The globe. (Huntingdon, Pa.) 1856-1877, August 15, 1860, Image 1
p 6 i , e , ..•AaF...,, , ..1.+ ,, EGr".•••••••iir.Wa5,...1....a. , .. 1 ...dael TERIffS OF THE GIiOEE. Per annum in advance Six months Three months A failure to notify a cliecontinnanca at the expiration of the term arttneribed for will be emi;irlered a new ,nigag,. meat. TER.ms ADVERTI:iINi 1 in ,, ertion. 2 do. 3 do. (bur linei or le=i, j 25 . j 373„:: z; 50 One square, (12 lines, 50 ..... .... 75 100 Two squares, 1 00 1 50 2 00 Three squares, ' 1 50 2 "5 3 00 Over three weelc and less than three months, 23 cents per square for each insertion. 3 months. 6 months. 12 months. Six lines or less,.'til. 50 ~ '-;:.; 00 $3 00 One square, 3 00 5 00 7 00 Two squares, 5 00 S 00 10 00 Three squares, 7 00 10 00 15 00 pour squares, 9 00 1" 00 '0 00 Italf a column, 12 00 16 00 ...... ....21 00 One column, "0 00 "0 00.— ......50 00 Professional and Business Cards not exceeding four lines, one year, s 3 00 Administrators' and Executors' Notices, Advertisements not marked with the number of inser tions desired, will be continued till forbid and charged ac cording to these terms. 1860. AND SUMMER C,JPRING GOODS. FISHER (Pc, SON are now opening the forgest and best Selected Stock of Goads ever (AD.:red in this curninunitv. .• It comprises a full line of Fashionable Dross Goods, suitable for SPRING- & SUMMER, such as Black and Fancy Silks,French Foulards. (Chintz Fignre3.) Fancy Organdies, Ducas, Challie's Lawns, English Chintz, Gingha Lu• Ares, Prints. Sze. . _ A large and beautiful assortment of Spring Shawls. A fine stock of richly worked Black Silk Lace Mantles. A full assortment of Ladies' Fine Collars, Gentlemen's Furnishing Goods, such as Collars. Cravats, Tics, Stocks, Hosiery, Shirts, Gauze and Silk Undershirts, Drawers, &c. We have a fine selection of Mantillas, Dress Trimmings, Fringes, Ribbons, Mitts, Gloves, Gaunt lets, Hosiery. Handkerchiefs, Buttons, Floss, Sewing Silk . , Ex tension Skirts, Hoops of all kinds, &c. Also—Tickings, Osnaburg, Bldached and Unbleached Muslins, all prices; Colored and White Cam bric& Barred and Swiss Muslins, Victoria Lawns, Nain souks, Tarleton, and many other articles Which comprise he line of WHITE awl DOMESTIC GOODS. ren ell Cloths, Fancy Cassimers, Satinets, Jeans, Tweeds, Lilue Drills, Flannels, Lindseys, Comforts, Blank ,etc Sc. 'Hats and Caps, of every variety and style. _ _ A. Good Stock of GROCERIES, IIARDWARE, QU BENS 'WARE, BOOTS and SHOES, WOOD and WILLOW-WARE, which will lie sold Cheap. We also deal in PLASTER, FISII, SALT, and all kinds of GRAINS. and possess facilities in this branch of trade unequalled by any. We deliver all packages or parcels of 'Merchandise, free of charge, at the Depot, of the Broad Top and Pennsylvania Railroads. COME o'NE, COME ALL, and be convinced that the Mc fropoTitun is the place to secure fashionable and desirable goods, disposed of at the lowest rates, lluntin;f,,lon, A pril is, ISGO NEW GOODS ! NEW GOODS'. •D. P. GTI? S STORE ;D. P. (71 IN has just received the largest and most fa-hionable and hest eeiectell Stock of Goods in the nna•- het, consisting of Cloths, Ca , sinieres, Plain and Fancy, Kentucky dean. Tweeds. Beay.rteeus, Velvet Cords, Cotton Drill , . Linen Due•l:, Blue Drills. and other fashion:Ode Goods for Men and Boys' wear. The largest and best assortment or Ladies' Dress Goods in tuwn consisting of Blaek and Pitney Silks, All Wool Detains, Ci niliii Delains. Alpacas. Plain and Fig aired Braize, Lawns, Ciughams, Larella Cloth, Dc Barge. Traveling . Dress Clouds, and a livautiful assortment of Prints, Brilliants, S.c. Also, Tielcino-s, Checks, Muslins, (bleached .and unbleached) Cotton and Linen Diaper, CI ai,h, Nan keen, &c. Also, a large assortment of Lmlies' Collars, Pres Trimm intts, llibbomis, Cloves, 'Alit Gauntlets. Tio i,ery, Silk and ;Alum llanakerehiels. Vieteria LAW 11. Mull Muainq, Skis and Cam brie Dimity ham ms, Velvet Ribbons, and a great variety 01 Hooped • Also, a fine assortment of Spring Shawls. Also, Boots and Shoes, Hats and Caps, Slicker Bonnets, %I - animate, Queensware, Wood and Wil low Ware, Oroceries, Salt and Fish. Also, the largest and hest asso•rtment of -Carpets and Oil Cloths in town. Nl hich will be sold eh cap. Call and examine my hoods, and you will lie convinced that 1 have the beat assortment and cheapest hoods in the market. gib—Country Produce taken in exchange thr Goods, at the Highest Maiket Prices. D. P. ()WIN. Huntingdon, April 18, ISCO. 4 - 11 -I UREKA!! EUREKA!!! 1 LADIES CHOICE.!!! PATENT ELF-SEALING, SELF-TESTING, IU 1' lIT I'll UIT CA !..\7-1 Just what was wanted—a CONVENIENT air-tight cover, to 41low at all times, the exact condition or the fruit within the jar. It is so simple that one person ean seal up twen ty-par cans in One 111.?"72,11b3. Or O e pt:ll, SCVCItij-lino Calls in one minute. No ft uit is lest in using these cans, fur ,110111 d any 0110 he defective, the cover always show:. it in I ;Inc to •cave the ,contentB. Tin, Earthen, or Glees jars. cold only at the ilardware Store of JAMES A. L'IiOWN. Huntingdon, July 18, 1860 _9OOO CUSTOMERS WANTED NEW GOODS BENJ. JACOBS Has received a fine assortment of DRY -GOODS for the Spring and Summer season, comprising a very extensive assortment of LADIES DRESS GOODS, DRY GOODS iu general, READY-MADE CLOTHING, Fur Men and Boys GROCERIES, HATS & CAPS, BOOTS AND SHOES, &c. &c. The public generally aro requested to call and examine my goods—and his prices. As I am determined to sell my Goods, all who call may expect bargains. Country Produce taken in Exchange for Goods. BENJ. JACOBS, atthe Cheap Corner. Huntingdon, April 4, 1860. COME TO THE NEW STORE FOR CHEAP BARGAINS. WALLACE & CLEMENT Respectfully inform the public that they have opened a beautifhl assortment of DRY GOODS, GROCERIES, QUEENSWARE, &C., in the store i corn at the south-east corner of the Diamond in the borough of Huntingdon, lately occupied as a Jew elry Store. Their Stock is new and carefully selected, and will ho sold low for cash or country produce. FLOUR, FISH, HAMS, SIDES, SHOULDERS, SALT, LARD, and provisions generally, kept coustantly,on hand on reasonable terms. Huntingdon, May 9, 1860.. ROMAN. 0 NEW CLOTHING FOR SPRING AND SUMMER,_ JUST RECEIVED er H. ROMAN'S CHEAP CLOTHING STORE. For Gentlemen's Clothing of the best material, and made sin the best workmanlike manner, call at B. ROMAN'S, opposite the Franklin House in Market Square, Hunting •don. [April 4, 1860.] T HE best Tobacco in town, at D. P. GWIN'S IDP. GWIN keeps the largest, best • assortment and cheapest shoes in town. Call and examine them. Abeautiful lot of Shaker Bonnetsfor sale asap, at D. P. GWIN'S. ell ALL at D. P. GWIN'S if you want k_) GOOD GOODS. ASplendid variety of Carpets, only 25 de. per yard. FISHER & SON. F you want handsome Lawns, Delains, and other Drees Goods, go to P• P. GWIN'S. $1 50 FISHER S: SON FOR SPRING & SUMMER WILLIAM LEWIS, VOL. XVI. ISE lgZft crti. Great Speech of Senator Douglas at Con cord, New Hampshire. The Boston Journal gives a full report of the speech made by Senator Douglas at Con cord, New Hampshire, on the 31st of July. Mr. H. P. Rolfe delivered the address of wel come, and Mr. Douglas responded as follows : BIS OBJECT IN COMING NORTH'. MR. CLIAIRMAN AND FELLOW-CITIZENS OP NEW IlioirsuntE : You will receive my grate ful thanks for the kind terms in which you have been pleased to welcome me on this oc casion, and you will accept my grateful ac knowledgments for the cordiality with which you have endorsed those sentiments of wel comer. For the first time I visit the capital of your noble State. When I consented to make a brief trip through Vermont and New Hampshire, on my way from Saratoga to Newport, Rhode Island, I did not expect any public demonstrations. My object was to make a quiet visit—a pilgrimage to the grave of my father and to the scenes of my child hood. But from the moment I trod the soil of Vermont, I found I was welcomed by the population en masse. Men of all parties joined in the reception. It filled my heart with gratitude and rendered it impossible for me to discuss any of those political topics about which the assemblages differred in opinion. I had supposed that when I left the borders of my native State, I would be wel comed only by a few friends as I passed along the road. Imagine•my surprise at this vast assemblage—this imposing assemblage, which exceeds in its magnificence and its grandeur anything that I have previously witnessed. TLIR LECOMPTON CONSTITUTION From the bottom of my heart I thank you for this demonstration and your good. will.— You have been pleased, Mr. Chairman, to re fer, in terms of approbation, to my course upon the Lecompton Constitution. While I have ceased to discuss that question since it was finally decided by the people of Kansas, I will not refrain from a slight allusion to it now, lest my silence should be misconstrued by the audience. I did fight that Lecomp ton Constitution with all the power that I could command. [" Good for you ;" applause and cheers.] Reluctant as I was to differ in opinion or action with the President that I had used all my efforts to place in the execu tive chair, yet duty was paramount to any personal or private consideration. lApplaused I stood pledged, as every Democrat in Amer ica stood pledged, by his vote for James Bu chanan in 1856, to maintain the right of the people of every State and every Territory to form and regultate their own domestic insti tutions. [" That's so," and tumultuous ap plause.] In my opinion, the attempt to force upon an unwilling people a Constitu tion which they did not like, was not only a violation of the Democratic creed, but it was a violation of the American creed ; it violated the Republican, and it violated the creed of every freeman. [" That's the talk'! that's so !" l I did not oppose the Lecompton Con stitution on the ground of its provisions in respect to African slavery. I held then, as I hold now, that if the people of Kansas wanted a slave State, they had a right to it. [" That's so!"] If, on the contrary, they didn't want slavery, no power on earth should force it upon them. [Applause, and cries of " That's it 1"] I opposed the Lecompton Constitution because it was not the act and deed. of the people of Kansas. I proposed. that it should be referred back to the people of Kansas, with the privilege of voting for it or against it; and if a majority of all the legal voters of Kansas ratified it, then Kansas should be ad mitted into the Union with that Constitution ; and if, on the contrary, a majority voted against it, the people of Kansas might pro ceed to make a new Constitution, with or without slavery, just as she pleased, and come into the Union with it. [" Good? good?"]— And permit me to say that I was rejoiced from the bottom of my heart when I saw every Republican in both Houses of Congress voting for that proposition. [Laughter and cheers.] MR. BUCRANAN THREATENS MR. DOUGLAS I hold that the President has no more right to control the vote of a Senator than a Sena tor has to dictate to the President. [" That's a fact."] The President told me that if I did not obey him and vote to force that Lecomp ton Constitution on the people of Kansas against their will, that he would take off the head of every friend I had in office. [Ap plause.] I told him in reply, that my friends were as dear to me as those of any other man could be to him ; but that if I had a friend who was not willing to lose his office rather than to degrade me into a tool of the Execu tive power, he did not deserve to be my friend. [Prolonged applause.] And here permit me to say, my fellow-citizens, that the great con test between the Executive and myself was this : He claimed the right to control the vote of a Senator, in opposetion to the wishes of his constituents ; I claimed that the represen tative of the people is independent, and should always act independently of Execu tive power. [Applause.] Whenever you per mit the executive to direct the representative how he shall vote, you convert this Republic into a despotism. What is the use of electing .a Congress if the President has a right to tell the members how they are to vote ? • [" No need of it."] There is an end of representa tive government whenever the Executive is permitted to use and. abuse his power to con trol the action of the representative, against the wishes of his constituents and the dictates of his individual conscience. ["That's so."] And in my opinion I was fighting a greater battle in Illinois in 1858 than the mere ques tion who should be Senator. [Applause.]— In -my opinion the question submitted to the people of Illinois was whether or not their Senator should be the mere tool of Executive dictation. [" They decided right 1"] Yes, they decided right, in opposition to an unholy alliance between tne Repulicans and the Fed eral office-holders. [Great applause.] It was 2= .. , ~, . , '5t1,74 , .. , • ~.',' .04 • f,7" . .. ' t.. . .j., .i. 4 ,4' .3,.5, .-i• -7 --'' t as 4 4 1 .. ~, •45''''' 4' , ...I. S t 7... F.N.! -,,- -i ~-e ~,...4.. 47= •4, -A.,.-1. .i.t= i....... 5 1: /4, 4 4 1 P. 4. . tk„,..s. klk• -•• 1....! .t -, -1 :. • ' , - 4 * . 6‘'. ...14._ ~..• 1 1 t'-'- ' , l 4 i 14‘,. - idiii• PO ' 1 Itcc ~... fai ,1P,... , ~: 7- 1 , ..,.,,.: X,.,-;,..„ ~.‘• ~.,,.. •il-,, , i "i...'-.- ' ..::-• .7.,.. . ; •-•1.7.1 t ; .4 .. W.,,.,-,•it....... ...:... : * ..v. -. :. H rl 3 '4.. 1 '''''' ?"::' V ,14 ~.. .. tt , .. ,.. . „.. . N, 7.5. i iiv , ..e . .i..t, -.. , 1 4 ,5e. f • 1 6".. - ...,,,...„ k,.....i.....et, , - - - e...4;..,. 15.1 F, .-•;:. *,, 'O4, a , k. :, f4+,i , ' ',,*::•••• •ortN• .tce -e471•::• - %..ZY ,, t-' ~.. ,y...?: .„ 45- - 1 , 0 - N.P e. it gr ,or• ~-• hoped that Lecompton controversy had been settled by the votes of the people of Kansas against it, that the warfare of the Democratic party would cease, but instead of that the war was kept up, and now we find on the na tional theatre the same game being played that we witnessed in Illinois in 1858. ["That's true, every word of it."] And now you find the question submitted whether or not the ex ecutive of this nation is to be permitted to dictate his successor in office. [" lle can't do it"—applause.] MR. EUCH-kNAN AND TUE BALTIMORE NOMINA- It is said that Mr. Buchanan naturally feels mortified and wounded to have a man nomi nated by his own party in opposition to his own .wishes. IShouts of derisive laughter.] Well, whether, he feels mortified or not, it would have been well for him to have consid ered that when he became a candidate in 1856, in opposition to Gen. Pierce, who was then President and a candidate for re-election.— ["That's so." Suppose Gen. Pierce had then pursued the course which Mr. Buchanan is now pursuing—h" He's doing it now"]— that is, used the power and patronage which the Democratic party had placed in his hands for the purpose of defeating the nominee of that party ; what would every Democrat in America have said of Prank Pierce if he had tried to divide and defeat his party merely out of mortification and chagrin at his not getting a renomination ? [Applause.] What ever would have been said of Gen. Pierce in such a contingency must be said of James Buchanan now. ["That's so." Applause.] I should not have referred to these things at this time, or during this canvass, but for the fact that the President of the United States has taken the stump, [laughter and applause,] and made a political harangue for the purpose of defeating and dividing the par ty that elected him President. [" That's so." " lie can't do it."] What are the reasons assigned by the President for endeavoring to divide and break down the Democratic party ? lie does not assign the personal reason that he don't like the nominee. [Laughter.] But he puts it upon the ground that he didn't like the platform adopted by the party. [" Can't help it."] What is there in that platform to which James Buchanan has a right to take exception ? It is the identical platform upon which James Buchanan was elected, and without which he could not have been elected. [" That's it."] There is not an honest man in all America that will deny that James Bu chanan and John C. Breckinrid,ge, in 185 G, were pledged to the doctrine of non:interven tion by Congress with slavery in the Territo ries, {" That's so."] I made speeches from the same stand with John C. Breckinridge in 1856, when he was advocating his own claims to the Vice Presi dency, and heard him go to extreme lengths in favor of popular sovereignty in the Terri tories. And then, again, if I recollect aright, the Democrats of New Hampshire held a monster mass meetingat this capital, in March, 1856, previous to the nominations at Cincin 'nati, at which Howell Cobb and Joseph Lane and James L. Orr, of South Carolina, made speeches. In every one of those speeches they advocated squatter sovereignty in its broadest sense. [Tumultuous applause.] I appeal to this audience if these facts are not true. [" That's so.l Yes, this gentleman says he has the speeches in his pocket. These speeches were written out by the speakers after thoy returned to Washington, and were published in pamphlet form by the National Democratic Committee, as a true exposition of Democratic principles. [" That's so—they were printed in the Post_"] Yes, they were printed in the Boston Post, and every other Democratic paper in America, that had the space to spare for political speeches. In other words, I stand now where every Democrat in America, advocating the right of the peo ple, in every political community, to make their °Val Jaws and establish their own insti tutions to themselves, stood. [Tremen dous applause.] The speaker proceeded to elaborate the principles of popular sovereignty, and, as an illustration, said : lam a native of New England—yet I left the land of my birth, the scenes of my child hood, the grave of my father, and went to the extreme Northwest. And yet New England is my native land. I love it because it is.— Illinois is not your native land, and you do not love her, therefore, as I love New Eng land. Hence I say I may believe that the people of the Northwest, who have emigrated from New England, Virginia, from the Caro linas, from _any of the older States, remain loyal in their affections to the States from which they removed, but that they love still dearer the State where they have planted their wives and their children. And yet we say we are just as capable of self-government after we _get there, as we were before we started. And, with all due respect, we say we are quite as competent to govern ourselves as you are. I will give you a good reason for this belief. I think that the New Hamp shire boy who removes West, is just as capa ble of governing himself as his brother who stays at home. Look around your own neigh borhood. A gentleman has two sons. One is a restless, energetic, and daring fellow ; the other has a good nature, good disposition and is a good fellow. Which one went West? and which one staid at home and lived with daddy and mamma? - [Laughter and cheers, and cries of "Not the lazy one."] The bold and ambitious young fellow went to the prai rie or the wilderness ; carved out his own fortune, made his own farm, put up his own fences, and perhaps split his own rails .[ap plause;] cultivated his own fields, erected his school-house and his church, [Voice: " Made his own cabinet-work;"] yes, made his own cabinet-work, perhaps, [laughter and applausel and by that time, reckon, the wild boy had sown his wild oats pretty well, and was as capable of self-government as the brother who remained at home with daddy HUNTINGDON, PA., AUGUST 15 1 ISM TION. WHAT BUCHANAN WAS IN 1856 WHAT BRECEIINVI,DGE WAS 11,57 1856. THE EAST AND THE WEST. -PERSEVERE.- and mamma. [Applause.] And, what is more, after he had made him a home and a farm, be came back, perhaps, to see the old people. And if he did, ten to one that he put his eye on the prettiest girl in the neigh borhood, and took her out West with him; thus, not only taking away the smartest boy, but the 'prett i est' girl you had. [Applause, and "That's the way."] Now are you going to tell me that such people are not capable of self-government, because they happen to live in a Territory instead of a State ? (" No! No!"] "MIND YOUR. OWN BUSINESS." After dwelling at length upon the various points here presented, the Senator adduced another illustration of his doctrine, and said : Passing through Vergennes, in Vermont, the other day, a gentlemen in the cars called my attention to an old piece of Continental money, and he said to me: "Do you notice these words—' Mind your own business.' " Another gentlemen showed me an old Mas sachusetts coin, and on one side were the words : Mind your own business." That was the language of our fathers in the Revo lution. That is what our fathers said to the British Parliament when they endeavored to control our people in their local and domestic affairs, to tell the people what paper they should write on, and what they should do.— That was what our fathers said to the British Government, "Hands off;" "Mind your own business." And in order that they might have it binding upon all succeeding genera tions, thoy placed the mottoes on their paper money and their coins, where their children might read it. [Applause.] We say now to Congress: " Mind your own business, and let Territories alone." [Applause.] TIME "WASTED IN CONGRESS. I have a word more to say, and then I am done. I presume that many of you have business before Congress of some kind or other. If so, ask your Representative, when he comes home, what became of the bill.— He will tell you he did the best he could, but it was lost for the want of time. [Applause, and " That's so."] Congress lost the whole session in the discussion of the slavery ques tion, and there was no time for the regular business of the session. One might be in terested in the Pacific Railroad bill ; another in the French Spoliation bill. And when you ask for them. you are told they were lost for want of time. Slavery occupied the whole time. Ask your Representatives why they didn't rznioclel the tariff so that the expenses of the Government might pay for itself, with out borrowing twenty millions a year, and they will tell you the bill was lost for want of time. Ask them why they didn't pass the Pacific Railroad Bill, and at the same time remind them that Fillmore was pledged to it, Fremont was pledged to it, and Bu chanan was pledged to it; and yet with all the candidates pledged to this measure, we could not get a majority in Congress. Ask them why, and they will answer, "Lost for want of time." The negro question takes up all the time, and there is no time left to attend to the material interests of the coun try. ["The interests of white folks."] Yes, the interests of white folks. In my opinion, this Government is the white man's Govern ment. ["That's so."] It was made by white men for the benefit of white men. ["Good."] And I think that white men have a right to a small portion of the time, at least, to attend to their business. [Laughter and applause.] Now, you will never have ap propriate legislation on these questions—and I am not discussing what that legislation should be—until you banish the negro ques tion from the halls of Congress. Let us ban ish it from Congress forever. Remand it to the people of the Territories who are inter ested in it. Let them do as they please, and there will be no controversy between the dif ferent sections of the country ; maintain the doctrine of non-intervention, and all will be peace and harmony. AN ELOQUENT PLEA FOR NATIONAL HARMONY Why cannot we be harmonious now as in former times ? You will remember that in the Revolutionary times Northern armies were commanded by a Southern general, and Southern armies were commanded by a Northern general. On every battle field Southern and Northern men stood shoulder to shoulder, in order that they might trans mit a common inheritance to their children. Why cannot we live in peace ? These ques tions come home to us in the North-west more forcibly than they do to you. Go to the plains of the West, and there you will find a Yankee farmer with' a Southern wife. They have children, and when they go to visit the graves of their fathers and their ancestors, they have to go to Virginia as well as to Ver mont. Each boy has a Southern interest as well as a Northern ; and he don't like to hear curses hurled at the lands of their pa rents and grandparents. And when you come to talk about a dissolution of the Union, we tell you, "No, never." Wo furnish the water that flows down the Mississippi, as well as what goes from the lakes down the St. Lawrence ; we intend to follow that water wherever it goes, until it mingles with the broad seas. [Applause.] We have the ties of marriage and the ties of blood binding us to g ether. When you tell us this Union must be dissolved, we say " Never, no, never."— We say never, for 'the reason that we never intend to travel into a foreign country to ob tain a passport, and have it wised by a consul when we go to visit the grave of our fathers. Ilence there is not a man on the frontier who does not love this glorious Union. And be cause we do love the Union, we mean never to do an act that would alienate one portion of the people from the other. You can only preserve the Union by preserving peace and concord among the different sections. Re member that one tie after another has been severed. This fell spirit of sectional strife has invaded the holy sanctuary, and has di vided the church into the churches North, and the churches South. This fell spirit of sectional strife has separated the brethren at the communion-table. And when you find a spirit of strife so deadly that it can sever the social tie, the religious tie, and the political • Editor and Proprietor. tie, what is your Constitution - worth when you have the people enemies who 'live under it ? You must bind the hearts of this people together if you expect to maintain the Union. You can only bind them together by fidelity and justice, upon which the whole system of government rests. A PERSONAL EXPLANATION. I feel that I have done injustice to you as well as to myself. [Cries of "Go on, go on."] No, lam not going on. I have done more talking to-day than I expected to do all sum mer. I expected that I was going to pass quietly through your State, but at every rail road station my friends have literally over whelmed me with kindness, and it was not in my heart to refuse to speak to them. I made no political speeches, because I was welcomed by men of all political parties, and it was never in my heart to say an unkind thing to those who were kind to me. To-day I have only touched upon these political topics because your chairman, who intro duced me, invited my special attention to them. I don't intend, as a general thing, to enter into the political discussions of this year. It is the first time, in twenty-seven years, that I have looked on upon a political fight without taking a hand in it. [Ap plause.] lam now enjoying a holiday, visit ing the watering places for the first time, taking a little recreation, and, as it seems, speaking a little just for exercise. [Laugh ter.] But, gentlemen, I must again, serious ly and with profound gratitude, express to you my thanks for the manner in which you have received me this day. It certainly is a magnificent and imposing demonstration— one that I feel that I have a right to be proud of, one that does credit and honor to you that have got it up. I do not accept it as a per sonal tribute to myself. I believe, and lam rejoiced to believe, that it is intended as a forcible manner of expressing your devotion to those political principles with which my public life has been indentified. In the evening, Mr. Douglas was enter tained at the house of Mr. Oliver L. Sanborn, where Mrs. Douglas received a few friends, Mr. Douglas also took some thousands of his friends by the hand in the City Hall, and when the time arrived for the close of the exhibition, he made a few remarks expressive of his gratitude. Military bands perambu lated the town during the evening, some dis plays of fire-works wero made, and Concord has scarcely yet (12 o'citvk midnight,) be come quiet as usual. Shall Sectionalism Prevail Against the Will of the Majoriry. the National Democratic Convention adop ted the platform of principles for the party in the pending contest with the Republicans by an undispnted majority. On that ques tion the vote of a majority ,and not two thirds is admitted to be by established law and bindinge on every delegate and ev erye, Democratic voter. That platform is the same on which Buchanan and Breckinridge were elected. It is the same which the Penn sylvania Convention that nominated General Foster for Governor, and elected the delegates to the National Convention adopted; on which alone Pennsylvania can hope for sue: cess in the election for Governor or Presi dent at her polls. The platform declares op position to Congressional intervention on the subject of slavery—declares that the South, and every State and Territory, has a right to hold slaves where the majority of citizens so determine---,declares that where it is not wanted the majority, under and subject to the Constitution of the United States, may exclude it by organic action or Legislative enactments. It asserts the sovereignty of the people, and. an abiding sense of the value of the Union of the States. This platform was spurned by the Secedevs who put for ward Breckinridge and Lane; and Pennsyl vania Democrats are asked to toil and vote for these men who, by secession an insurrec tion, divide the Democratic party, " thus giving to the sectional abolition party of Lin coln the only chance they have to slip into power." The true Democrats stand firm upon the old and well tried ground, which secures the rights of the South, whilst it is not hostile to the interests of the .North, or the East, or the West. It is opposed alike to the oppressive sectionalism of the Northern extremists on the one hand, and the Southern extremists on the other, and if adhered to will put an end forever to the agitation of the slavery .ques tion in our National politics by confining it to the local legislation of each State and Ter ritory, the inhabitants of which will always be able best to determine their own wants end welfare in the matter. The question of slavery is not the only one which concerns the prosperity of the nation, and it has been made to absorb far too great a portion of public attention. The Union is of more value than all the negroes, cffice holders, and political aspirants' put' together. We have a National debt of over $100,000,- 000, and a revenue which does not meet the current expenses of the nation. The labor of the country, upon the maintenance 'of which depends our National independence, power and prosperity, is lett to languish for want of adequate protection, and all for the sake of the political demagogues in the North and in the South, whose stock in trade is the slavery agitation. Both bands of agitators aim at the destruction of the Democratic party—the Republicans, that they may mount to power and divide the spoils of office; and the Southern Seceders, in order that they may overturn the government and divide the Union.--Norristozon .Arational Democrae. Vir In Illinois there are ninety-one Dem ocratic papers for Douglas and two ,(Danites,) for Breckinridgo. In Michigan every one of the thirty-nine Democratic papers is for Doug las. In Indiana there are sixty-four for Doug las, and five either for 'Breckinridge or neu tral. In ,Ohio Seventy-five papers are for Douglas, and for for Breckinridge. In New Hampshire only one out of the eleven Demo cratic papers is against, the rest for Douglas. The Compromise Electoral Ticket.—"Therq, is one reason why every Democrat in Penn sylvania should be opposed to this proposi tion, and it is this : t very Democrat by it would place himself in the humiliating posi tion of favoring intervention, if by doing so, Breckinridge could be elected, or of favoring non-intervention, if by doing so; Douglas could be elected. Can such a propp . sition be countenanced by the Deniocraby of the State With what force, or what grace, Can a n.ut go before an intelligent community and ask them to endorse it, saying to thetp, 'if we can elect the President and get the offices on the doctrine of intervention, we are in favor of it; but if we cannot, and President and offices are only to be secured by supporting popular sovereignty and Stephen A. Douglas. then we are in favor of him. In effect, say ing, we are in favor of any man and any set of principles under which we can secure the offices." NO. 8. " What strange god do the Seceders call upon us to fall down and worship? We ac knowledge that the South is entitled to equal justice and rights with the North. We are called upen now, however, by the slave drivers cf the South, to go before the people and tell them that the doctrine of non-inter vention, which was truth and justice in 1856, is now a cheat and a delusion; that, although it was saving grace in the last Presidential contest, it is a flagrant sin in the present one. Upon what grounds are we called upon te e . surrender the position that the Democratie party has held for the last twelve years Why, because the slaveholders are anxious to have the poWer to remove their negroes from the cotton, rice, and sp:gar geldz of theii section to the boundless prairies - of fhb West. If we should agree to intervention by•Co:a crress to protect slavery, the only practical effect would be to suffer inevitable defeat, and to break up the Democratic party." " The Reading Convention threw the flag of non-intervention to' the hree2:.e, and every man who supports Frir. Foster, the Demo cratic candidate for Governor, declares that he is in favor of that doctrine. How, then, can any man who supports Mr. Foster vote for Breckinridge? Is Democracy one thing in Pennsylvania, and another thing in the country at large? Does it mean non-inter vention in Pennsylvanian, and intervention everywhere else?" " Stephen A. Douglas is the nominee of the regular Democratic Convention, which assembled at Charleston and Baltimore ac cording to all the parliamentary rules with which I am acquainted, and I believe I once wrote a book on the subject. I will show you that he is. They say that a number of the States seceded from the National Convent• tion, and nominated Breekinridge and Lane. True ; but how in the world can Breckinridge and Lane be the nominees of the National Convention when they are but the nominees of the Seceders? If five counties secea froi; a Convention of the party in this State, and make another nomination, is that nomination regular ? These gentlemen who have beet sticklers for two or three years past for regu larity, and whose only cry in every contest has been regularity, regularity, have at last turned round and become the most irregular creatures I ever knew." No FUSION ALLOWED.—The WaSilit:lgtOrk States, the central organ of Douglas, talks in this wise about "one electoral ticket." "Finding themselves driven to the wall, and certain defeat awaiting them from ev ; erywhere, North and South, the Secessionists in some of the States cry out for a fusion with the National Democracy. Upon their beaded knees they cry for that quarter now which Jefferson Davis declared in the Senate should not he given to the supporters of Judge Douglas. We will not support Doug las ! shout Yancey and the disunionists.— He is a traitor I' exclaims Governor Smith. of Virginia. He is no hatter than Lincoln," says Benjamin ; and his snpporters are 'gam blers and tricksters,' re-echoed Dicke: won, of New York. And yet the Democracy, witi their candidate denounced, their platform repudiated, and their organization stigma tized as the 'half way house to abolition,' arc called called upon to form a union with the SOS:- sionists. A union with disunionists—a union with traitors alike to the Democracy and the Constitution ! Never, ticiV : ey. Let the cost be what it may, under no - circumstance will we strike our flag. No, we will not lower it even an inch, to-snit all the kliationists in the land. We are for no quarter—no quay- ter to the disunionists, and no quarter to the administration which upholds them. To fal ter now would be treason—treason to the gal lant Democracy of the North, treason to Ste - . phen A. Douglas and Herschel V. Johnson; treason to the National Democrats of the South whO stand by the flag of the country and strike for its constitution, and worse than all, treason to the best•boli'es Of the country and the best interests of the people." ZOff- The poor seceding malcontents are whining because the friends of Douglas and of regular nominations will not " split the difference" with them, and run divided elec toral tickets. They want a line thrown over board to save them. Poor fellows 11a,ving jumped from the 'regular train over an em)- bankment, and buried to their chins in mud and water, they want the train to back down after them ! If they can crawl out of their, " fix" and get aboard again all will rclaiCe", but far better that they should flounder in the mud with other niSndescripts than, by back ing down, to hazardthe zafety of the regular train. DOUGLAS IN KENTUCKy".—,Extract of a letter from a prominent and influential naeMber of the late (35th) Congress from Kentucky: " In all central Kentucky, embracing a tier of counties from three to five deep, extending from the Ohio river to the Tennessee State line, the Democracy . are for Douglas and Johnson, and, in my judgment, will continue to increase until the election is over ; and if the news we have here frolp the first (Bur nett's) district is but half true, Breckinridge will be the Worst beaten candidate that ever stood a poll in this Commonwealth." TITE G.A.IIE.—:-The Charleston Mer cury is calling attention to the character of the Legislature of South Carolina, urging the selection. of a certain class of men: The thing has an interest, because it is understood that the Disunion game is to commenca'•in South„Carolina and Mississippi, by 'the steam of those . States, respe'ctively instructing theii Senators and Representatives nit to assemble in Congress at Washington in case Lincol. should be inauguratesll-1/4- par Mr. „Lovell, es-Speaker of the Michi gan House of Representatives in 1857, arta always a bittaropponent of the Derpocyati'c party has come out for Douglas. ,e&.. Vote for Douglas and save the Phio,rl Extracts from Public Speeches.