall prohibit slavery
wherever the people want it; the Southern
Secessionists demand that Congress shall pass
laws to maintain and protect slavery wher
ever the people do not want it. Thus you find
that both of them aro advocates of Congres
sional intervention—the one in favor of the
South, the other in favor of the North ; the
one for slavery, the other against it. They
agree in principle, but they differ only in tho
application of that principle.
Democratic principles are the same in Geor
gia as in New York, they are the same in
Virginia as in Illinois, [applause,] and when
ever the time comes that I cannot visit the
land of my birth and the graves of my ances
tors, and carry my political principles with
me, I shall come to the conclusion that there
is something wrong in my creed. [Cries of
" good boy," and cheers.] I see it stated in
one of the newspapers of this city, on the au
thority of an intelligent correspondent, that
a few weeks ago air. Lincoln told them that
he was anxious to visit the_ grave of his father
in Kentucky, and the grave of his grandfather
in the valley of Virginia, there to explain his
political opinions, but was fearful of personal
violence if he did so. [Cheers.] I have very
recently visited the grave of my father in a
free State, and . the birthplace of my children
in a slave State, and in both places I avowed
the same opinions. [Cheers, "Good boy."]
And I have done more. I have made a good,
sound Democratic speech in the Old Tenth
Legion of Virginia, close by the gravo of
Abraham Lincoln's grandfather. [Cheers.]
Enthusiastic individual. I hope you will
make it over his own grave yet. [lmmense
applause.]
Mr. Douglas. My friend, there would be
no more patriotic duty on earth more grateful
to my feelings than to make one over Mr.
Lincoln's political grave. [Tremendous
cheering.] Ido not make the remark out of
any unkindness to Mr. Lincoln, but I believe
that the good of his country requires his de
feat. [Cheers, and a voice, "I am there."]
In my opinion the party of which be has be
come the chosen leader holds doctrines sub
versive of our Constitution. [A. voice, "So
did old John Brown."] • He was the original
author of the irrepressible conflict, having de
clared that doctrine in his canvass in Illi
nois four months before Mr. Seward made
his Rochester speech. Hence I have appealed
to you to-day to close up your ranks, and to
all Union-loving men, and all men in favor
of the enforcement of the laws in every con
tingency, to rally to the support of one elec
toral ticket and thus beat the Abolitionists.
[Great applause, in which the Breckinridge
interrogator was observed to join heartily.]
But I conjure you, as you love your coun
try, and as you wish to preserve your liber
ties and transmit them unimpaired to your
children, to make no bargain, no combination,
no fusion, no compromise with the friends of
any candidate who will not first publicly
pledge himself to the mantenance of the Union,
the inviolability of the Constitution, and the
enforcement of the laws in all cases and un
der all circumstances. [Thunders of applause,
in which it was noticed that the Breckinridge
interrogator did not join.] My friends, there
are many eloquent champions of the Democ
racy now present, and as I have neither the
voice nor the strength to occupy more of your
time, even if I desired to do so. I shall bring
my remarks to a conclusion, in the conviction
that the great and patriotic cause, in which
we are engaged, will be better conserved by
those great and gallant young champions of
Democracy than by myself.
Mr. Douglas here retired amid nine cheers,
but returned to the front of the stand imme
diately, with Governor Moorehead, of Ken
tucky.
Mr. Douglas at Auburn and Syracuse.
SYRACUSE, Sept. 17.—Mr. Douglas spoke
at Auburn, and in this city to-day. His au
dience at this point numbered from 35,000 to
50,000 persons. He explained the difference
between popular sovereignty and squatter
sovereignty. The latter was outside the
Constitution, and in rebellion to the Federal
Government, while the former is inside of the
Constitution, and in obedience to the Federal
authority. He also replied fully to a ques
tion put by a Republican, as to what were
Jefferson's sentiments as to the ordinance of
1787, stating that Mr. Jefferson was minister
to France when the ordinance was adopted
in N. York, and knew nothing of it till after
wards. He gave Mr. Jefferson's plan for the
government of the Territories, as adopted in
1784, which was the fullest recognition of
the right of the people to popular sovereignty
ever made in tthe United States.
-PERSEVERE.-
HUNTINGDON, PA., SEPTEMBER 26, 1860.
GREAT SPEECH
HENRY D. FOSTER,
At a Mass Meeting in Philadelphia, on
Monday ]Evening Sept. 27th.
FELLOW-CITIZENS OF PHILADELPHIA :- A
few months ago I did not anticipate, and
could not have anticipated,that I should have
the pleasure, under these circumstances, of
addressing so large a concourse of citizens.
I did not then dream that I should be select
ed as the standard-bearer of the party to
which I have all my life belonged—that I
should be chosen their candidate for the Gov
ernorship of the great State of Pennsylvania.
I never desired it. I was always willing to
fight in the ranks with you, and the rest of
my fellow-citizens of Pennsylvania as a pri
vate and not as a captain. f Applause.]
Gentlemen, seventy-three years ago, on
this very spot, by a little band of bold and
patriotic men, a great work was performed—
a work that has challenged the admiration of
the civilized world. A system of government
wad then adopted by those patriotic men, re
presenting the States of this Union, the equal
of which the world has never seen, and you
are here to-night to attest your fidelity to that
organic law which they framed, and to say
whether any ruthless arm shall tear it down,
and expose us to all the horrors and the de
structive results - which might flow from it.—
Gentlemen, you can maintain inviolate that
Constitution which spreads itself all over this
great country, and protects all men alike, in
only one way, and that is, by inculcating the
spirit of those who framed it. Keep that
spirit alive. Never let it die out ; for if you
do, you will find your personal liberty, your
security, your rights of property, and every
thing that you value, without safeguard and
with out protection.
What is the danger, then, that this state
of things will bring about? and from whence
does it come ? There is now in this country,
I am sorry to say, a great political organiza
tion, the tendency of whose principles, what
ever its members may say, is to sow dissen
sions between the States, and to destroy our
Union. They declare that they are opposed
to the extension of slavery in the Territories.
To prevent that extension is their avowed
purpose ; but let me tell you that there is ly
ing
.behind and underneath that purpose
something deeper and far more destructive—
a principle that endangers the existence of
the Union itself. They declare that their
purpose extends no farther than to protect
the Territories of the United. States from the
spread of slavery, but .1 tell you that the
statement is delusive, and by it many of their
own party are deceived.
Who is the great head of that party? Mr.
Seward, of New York. He is it head, and
soul, and life. He gives its laws ;he shapes
its destinies. And he has not yet disguised
the fact that the purpose of this organization
is to go far beyond what they now declare to
be their object—to prevent the extension of
slavery into the Territories. Mr. Seward,in his
Rochester speech, has declared that there is
an " irrepressible conflict" between the sys
tem of free labor and that of slave labor, and
that the United States " must and will, soon
er or later, become either entirely a free-labor
nation or entirely a slaveholding nation."—
Gentlemen, do you believe that? [Voices—
"No, no."]
Again, speaking in the Senate in regard to
the progress of the anti-slavery sentiment,
Mr. Seward said, addressing the men of the
South :
" You may, indeed, get a start under or
near the tropics, and seem safe for a time, but
it will be only a short time. Even there you
will found States only for free labor to main
tain and occupy. The interest of the white
race demands the ultimate emancipation of
all men. Whether that consummation shall
be allowed to take effect, with needful and
wise precautions against sudden change and
disaster, or be hurried on by violence, is all
that remains for you to decide."
Is it not the meaning of all this that you
must pass the limits of the Constitution of
the United States; that you must go into the
States where slavery exists and wipe it out,
regardless of all the the guarantees of that
instrument, and of the rights which it se
cures to the States ? Such is beyond doubt
the real tendency of these doctrines, although
such may not be the sentiments of all the
members of the Republican party, because
I believe that many honest members of that
organization would give no countenance to
such doctrines, if they conceived their real
result.
What have been the fruits of this sectional
agitation upon the subject of slavery? As
the result of that agitation, we have seen an
armed invasion of the State of Virginia, and
innocent men have been shot in order that
slaves might be made free. The Republican
leaders-may tell you that they do not intend
any such results. Let me tell you that the
leaders preaching the doctrines which they
do, cannot control the results. The leaders
could not control John Brown and his party
when they made their assault upon the arse
nal at Harper's Ferry, when they invaded
the dwellings of Virginians, dragging them
at midnight froin their homes. EA voice—
" Gov. Wise controlled them."]
There is but one way to secure the tran
quility and safety of the States, and that is
by maintaining the guarantees of the Consti
tution. This Union is not to be preserved by
armies and navies ; it can be preserved only
by cultivating that spirit of fraternity under
the inspiration of which our Constitution was
framed. If that spirit be'not cultivated—if
you excite sectional prejudices, and alarm
citizens of sister States for the safety of their
property and their lives—the Union is prac
tically dissolved, the heart of the Union is
broken, and nothing but the bonds remain.
Gentlemen, in this contest, you, the descen
dents of those patriotic men who have given
to us the freest and the best Government in
the world, are to determine whether this
great legacy, which you have received from
your ancestors as trustees for posterity, shall
be handed down untarnished, as it was be
queathed to you. It is for you now to deter
mine whether this great instrument under
which we have lived, and under which every
man's rights have been secured, shall now be
torn in tatters, and the Union broken up.—
[Cries of No, no, and applause.] I tell you,
gentlemen, that is now the issue which, dis
guise it as you please, is forced upon us.—
Now, let me say one word in regard to the
slavery question. It may be, perhaps, dry
and uninteresting, but I wish to speak of one
of the planks in the platform of the Repub..'
bean party—that in reference to the exten
sion of slavery into the Territories. That
party contends that Congress has the power
to do, what? Not to legislate generally upon
the subject of slavery in the Territories, but
that they have the power and right to legis
late upon one side of that question—that 7
they ought to say to the Southern States,
" although you are joint owners, 'with us, of
these Territories, you shall not go there with
your property." The Republicans demand
that Congress shall prohibit the institution of
slavery in all the Territories of this Union.
Where does Congress derive any such author
ity from ? What part of the Constitution
gives Congress the power to legislate upon
both sides ? If they can say slavery shall
not go into a certain Territory, they can say
it may go there. I say that Congress has
no right to interfere with the matter at
all. [Cries of "good, good." and long-con
tinued shouts of applause.] There is no such
power in Congress, and I will tell you why.
The Congress of the United States legislates
upon all questions under express grants of
power contained in the Constitution. 'Wher
ever there is no grant of power Congress does
not possess the right to legislate at all. Now,
I challenge any man of the Republican par
ty to show me where, in all that instrument,
Congress is authorized to say that Slavery
shall not exist in the Territories; No such
authority can be found.
Bat it is argued that a Government having
the right to acquire territory, either by con
quest or by purchase, the right to govern that
territory is incident to the right to acquire it.
I agree that, in ordinary cases, this is the
fact, but it is only so where the power ac
quiring a territory is supreme—where there
is no limitation upon its powers—but when
the Government of the United States acquires
new territory it will not be contended that
the Congress of the United States has an un
limited power of legislation over that territo
ry--an unlimited sovereignty. It is by vir
tue of their sovereignty that they acquire the
territory ; but, so far as concerns legislation
in regard to the territory, they are restrain
ed by the limitations of the Constitution un-
Now, I maintain that the clause of the Con
stitution which is claimed as bestowing on
Congress the right to legislate for the Terri
tories does not confer this power in regard to
slavery. Our opponents urge, as their au
thority, that clause of the Constitution which
declares Congress shall have the power to
dispose of and make all needful rules and
regulations respecting the territory and other
property belonging to the United States.
I could, if I had time, exhibit to you the
views of some of the ablest minds of our coun
try, all concurring in the opinion that that
clause of the Constitution treats the Territo
ries as property, and does not give to Congress
jurisdiction to govern the people inhabiting
that Territory, and to control their private
property. The words of that clause are "that
Congress shall have power to dispose of it."
Now, it cannot be maintained that they have
the power to dispose of the people, as they
may of the land. Congress may sell the land,
may control it, may give it away, if you
please, but they cannot the people or give
them away. Upon this subject we have the
highest authority in the country maintaining
that the power of Congress to legislate for
the Territories is not deprived from that clause
of the Constitution. Our opponents are com
pelled, then to fall back upon the idea of the
sovereignty of the Government that organizes
the Territories, and when they are driven
there, they have no foundation for the position
that Congress has the right to legislate upon
this question in the Territories. I say, then,
gentlemen, that this is a question not politi
cal, but judicial. The tribunals constituted
by the Constitution must determine these
questions; and Lin common with all law-abid
ing citizens, am willing to submit to the final
arbitrament of the tribunal appointed by the
Constitution to interpret that instrument.
Now, gentlemen, if I have not detained
you too long—(Voices "Go ahead.")—l will
advert to a question in which the people of
Philadelphia, as a manufacturing and com
mercial people, feel great interest—a question
on which they have the right to know the
opinions of the candidates presented for their
suffrages. In this very city, not more than
ten days ago, the captain-general of the Re
publican party made an assault upon me, de
claring that I am a free-trade man ; that the
record of my life, public and private, exhibi
ted the fact ; that I am and always have been
in favor of free trade and against protection
to American industry. I refer to the speech
made by Col. A. K. McClure, chairman of
the Republican State Committee of this Com
monwealth. Now, Mr. McClure is doubtless
a gentleman of veracity, and this mis-state
ment I can attribute to nothing but profound
ignorance of my history. Mr. McClure
charges that, from the earliest period of my
political life, I have been opposed to the doc
trine of protection. He charges that I have
voted for free-trade Governors, free-trade
judges, and free-trade Presidents.
Gentlemen I had the honor of being in Con
gress in 1854. We then had a tariff satisfac
tory to the manufacturing interests of Peiih
sylvania. It was a highly protective tariff;
it was just the sort of tariff demanded by the
industrial interests of Pennsylvania. In 1844,
whilst I was in Congress, a bill was intro
duced to repeal or modify the tariff of 1842.
When this great question of protection to
Am -Actin industry thus eame up in Congress,
there sat beside me, in that body, no less a
man than Hannibal Hamlin, who is now the
Republican candidate for Vice President of !
the United States. Whilst I recorded my
vote for the protective policy, Hannibal Ham
lin recorded his vote against it! [Laughter
and applause.]
Editor and Proprietor
NO. 14.
Col. McClure charges me with voting for
free trade Governors ; and, on that subject
let me mention a single circumstance. At
the period to which I have just alluded, one
of my colleagues in the Congress of the Uni
ted States was David Wilmot, who, a few
years since, was the Republican candidate for
Governor of Pennsylvania. Mr. Wilmot watzt,
the only member of Congress from Pennsyl
vania that voted against the protective policy !
Yet that gentleman, when running for Gover
nor of Pennsylvania, was voted for by Col.
McClure and. Col. "Curtin, and all these zeal
ous advocates of protection [Laughter and
applause.] They voted for a free-trade Gov
ernor, and now they ask you to vote against
me because, as they allege, I am for free
trade I
Let me state another fact on this subject_
At the period I mention (1844) that bill for
the repeal of the tariff of 1842 did not pas';_
In 1846, the proposition was renewed, and
then it was that the law was passed striking
down almost entirely the protective policy,
because it substituted ad valorem duties for
specific duties. Let me tell you that the great
question in regard to this matter of the tariff,
is between specific duties and ad valorem du
ties. The moment you abandon the principle
of specific duties, there is no protection. In
1846, when the bill came up repealing the
tariff of 1842, and adopting a universal ad
valorem principle, Mr. Hamlin and Mr. Wil
mot were still members of Congress. That
bill was passed ; and both those gentlemen
voted for it, while I voted against it ! [Laugh
ter and applause.] Yet, I wonder whether
Col. McClure and his friends will not support
Mr. Hamlin for Vice President of the United
States. I wonder, also, whether they will
not vote for Mr. Lincoln, whose opinions on
this question neither they nor anybody else
know any thing about.
There is no record of his public life that af
fords any knowledge of his views upon this
question. (Applause.) Mr. Lincoln is held
up as the friend of the protective policy, yet
you cannot find a vote he ever gave, or a
speech he ever made, wherein he favored the
doctrine of protection at all. My record on
this subject is that which was made years
ago, when I no more dreamed of being a can
didate for Governor than I dreamed of being
made a cardinal. (Laughter.) You cannot
find a word or vote of mine, during the whole
period of my service in Congress, in which I
did not advocate, with all the zeal and ability
I possessed, the doctrine of protection to.
Americanindustry against foreign competi
tion. (Applause.) Yet Mr. Hamlin is a bet
ter tariff man than lam I (A voice, " Over
the left.")
Let us examine the position of Mr. Hamlin
a little further. In 1855, a proposition was
made in the Senate of the United States to
remit for three years the payment of duties
upon railroad iron in bond at the custom.
house. Our Senators, Messrs. Bigler and
Brodhead boldly and fearlessly charged upon
Southern men and New England manufac
turers a combination between them to strike
down the iron interests of Pennsylvania.—
Mr. Hamlin, then a United States Senator.
arose and inquired of Mr. Brodhead what
he meant by that declaration, " for " said
he, " I am a great deal of a free-trade
man myself, and I intend to vote for this bill."
And he did vote for it
Let me give you another instance illustra
ting the insincerity of that party on this ques
tion of the tariff. Under the tariff of 1846,.
although our manufacturers languished, still
they lived. The_ laborers received employ
ment though tncir
nerative as they ought to have been, because
the profits of the manufacturers were greatly
diminished. But in 1847 a bill was passed
which still further reduced the duties of the
tariff of 1846. How was that bill passed ?
Mr. Banks, of Massachusetts, was then Speak
er of the House, a Republican of the blackest
dye. (Laughter and applause.) On the or
ganization of the House, he appointed a Re
publican Committee of Ways and Means,
That committee reported the bill of 1847—a
bill more destructive to our industrial inter
ests than any that ever passed the Congress
of the United States—a bill that affords no
protection at all to the manufacturing inter
ests of Pennsylvania. How was that bill
passed ? There were fifty-six Republican
votes cast in its favor, and it passed the House
of Representatives. Going to the Senate, it
was amended and sent back to the House.
The amendments were not concurred in, and
the bill was sent to a committee of conference,
whom Mr. Speaker Banks appointed on the
part of the House. Did he appoint a single
man who was in favor of the protective poli
cy ? No, not one. The members of that com
mittee were Lewis D. Campbell of Ohio, Mr,
Do Witt of Massachusetts, and Mr. Letcher
of Virginia—all of them Republicans, and
the whole three known to be in favor of the
passage of that bill. Into such hands it was
sent. That committee, jointly with the Sen
ate committee, reported that bill, and it was
passed. It is now the law of the land, and
while it remains the law, let me say, your
manufacturing interests never will revive.—
They cannot revive. More than that, William
IL Seward, the captain of the Republican
party was a member of that committee of
conference, and signed the report.
Now, gentlemen, I wish you to understand
my views upon this question. I said before
that, there can be no tariff beneficial to our
industrial interests, which does not proceed
upon the principle of specific duties. The
meaning of that is this : If a ton of foreign
iron is imported, it pays us so many dollars
and so many cents according to the spe
cific principle, but according to the ad valo.
rem principle, it pays so much per cent. upon
the value of the article abroad, according to
the foreign invoice. Under this specific prin
ciple the American manufacturer has exactly
what he wants—steadiness in the market,
steadiness in the duty—which he does not
have under the ad valorem, principle. You
will observe that the act of 1857 proceeds en
tirely upon the ad valorem principle. The
duty is levied upon the price of the foreign
article abroad. When that price is high, the
duty rises just at the moment when the Amer
ican manufacturer does not need the increas
ed duty, but when the price of the foreign
article falls in the foreign market the duty
goes down, just at the time when the Ameri
can manufacturer needs a higher duty on.the.
imported article ; therefore, I say that there
is no protection without specific duties.
Let me now say a few words in regard to
this slavery agitation which so distracts the
country. This agitation, gentlemen, must be
stopped or the Union must be dissolved.—
They make an outcry about slavery in the
Territories. Why gentlemen, there is no ter-.
ritory now belonging to the United States
where slavery can exist. Talk as you may,
there are laws higher than acts of Congress
higher than the Constitution, that control and
regulate this question. Wherever free labor'
can go with advantage, slave labor must re
treat before it. But the Northern man can
not go into the rice swamps and cotton fields
and sugar plantations of the Southern States ;
the white man Cannot work there and live ;
consequently the cultivators of the soil must