The globe. (Huntingdon, Pa.) 1856-1877, August 15, 1860, Image 1

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Per annum in advance
Six months
Three months
A failure to notify a cliecontinnanca at the expiration of
the term arttneribed for will be emi;irlered a new ,nigag,.
meat. ADVERTI:iINi
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Professional and Business Cards not exceeding four lines,
one year, s 3 00
Administrators' and Executors' Notices,
Advertisements not marked with the number of inser
tions desired, will be continued till forbid and charged ac
cording to these terms.
FISHER (Pc, SON are now opening the
forgest and best Selected Stock of Goads ever (AD.:red in this
It comprises a full line of Fashionable
Dross Goods, suitable for SPRING- & SUMMER, such as
Black and Fancy Silks,French Foulards. (Chintz Fignre3.)
Fancy Organdies, Ducas, Challie's Lawns, English Chintz,
Gingha Lu• Ares, Prints. Sze.
. _
A large and beautiful assortment of Spring
A fine stock of richly worked Black Silk
Lace Mantles. A full assortment of Ladies' Fine Collars,
Gentlemen's Furnishing Goods, such as Collars. Cravats,
Tics, Stocks, Hosiery, Shirts, Gauze and Silk Undershirts,
Drawers, &c.
We have a fine selection of Mantillas,
Dress Trimmings, Fringes, Ribbons, Mitts, Gloves, Gaunt
lets, Hosiery. Handkerchiefs, Buttons, Floss, Sewing Silk . ,
Ex tension Skirts, Hoops of all kinds, &c.
Also—Tickings, Osnaburg, Bldached and
Unbleached Muslins, all prices; Colored and White Cam
bric& Barred and Swiss Muslins, Victoria Lawns, Nain
souks, Tarleton, and many other articles Which comprise
he line of WHITE awl DOMESTIC GOODS.
ren ell Cloths, Fancy Cassimers, Satinets, Jeans, Tweeds,
Lilue Drills, Flannels, Lindseys, Comforts, Blank
,etc Sc.
'Hats and Caps, of every variety and style.
_ _
which will lie sold Cheap.
We also deal in PLASTER, FISII, SALT, and all kinds
of GRAINS. and possess facilities in this branch of trade
unequalled by any. We deliver all packages or parcels of
'Merchandise, free of charge, at the Depot, of the Broad Top
and Pennsylvania Railroads.
COME o'NE, COME ALL, and be convinced that the Mc
fropoTitun is the place to secure fashionable and desirable
goods, disposed of at the lowest rates,
lluntin;f,,lon, A pril is, ISGO
;D. P. (71 IN has just received the largest and most
fa-hionable and hest eeiectell Stock of Goods in the nna•-
het, consisting of Cloths, Ca , sinieres, Plain and Fancy,
Kentucky dean. Tweeds. Beay.rteeus, Velvet
Cords, Cotton Drill , . Linen Due•l:, Blue Drills. and other
fashion:Ode Goods for Men and Boys' wear.
The largest and best assortment or Ladies'
Dress Goods in tuwn consisting of Blaek and Pitney Silks,
All Wool Detains, Ci niliii Delains. Alpacas. Plain and Fig
aired Braize, Lawns, Ciughams, Larella Cloth, Dc
Barge. Traveling . Dress Clouds, and a livautiful assortment
of Prints, Brilliants, S.c.
Also, Tielcino-s, Checks, Muslins, (bleached
.and unbleached) Cotton and Linen Diaper, CI ai,h, Nan
keen, &c.
Also, a large assortment of Lmlies' Collars,
Pres Trimm intts, llibbomis, Cloves, 'Alit Gauntlets. Tio
i,ery, Silk and ;Alum llanakerehiels. Vieteria LAW 11. Mull
Muainq, Skis and Cam brie Dimity ham ms, Velvet
Ribbons, and a great variety 01 Hooped
Also, a fine assortment of Spring Shawls.
Also, Boots and Shoes, Hats and Caps,
Slicker Bonnets, %I - animate, Queensware, Wood and
low Ware, Oroceries, Salt and Fish.
Also, the largest and hest asso•rtment of
-Carpets and Oil Cloths in town. Nl hich will be sold eh cap.
Call and examine my hoods, and you will lie convinced
that 1 have the beat assortment and cheapest hoods in the
gib—Country Produce taken in exchange thr Goods, at
the Highest Maiket Prices. D. P. ()WIN.
Huntingdon, April 18, ISCO.
4 - 11 -I UREKA!! EUREKA!!!
I'll UIT CA !..\7-1
Just what was wanted—a CONVENIENT air-tight cover, to
41low at all times, the exact condition or the fruit within
the jar. It is so simple that one person ean seal up twen
ty-par cans in One 111.?"72,11b3. Or O
e pt:ll, SCVCItij-lino Calls in
one minute.
No ft uit is lest in using these cans, fur ,110111 d any 0110
he defective, the cover always show:. it in I ;Inc to •cave the
,contentB. Tin, Earthen, or Glees jars. cold only at the
ilardware Store of JAMES A. L'IiOWN.
Huntingdon, July 18, 1860
Has received a fine assortment of DRY
-GOODS for the Spring and Summer season, comprising a
very extensive assortment of
DRY GOODS iu general,
Fur Men and Boys
The public generally aro requested to call and examine
my goods—and his prices.
As I am determined to sell my Goods, all who call may
expect bargains.
Country Produce taken in Exchange for Goods.
BENJ. JACOBS, atthe Cheap Corner.
Huntingdon, April 4, 1860.
Respectfully inform the public
that they have opened a beautifhl assortment of
in the store i corn at the south-east corner of the Diamond
in the borough of Huntingdon, lately occupied as a Jew
elry Store.
Their Stock is new and carefully selected, and will ho
sold low for cash or country produce.
LARD, and provisions generally, kept coustantly,on hand
on reasonable terms.
Huntingdon, May 9, 1860..
For Gentlemen's Clothing of the best material, and made
sin the best workmanlike manner, call at
opposite the Franklin House in Market Square, Hunting
•don. [April 4, 1860.]
T HE best Tobacco in town, at
IDP. GWIN keeps the largest, best
• assortment and cheapest shoes in town. Call and
examine them.
Abeautiful lot of Shaker Bonnetsfor
sale asap, at D. P. GWIN'S.
ell ALL at D. P. GWIN'S if you want
ASplendid variety of Carpets, only
25 de. per yard. FISHER & SON.
F you want handsome Lawns, Delains,
and other Drees Goods, go to P• P. GWIN'S.
$1 50
lgZft crti.
Great Speech of Senator Douglas at Con
cord, New Hampshire.
The Boston Journal gives a full report of
the speech made by Senator Douglas at Con
cord, New Hampshire, on the 31st of July.
Mr. H. P. Rolfe delivered the address of wel
come, and Mr. Douglas responded as follows :
NEW IlioirsuntE : You will receive my grate
ful thanks for the kind terms in which you
have been pleased to welcome me on this oc
casion, and you will accept my grateful ac
knowledgments for the cordiality with which
you have endorsed those sentiments of wel
comer. For the first time I visit the capital
of your noble State. When I consented to
make a brief trip through Vermont and New
Hampshire, on my way from Saratoga to
Newport, Rhode Island, I did not expect any
public demonstrations. My object was to
make a quiet visit—a pilgrimage to the grave
of my father and to the scenes of my child
hood. But from the moment I trod the soil
of Vermont, I found I was welcomed by the
population en masse. Men of all parties
joined in the reception. It filled my heart
with gratitude and rendered it impossible for
me to discuss any of those political topics
about which the assemblages differred in
opinion. I had supposed that when I left the
borders of my native State, I would be wel
comed only by a few friends as I passed
along the road. Imagine•my surprise at this
vast assemblage—this imposing assemblage,
which exceeds in its magnificence and its
grandeur anything that I have previously
From the bottom of my heart I thank you
for this demonstration and your good. will.—
You have been pleased, Mr. Chairman, to re
fer, in terms of approbation, to my course
upon the Lecompton Constitution. While I
have ceased to discuss that question since it
was finally decided by the people of Kansas,
I will not refrain from a slight allusion to it
now, lest my silence should be misconstrued
by the audience. I did fight that Lecomp
ton Constitution with all the power that I
could command. [" Good for you ;" applause
and cheers.] Reluctant as I was to differ in
opinion or action with the President that I
had used all my efforts to place in the execu
tive chair, yet duty was paramount to any
personal or private consideration. lApplaused
I stood pledged, as every Democrat in Amer
ica stood pledged, by his vote for James Bu
chanan in 1856, to maintain the right of the
people of every State and every Territory to
form and regultate their own domestic insti
tutions. [" That's so," and tumultuous ap
plause.] In my opinion, the attempt to
force upon an unwilling people a Constitu
tion which they did not like, was not only a
violation of the Democratic creed, but it was
a violation of the American creed ; it violated
the Republican, and it violated the creed of
every freeman. [" That's the talk'! that's
so !" l I did not oppose the Lecompton Con
stitution on the ground of its provisions in
respect to African slavery. I held then, as I
hold now, that if the people of Kansas wanted
a slave State, they had a right to it. [" That's
so!"] If, on the contrary, they didn't want
slavery, no power on earth should force it
upon them. [Applause, and cries of " That's
it 1"] I opposed the Lecompton Constitution
because it was not the act and deed. of the
people of Kansas. I proposed. that it should
be referred back to the people of Kansas,
with the privilege of voting for it or against
it; and if a majority of all the legal voters of
Kansas ratified it, then Kansas should be ad
mitted into the Union with that Constitution ;
and if, on the contrary, a majority voted
against it, the people of Kansas might pro
ceed to make a new Constitution, with or
without slavery, just as she pleased, and come
into the Union with it. [" Good? good?"]—
And permit me to say that I was rejoiced
from the bottom of my heart when I saw
every Republican in both Houses of Congress
voting for that proposition. [Laughter and
I hold that the President has no more right
to control the vote of a Senator than a Sena
tor has to dictate to the President. [" That's
a fact."] The President told me that if I did
not obey him and vote to force that Lecomp
ton Constitution on the people of Kansas
against their will, that he would take off the
head of every friend I had in office. [Ap
plause.] I told him in reply, that my friends
were as dear to me as those of any other man
could be to him ; but that if I had a friend
who was not willing to lose his office rather
than to degrade me into a tool of the Execu
tive power, he did not deserve to be my friend.
[Prolonged applause.] And here permit me
to say, my fellow-citizens, that the great con
test between the Executive and myself was
this : He claimed the right to control the vote
of a Senator, in opposetion to the wishes of
his constituents ; I claimed that the represen
tative of the people is independent, and
should always act independently of Execu
tive power. [Applause.] Whenever you per
mit the executive to direct the representative
how he shall vote, you convert this Republic
into a despotism. What is the use of electing
.a Congress if the President has a right to tell
the members how they are to vote ? • [" No
need of it."] There is an end of representa
tive government whenever the Executive is
permitted to use and. abuse his power to con
trol the action of the representative, against
the wishes of his constituents and the dictates
of his individual conscience. ["That's so."]
And in my opinion I was fighting a greater
battle in Illinois in 1858 than the mere ques
tion who should be Senator. [Applause.]—
In -my opinion the question submitted to the
people of Illinois was whether or not their
Senator should be the mere tool of Executive
dictation. [" They decided right 1"] Yes,
they decided right, in opposition to an unholy
alliance between tne Repulicans and the Fed
eral office-holders. [Great applause.] It was
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e. it
hoped that Lecompton controversy had been
settled by the votes of the people of Kansas
against it, that the warfare of the Democratic
party would cease, but instead of that the
war was kept up, and now we find on the na
tional theatre the same game being played
that we witnessed in Illinois in 1858. ["That's
true, every word of it."] And now you find
the question submitted whether or not the ex
ecutive of this nation is to be permitted to
dictate his successor in office. [" lle can't
do it"—applause.]
It is said that Mr. Buchanan naturally feels
mortified and wounded to have a man nomi
nated by his own party in opposition to his
own .wishes. IShouts of derisive laughter.]
Well, whether, he feels mortified or not, it
would have been well for him to have consid
ered that when he became a candidate in 1856,
in opposition to Gen. Pierce, who was then
President and a candidate for re-election.—
["That's so." Suppose Gen. Pierce had
then pursued the course which Mr. Buchanan
is now pursuing—h" He's doing it now"]—
that is, used the power and patronage which
the Democratic party had placed in his hands
for the purpose of defeating the nominee of
that party ; what would every Democrat in
America have said of Prank Pierce if he had
tried to divide and defeat his party merely
out of mortification and chagrin at his not
getting a renomination ? [Applause.] What
ever would have been said of Gen. Pierce in
such a contingency must be said of James
Buchanan now. ["That's so." Applause.]
I should not have referred to these things
at this time, or during this canvass, but for
the fact that the President of the United
States has taken the stump, [laughter and
applause,] and made a political harangue for
the purpose of defeating and dividing the par
ty that elected him President. [" That's so."
" lie can't do it."] What are the reasons
assigned by the President for endeavoring to
divide and break down the Democratic party ?
lie does not assign the personal reason that
he don't like the nominee. [Laughter.] But
he puts it upon the ground that he didn't like
the platform adopted by the party. [" Can't
help it."] What is there in that platform to
which James Buchanan has a right to take
exception ? It is the identical platform upon
which James Buchanan was elected, and
without which he could not have been elected.
[" That's it."] There is not an honest man
in all America that will deny that James Bu
chanan and John C. Breckinrid,ge, in 185 G,
were pledged to the doctrine of non:interven
tion by Congress with slavery in the Territo
ries, {" That's so."]
I made speeches from the same stand with
John C. Breckinridge in 1856, when he was
advocating his own claims to the Vice Presi
dency, and heard him go to extreme lengths
in favor of popular sovereignty in the Terri
tories. And then, again, if I recollect aright,
the Democrats of New Hampshire held a
monster mass meetingat this capital, in March,
1856, previous to the nominations at Cincin
'nati, at which Howell Cobb and Joseph Lane
and James L. Orr, of South Carolina, made
speeches. In every one of those speeches
they advocated squatter sovereignty in its
broadest sense. [Tumultuous applause.] I
appeal to this audience if these facts are not
true. [" That's so.l Yes, this gentleman
says he has the speeches in his pocket. These
speeches were written out by the speakers
after thoy returned to Washington, and were
published in pamphlet form by the National
Democratic Committee, as a true exposition
of Democratic principles. [" That's so—they
were printed in the Post_"] Yes, they were
printed in the Boston Post, and every other
Democratic paper in America, that had the
space to spare for political speeches. In other
words, I stand now where every Democrat
in America, advocating the right of the peo
ple, in every political community, to make
their °Val Jaws and establish their own insti
tutions to themselves, stood. [Tremen
dous applause.]
The speaker proceeded to elaborate the
principles of popular sovereignty, and, as an
illustration, said :
lam a native of New England—yet I left
the land of my birth, the scenes of my child
hood, the grave of my father, and went to the
extreme Northwest. And yet New England
is my native land. I love it because it is.—
Illinois is not your native land, and you do
not love her, therefore, as I love New Eng
land. Hence I say I may believe that the
people of the Northwest, who have emigrated
from New England, Virginia, from the Caro
linas, from _any of the older States, remain
loyal in their affections to the States from
which they removed, but that they love still
dearer the State where they have planted
their wives and their children. And yet we
say we are just as capable of self-government
after we _get there, as we were before we
started. And, with all due respect, we say
we are quite as competent to govern ourselves
as you are. I will give you a good reason
for this belief. I think that the New Hamp
shire boy who removes West, is just as capa
ble of governing himself as his brother who
stays at home. Look around your own neigh
borhood. A gentleman has two sons. One
is a restless, energetic, and daring fellow ;
the other has a good nature, good disposition
and is a good fellow. Which one went West?
and which one staid at home and lived with
daddy and mamma? - [Laughter and cheers,
and cries of "Not the lazy one."] The bold
and ambitious young fellow went to the prai
rie or the wilderness ; carved out his own
fortune, made his own farm, put up his own
fences, and perhaps split his own rails
plause;] cultivated his own fields, erected
his school-house and his church, [Voice:
" Made his own cabinet-work;"] yes, made
his own cabinet-work, perhaps, [laughter and
applausel and by that time, reckon, the
wild boy had sown his wild oats pretty well,
and was as capable of self-government as the
brother who remained at home with daddy
and mamma. [Applause.] And, what is
more, after he had made him a home and a
farm, be came back, perhaps, to see the old
people. And if he did, ten to one that he
put his eye on the prettiest girl in the neigh
borhood, and took her out West with him;
thus, not only taking away the smartest boy,
but the 'prett i est' girl you had. [Applause,
and "That's the way."] Now are you going
to tell me that such people are not capable of
self-government, because they happen to live
in a Territory instead of a State ? (" No!
After dwelling at length upon the various
points here presented, the Senator adduced
another illustration of his doctrine, and said :
Passing through Vergennes, in Vermont,
the other day, a gentlemen in the cars called
my attention to an old piece of Continental
money, and he said to me: "Do you notice
these words—' Mind your own business.' "
Another gentlemen showed me an old Mas
sachusetts coin, and on one side were the
words : Mind your own business." That
was the language of our fathers in the Revo
lution. That is what our fathers said to the
British Parliament when they endeavored to
control our people in their local and domestic
affairs, to tell the people what paper they
should write on, and what they should do.—
That was what our fathers said to the British
Government, "Hands off;" "Mind your own
business." And in order that they might
have it binding upon all succeeding genera
tions, thoy placed the mottoes on their paper
money and their coins, where their children
might read it. [Applause.] We say now to
Congress: " Mind your own business, and
let Territories alone." [Applause.]
I have a word more to say, and then I am
done. I presume that many of you have
business before Congress of some kind or
other. If so, ask your Representative, when
he comes home, what became of the bill.—
He will tell you he did the best he could, but
it was lost for the want of time. [Applause,
and " That's so."] Congress lost the whole
session in the discussion of the slavery ques
tion, and there was no time for the regular
business of the session. One might be in
terested in the Pacific Railroad bill ; another
in the French Spoliation bill. And when
you ask for them. you are told they were lost
for want of time. Slavery occupied the whole
time. Ask your Representatives why they
didn't rznioclel the tariff so that the expenses
of the Government might pay for itself, with
out borrowing twenty millions a year, and
they will tell you the bill was lost for want
of time. Ask them why they didn't pass
the Pacific Railroad Bill, and at the same
time remind them that Fillmore was pledged
to it, Fremont was pledged to it, and Bu
chanan was pledged to it; and yet with all
the candidates pledged to this measure, we
could not get a majority in Congress. Ask
them why, and they will answer, "Lost for
want of time." The negro question takes
up all the time, and there is no time left to
attend to the material interests of the coun
try. ["The interests of white folks."] Yes,
the interests of white folks. In my opinion,
this Government is the white man's Govern
ment. ["That's so."] It was made by white
men for the benefit of white men. ["Good."]
And I think that white men have a right
to a small portion of the time, at least,
to attend to their business. [Laughter and
applause.] Now, you will never have ap
propriate legislation on these questions—and
I am not discussing what that legislation
should be—until you banish the negro ques
tion from the halls of Congress. Let us ban
ish it from Congress forever. Remand it to
the people of the Territories who are inter
ested in it. Let them do as they please, and
there will be no controversy between the dif
ferent sections of the country ; maintain the
doctrine of non-intervention, and all will be
peace and harmony.
Why cannot we be harmonious now as in
former times ? You will remember that in
the Revolutionary times Northern armies
were commanded by a Southern general, and
Southern armies were commanded by a
Northern general. On every battle field
Southern and Northern men stood shoulder
to shoulder, in order that they might trans
mit a common inheritance to their children.
Why cannot we live in peace ? These ques
tions come home to us in the North-west more
forcibly than they do to you. Go to the
plains of the West, and there you will find a
Yankee farmer with' a Southern wife. They
have children, and when they go to visit the
graves of their fathers and their ancestors,
they have to go to Virginia as well as to Ver
mont. Each boy has a Southern interest as
well as a Northern ; and he don't like to
hear curses hurled at the lands of their pa
rents and grandparents. And when you
come to talk about a dissolution of the Union,
we tell you, "No, never." Wo furnish the
water that flows down the Mississippi, as
well as what goes from the lakes down the
St. Lawrence ; we intend to follow that water
wherever it goes, until it mingles with the
broad seas. [Applause.] We have the ties
of marriage and the ties of blood binding us
to g ether. When you tell us this Union must
be dissolved, we say " Never, no, never."—
We say never, for 'the reason that we never
intend to travel into a foreign country to ob
tain a passport, and have it wised by a consul
when we go to visit the grave of our fathers.
Ilence there is not a man on the frontier who
does not love this glorious Union. And be
cause we do love the Union, we mean never
to do an act that would alienate one portion
of the people from the other. You can only
preserve the Union by preserving peace and
concord among the different sections. Re
member that one tie after another has been
severed. This fell spirit of sectional strife
has invaded the holy sanctuary, and has di
vided the church into the churches North,
and the churches South. This fell spirit of
sectional strife has separated the brethren at
the communion-table. And when you find a
spirit of strife so deadly that it can sever the
social tie, the religious tie, and the political
Editor and Proprietor.
tie, what is your Constitution - worth when
you have the people enemies who 'live under
it ? You must bind the hearts of this people
together if you expect to maintain the Union.
You can only bind them together by fidelity
and justice, upon which the whole system of
government rests.
I feel that I have done injustice to you as
well as to myself. [Cries of "Go on, go on."]
No, lam not going on. I have done more
talking to-day than I expected to do all sum
mer. I expected that I was going to pass
quietly through your State, but at every rail
road station my friends have literally over
whelmed me with kindness, and it was not
in my heart to refuse to speak to them. I
made no political speeches, because I was
welcomed by men of all political parties, and
it was never in my heart to say an unkind
thing to those who were kind to me. To-day
I have only touched upon these political
topics because your chairman, who intro
duced me, invited my special attention to
them. I don't intend, as a general thing, to
enter into the political discussions of this
year. It is the first time, in twenty-seven
years, that I have looked on upon a political
fight without taking a hand in it. [Ap
plause.] lam now enjoying a holiday, visit
ing the watering places for the first time,
taking a little recreation, and, as it seems,
speaking a little just for exercise. [Laugh
ter.] But, gentlemen, I must again, serious
ly and with profound gratitude, express to
you my thanks for the manner in which you
have received me this day. It certainly is a
magnificent and imposing demonstration—
one that I feel that I have a right to be proud
of, one that does credit and honor to you that
have got it up. I do not accept it as a per
sonal tribute to myself. I believe, and lam
rejoiced to believe, that it is intended as a
forcible manner of expressing your devotion
to those political principles with which my
public life has been indentified.
In the evening, Mr. Douglas was enter
tained at the house of Mr. Oliver L. Sanborn,
where Mrs. Douglas received a few friends,
Mr. Douglas also took some thousands of his
friends by the hand in the City Hall, and
when the time arrived for the close of the
exhibition, he made a few remarks expressive
of his gratitude. Military bands perambu
lated the town during the evening, some dis
plays of fire-works wero made, and Concord
has scarcely yet (12 o'citvk midnight,) be
come quiet as usual.
Shall Sectionalism Prevail Against the
Will of the Majoriry.
the National Democratic Convention adop
ted the platform of principles for the party
in the pending contest with the Republicans
by an undispnted majority. On that ques
tion the vote of a majority ,and not two
thirds is admitted to be by established law
and bindinge on every delegate and ev
erye, Democratic voter. That platform is the
same on which Buchanan and Breckinridge
were elected. It is the same which the Penn
sylvania Convention that nominated General
Foster for Governor, and elected the delegates
to the National Convention adopted; on
which alone Pennsylvania can hope for sue:
cess in the election for Governor or Presi
dent at her polls. The platform declares op
position to Congressional intervention on the
subject of slavery—declares that the South,
and every State and Territory, has a right to
hold slaves where the majority of citizens so
determine---,declares that where it is not
wanted the majority, under and subject to
the Constitution of the United States, may
exclude it by organic action or Legislative
enactments. It asserts the sovereignty of
the people, and. an abiding sense of the value
of the Union of the States. This platform
was spurned by the Secedevs who put for
ward Breckinridge and Lane; and Pennsyl
vania Democrats are asked to toil and vote
for these men who, by secession an insurrec
tion, divide the Democratic party, " thus
giving to the sectional abolition party of Lin
coln the only chance they have to slip into
The true Democrats stand firm upon the
old and well tried ground, which secures the
rights of the South, whilst it is not hostile to
the interests of the .North, or the East, or the
West. It is opposed alike to the oppressive
sectionalism of the Northern extremists on
the one hand, and the Southern extremists on
the other, and if adhered to will put an end
forever to the agitation of the slavery
tion in our National politics by confining it
to the local legislation of each State and Ter
ritory, the inhabitants of which will always
be able best to determine their own wants
end welfare in the matter.
The question of slavery is not the only one
which concerns the prosperity of the nation,
and it has been made to absorb far too great
a portion of public attention. The Union is
of more value than all the negroes, cffice
holders, and political aspirants' put' together.
We have a National debt of over $100,000,-
000, and a revenue which does not meet the
current expenses of the nation. The labor
of the country, upon the maintenance 'of
which depends our National independence,
power and prosperity, is lett to languish for
want of adequate protection, and all for the
sake of the political demagogues in the North
and in the South, whose stock in trade is the
slavery agitation. Both bands of agitators
aim at the destruction of the Democratic
party—the Republicans, that they may mount
to power and divide the spoils of office; and
the Southern Seceders, in order that they
may overturn the government and divide the
Union.--Norristozon .Arational Democrae.
Vir In Illinois there are ninety-one Dem
ocratic papers for Douglas and two
for Breckinridgo. In Michigan every one of
the thirty-nine Democratic papers is for Doug
las. In Indiana there are sixty-four for Doug
las, and five either for 'Breckinridge or neu
tral. In ,Ohio Seventy-five papers are for
Douglas, and for for Breckinridge. In New
Hampshire only one out of the eleven Demo
cratic papers is against, the rest for Douglas.
The Compromise Electoral Ticket.—"Therq,
is one reason why every Democrat in Penn
sylvania should be opposed to this proposi
tion, and it is this : t very Democrat by it
would place himself in the humiliating posi
tion of favoring intervention, if by doing so,
Breckinridge could be elected, or of favoring
non-intervention, if by doing so; Douglas
could be elected. Can such a propp . sition be
countenanced by the Deniocraby of the State
With what force, or what grace, Can a n.ut
go before an intelligent community and ask
them to endorse it, saying to thetp, 'if we
can elect the President and get the offices on
the doctrine of intervention, we are in favor
of it; but if we cannot, and President and
offices are only to be secured by supporting
popular sovereignty and Stephen A. Douglas.
then we are in favor of him. In effect, say
ing, we are in favor of any man and any set
of principles under which we can secure the
NO. 8.
" What strange god do the Seceders call
upon us to fall down and worship? We ac
knowledge that the South is entitled to equal
justice and rights with the North. We are
called upen now, however, by the slave
drivers cf the South, to go before the people
and tell them that the doctrine of non-inter
vention, which was truth and justice in 1856,
is now a cheat and a delusion; that, although
it was saving grace in the last Presidential
contest, it is a flagrant sin in the present one.
Upon what grounds are we called upon te e .
surrender the position that the Democratie
party has held for the last twelve years
Why, because the slaveholders are anxious
to have the poWer to remove their negroes
from the cotton, rice, and sp:gar geldz of theii
section to the boundless prairies - of fhb West.
If we should agree to intervention by•Co:a
crress to protect slavery, the only practical
effect would be to suffer inevitable defeat,
and to break up the Democratic party."
" The Reading Convention threw the flag
of non-intervention to' the hree2:.e, and every
man who supports Frir. Foster, the Demo
cratic candidate for Governor, declares that
he is in favor of that doctrine. How, then,
can any man who supports Mr. Foster vote
for Breckinridge? Is Democracy one thing
in Pennsylvania, and another thing in the
country at large? Does it mean non-inter
vention in Pennsylvanian, and intervention
everywhere else?"
" Stephen A. Douglas is the nominee of
the regular Democratic Convention, which
assembled at Charleston and Baltimore ac
cording to all the parliamentary rules with
which I am acquainted, and I believe I once
wrote a book on the subject. I will show
you that he is. They say that a number of
the States seceded from the National Convent•
tion, and nominated Breekinridge and Lane.
True ; but how in the world can Breckinridge
and Lane be the nominees of the National
Convention when they are but the nominees
of the Seceders? If five counties secea froi;
a Convention of the party in this State, and
make another nomination, is that nomination
regular ? These gentlemen who have beet
sticklers for two or three years past for regu
larity, and whose only cry in every contest
has been regularity, regularity, have at last
turned round and become the most irregular
creatures I ever knew."
No FUSION ALLOWED.—The WaSilit:lgtOrk
States, the central organ of Douglas, talks in
this wise about "one electoral ticket."
"Finding themselves driven to the wall,
and certain defeat awaiting them from ev ;
erywhere, North and South, the Secessionists
in some of the States cry out for a fusion
with the National Democracy. Upon their
beaded knees they cry for that quarter now
which Jefferson Davis declared in the Senate
should not he given to the supporters of
Judge Douglas. We will not support Doug
las ! shout Yancey and the disunionists.—
He is a traitor I' exclaims Governor Smith.
of Virginia. He is no hatter than Lincoln,"
says Benjamin ; and his snpporters are 'gam
blers and tricksters,' re-echoed Dicke: won, of
New York. And yet the Democracy, witi
their candidate denounced, their platform
repudiated, and their organization stigma
tized as the 'half way house to abolition,' arc
called called upon to form a union with the SOS:-
sionists. A union with disunionists—a union
with traitors alike to the Democracy and the
Constitution ! Never, ticiV : ey. Let the cost
be what it may, under no - circumstance will
we strike our flag. No, we will not lower it
even an inch, to-snit all the kliationists in
the land. We are for no quarter—no quay-
ter to the disunionists, and no quarter to the
administration which upholds them. To fal
ter now would be treason—treason to the gal
lant Democracy of the North, treason to Ste - .
phen A. Douglas and Herschel V. Johnson;
treason to the National Democrats of the
South whO stand by the flag of the country
and strike for its constitution, and worse than
all, treason to the best•boli'es Of the country
and the best interests of the people."
ZOff- The poor seceding malcontents are
whining because the friends of Douglas and
of regular nominations will not " split the
difference" with them, and run divided elec
toral tickets. They want a line thrown over
board to save them. Poor fellows 11a,ving
jumped from the 'regular train over an em)-
bankment, and buried to their chins in mud
and water, they want the train to back down
after them ! If they can crawl out of their,
" fix" and get aboard again all will rclaiCe",
but far better that they should flounder in the
mud with other niSndescripts than, by back
ing down, to hazardthe zafety of the regular
DOUGLAS IN KENTUCKy".—,Extract of a letter
from a prominent and influential naeMber of
the late (35th) Congress from Kentucky:
" In all central Kentucky, embracing a tier
of counties from three to five deep, extending
from the Ohio river to the Tennessee State
line, the Democracy . are for Douglas and
Johnson, and, in my judgment, will continue
to increase until the election is over ; and if
the news we have here frolp the first (Bur
nett's) district is but half true, Breckinridge
will be the Worst beaten candidate that ever
stood a poll in this Commonwealth."
TITE G.A.IIE.—:-The Charleston Mer
cury is calling attention to the character of
the Legislature of South Carolina, urging the
selection. of a certain class of men: The
thing has an interest, because it is understood
that the Disunion game is to commenca'•in
South„Carolina and Mississippi, by 'the steam
of those . States, respe'ctively instructing theii
Senators and Representatives nit to assemble
in Congress at Washington in case Lincol.
should be inauguratesll-1/4-
par Mr. „Lovell, es-Speaker of the Michi
gan House of Representatives in 1857, arta
always a bittaropponent of the Derpocyati'c
party has come out for Douglas.
,e&.. Vote for Douglas and save the Phio,rl
Extracts from Public Speeches.