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DOUGLAS AND JOHNSON !
Ratification Meeting in Philadelphia,
SATURDAF June 30, 1860.
Pursuant to an announcement of the City
Democratic Executive Committee, the Democ
racy of the city of Philadelphia assembled at
Independence Square, on Saturday evening,
for the purpose of ratifying the nominations
of the Baltimore Convention. The arrange
ments were of a complete and thorough na
ture, and reflected much credit upon the mem
bers of the committee who had the meeting
in charge. At the main stand a range of gas
jets bad been •ereeted, extending over the
speakers, and about a hundred feet south
ward, through the avenue of trees. The va
rious ward organizations of the Democracy
assembled at an early hour in the evening,
formed in procession, and paraded to the
scene of the demonstration in large numbers,
accompanied by lanterns, torches, music,
fiao.p., and trai%sparencies. Long before the
hour announced in the call there were two or
three thousand people around the main stand,
immediately opposite the main avenue of exit
from the State House. When the hour ar
rived, Mr. John Campbell, Esq., of the Sev
enth ward, came forward, and called the meet
ing to order by nominating Mr. Frederick
Stoever as chairman. In doing so, be re
ferred to Mr. S. as a Democrat old in the ser
vice. As he has .battled for Andrew Jack
son, be would now battle for Stephen A. Doug
las, of Illinois. [Applause.]
SPEECH. OF FREDERICK STOEVER.
After the applause which greeted this an
nouncement had subsided, Mr. Stoever ad
vanced to the President's chair, and said :
Mr DEMOCRATIC FRIENDS: I thank you
most profoundly for the honor you have con
ferred on me, in selecting me as the presiding
officer of this large and glorious Democratic
ratification meeting, well knowing the favor
was not conferred on me for my capability,
but fur my strict adherence to unwavering
Democratic principles for upwards of half a
century. This reminds me most forcibly of
by-gone days, and seems a singular coinci
dence in my long life. On this hallowed In
dependence ground, thirty-six years ago, the
true Democracy of the city and county of
Philadelphia, thought proper to place me in
a similar situation as chairman of one of the
first organized Jackson meetings. lien, as
now, the true Democracy resisted the dicta
tion of corrupt caucus and office-holders, and
rallied to the support of the immortal name
of Andrew Jackson, [great applause,] and
although elected by the voice of the people,
yet by the fraud and corruption of political
managers, our candidate was set aside, and
John Q. Adams elected, by Congress, Presi
ident. But in 1828 as in 1832, the indomi
table Democracy swept over the United States,
for the sake of the Union, and placed the old
man in the chair of State. [Cheers.] So
now I hope and trust that the Democracy of
the present day will come in their might, and
place a Democrat worthy of Andrew Jackson.
Stephen A. Douglas, in the same chair as
President of the United States. [Tremen
dous cheering.] For it is my candid opinion
that we need now, as then, the courage, the
zeal, and the same devotion to the Union that
characterized the hero of New Orleans, to
preserve us as a nation from sectional strife
and divisions. Let me also assure you that
in my solemn judgment, the contest now is
between Douglas and Lincoln ; between the
true Democracy, on the one side, and Black
Republicanism on the other ; and every vote
cast for Breckinridge or Bell, will, in fact, be
cast for the Abolition party. We have al
ways upheld the just claims of the South, and
we always will ; but let them beware how
they form new alliances, and separate them
selves from their true friends who would have
stood as a wall of fire between them and their
antagonists in the day of trial. [Cheers.]
Thanking you again for your kindness, I
will conclude with the earnest hope that Ste
phen A. Douglas may find the Democracy as
true, as brave, and as successful as they were
in 1828. [Applause.]
Hon. Andrew S. Herron, of Louisiana, one
of the leaders of the National Union Democ
racy of Louisiana, was introduced. He was
greeted with loud cheers.
SPEECH OF TUE MN. A. S. HERRON, OF LOUISIANA.
FELLOW-CITIZENS : I assure you that it is
with intense satisfaction upon this occasion
and in this place, consecrated by so many
memories that are dear to us, and with all
the reminiscences of the past clustering and
crowding around us, that I arise to add my
feeble voice to yours in hearty approval and
cordial endorsement of the nominations made
at Baltimore [Applause, "Ilurruh for Doug
las"] Proud of our candidates, and prouder
still of the glorious party and principles of
which they are the very embodiment and rep
resentatives, we throw our national colors to
the breeze, prepare to do battle against all
and every opponent, come ho from the North
or the South. ["That's the talk," and cheers]
Yes, prepared alike to wage war against
Southern secession and disunion and North
ern fanaticism and Abolitionism. [Applause.]
Fellow-Citizens, why is it that after the
nominations at Baltimore there is not one
voice of accord rising from the Democratic
ranks from Maine to Alabama 2 Why is it
that there are seceders from our ranks ? Why
is it that the men who have been promoted
to high office, and who have reaped the re
wards due to party services—who have been
honored, yes, honored and honored over again
by the Democratic party, are now rebels from
the camp ? How can we explain their defec
tion ? Are we to be told that these gentle
men seriously and deliberately quit the Dem
ocratic ranks because, forsooth, the Conven
tion at Charleaton adopted that platform,
....$1 50
WILLIAM LEWIS,
VOL. X VI.
OE
which in 1856 was accepted by the South, as
well as the North, as the very best platform
which had ever been given to the Democrat
ic party? ,[Applause] Are we to be told
that these gentlemen are now willing, in
their anxiety to protect and save the rights
Of the South, to break up the Democratic par
ty, rather than subscribe to those doctrines
which we of the South in 1854 and 1856 held
to be universally right ? Or are we to be
told that when those delegates from the old
State of Virginia, from Maryland, from
North Carolina, and from other States, sece
ded from the Baltimore Convention, their
deliberate purpose was to break up the Con
vention and the Democratic party, because
one set or another of delegates had been re
ceived from differCtit States? Are we simply
to he told that those gentlemen were acting
from the motives that originally lay at the
bottom of this rebellion when they seceded
upon these light and frivolous grounds ? It
cannot be so. We must look more closely at
what they did, in order to discover the true
n'otives which actuated most, if not all, of
these delegates. Do not understand me as
casting censure upon them all; do not under
stand me as imputing wrong motives-to all of
them ; but by the history of the times, by
their own conduct, and the conduct of the
leaders of this revolution or rebellion in the
Democratic party, shall they be judged.—
["You are right," and applause j The lead
er—yes, the leader par excellence of the sece
ding movement at Charleston, the guiding
spirit who has raised this storm, but who, I
think, will be unable to ride it—Yancey, of
Alabama, has outmanoeuvred them all ; and,
I believe, whether it was his intention or not
at the beginning, that he now thinks he has
almost succeeded in doing what he desired to
do two years ago. And what was that ?
He is recognized as the leader and guiding
spirit of this movement now, and it is proper
that we should know what his position was
then. Did he stand side by side with the
rank and file of the Democracy, fighting their
battles, and the battles of the country ? The
question is best answered by a letter he then
published, in which he spoke of cleaning out
the Democratic party as cleaning an Augean
stable, and alluding to the protection of
Southern rights, distinctly declared that "no
national party can do it (protect Southern
right.) ; no sectional party can do it ; we
must, in imitation of our fathers of the Revo
lution, organize• committees of safety, and by
this means we will be able to fire the South
ern heart, instruct the Southern mind, and,
at the proper moment, by one concerted action,
we will precipitate the cotton States into rev
olution." These are the sentiments and the
words of Mr. Yancey, the leader of the Seces
sion movement at Charleston. Are you,
Pennsylvanians, prepared to follow in the
wake of one whose dearly cherished object
has been to precipitate a portion of the South
into rebellion and revolution for the purpose
of bringing about a disunion of these States?
[Cries of "No," "Never," and applause.]
Fellow-Citizens, on the other hand, there
is another sectional party, whose objects and
whose aims are I sincerely believe, as fraught
with evil and danger to the Union as are
those of the Southern Seceders. It matters
not whether the objects they aim at are direct
and immediate revolution, secession, and dis
union, the tendencies are, and the results will,
in all human probability, be just the same as
if the Southern secession movement were to
prevail. In either case this glorious Confed
eracy of ours, which is calculated to do so
much good for its own citizens, which already
possesses so much power at home and com
mands so much respect abroad, will be shiv
ered into atoms [Voices,"We are the media
tors." "Douglas will save:the Union." "Three
cheers for Douglas] The Constitution of the
Union, after a. long solicitous, and anxious
debate, was finally adopted by a compromise
on the part of the North and a compromise
on the part of the South. There was no com
promise of principles or of clearly cherished
rights by either side, but there was a com
promise of opinions. The framers of that
instrument met on a common, national plat
form and, for the good of their common coun
try, sacrificed their individual opinions, and
raised an alter before which we all can wor
ship. [Cheers.] Combining all these elements,
though in an humbler point of view, now
stands the real, true Democratic party. It
occupies the ground now which the fathers of
the country occupied then. Our leaders ad
vocate the same doctrines North and South.
They tell you that there is no reason why you
should not urge the same opinions as dogmas
and doctrines of the common party in Louis
iana, as you advocate in Pennsylvania. In
the discovery, or in the putting into force, so
far as the slavery question is concerned, the
doctrine of non-intervention, a panacea was
found for all the evils which had threatened
the country for years. [Cheers.] The doctrine
of non-intervention, which you in Pennsylva
nia can endorse, as well as we in Louisiana.
is simply the doctrine of self-government.—
This principle lies at the very foundation of
our Government ; it called forth the Declara
tion of Independence ; our Constitution was
based upon it, and it gives to the people of
'the Territories the right to govern them
selves, so far as domestic relations are con
cerned, in their own way, subject only to the
'Constitution of the United States. What ob
jection can Pennsylvania urge to the opera
tion of this principle? What direct - interest
is it to you whether the people in New Mex
ico have slavery or not ? It is not your busi
ness, unless you go there. And to us in the
South what matters it whether the people of
Nebraska, or Oregon, or any Northern
Territory or State, have slavery or not ? It
is none of our business. L"Yon are right !"
and applause] It is a matter for the people
who reside in those States and Territories to
determine for themselves., and it is only sub
ject to their decision. If slavery is protect
ed in the Territories by the Constitution, the
Democratic party cannot deprive the people
who choose to take slaves there of their right
to do so. It is a question for the people and
the courts to decide, and when the courts
have finally decided it, every man North and
South, if he is a good citizen, will bow in
submission to the decree of the proper triba-
nal. [Cheers] Can we, for a moment, be
lieve that the simple enunciation, the simple
reiteration and reaffirmation of this doctrine,
which was sanctioned by the Democratic par
ty in 1850, reaffirmed in 1854, and again en
dorsed and made a portion of the platform in
1856, was the cause of the withdrawal of cer
tain delegates from the Charleston and Balti
more Conventions? What principle of the
party can they show was then violated, as an
excuse for their action ? What sensible man
is there who believes, decide this question as
you will, that it will alter the status of a sin
gle African on the continent? It is an ab
stract question, without meaning and with
out significance. It cannot:possibly result
disastrously to the interests of the South or
the North. Then, why should we disorgan
ize the Democratic party ? Wby should we
tear asunder those ligaments which have
bound us together as with hooks of steel ; those
ties of common interest and feeling which
have ,made the Democratic party the ruler of
the destinies of this country for almost a cen
tury ? Why should we forsake the party now
and throw this Government into the hands of
a sectional party, either North or South, which
could administer it for four years, and keep
peace in the land? Would it be right to do
so, unless some real injury would result from
the triumph of our party and its principles?
Unless there was some principle involved
which, although it appeared an abstract ques
tion at present, would in future he a question
of vast import to the country ? In that event
we might give up even for an abstraction ;
but, when there is no possibility that this
question can affect the rights or interests of
any portion of the Confederacy, I ask why,
in the name of God, do men try to destroy
this great party, and thus bring disaster and
ruin upon the country ?
Fellow-citizens : We have nominated a
ticket at Baltimore pledged to carry out the
doctrines of the Democratic party. We have
proclaimed no new doctrines ; we have made
no innovations or interpolations in the Dem
ocratic creed. Our candidates are pledged to
what our candidates in 1856 were pledged to
do ; yes, what James Buchanan, the Presi
dent of the United States, not only agreed to
do by accepting the nomination, but what he
agreed to do in the most clear apd explicit
terms in his commentaries on the Cincinnati
platform. Not only did Mr. Buchanan en
dorse these principles, but so also did Mr.
Breckinridge, the Vice President. John C.
Breckinridge, in 1854, in discussing the Kan
sas-Nebraska bill, stated the question dis
tinctly and unequivocally. He then said :
" You, gentlemen of the South, or a portion
of you, contend that the Territorial Legisla
ture has no power to prohibit slavery, and
you contend that it should be protected ; you,
gentlemen from the North contend that the
Teiritorial Legislature has the power to pro
hibit slavery ; but we both agree that it is not
a proper question for Congress to decide, or
is it a proper question for a Democratic Con
tion to decide. We all agree that it is a ques
tion proper for the courts and for the courts
only, to decide." [Applause.] Gentlemen,
this question is the only question upon which
Mr. Breckinridge now pretends to differ with
the Democratic party, and upon which he is
attempting to destroy it, and yet he has ad
mitted that it was a question for the courts,
and not for Conventions, to decide. [" He is
a Jeremy Diddler." Hisses for Breckinridge.]
It is assumed by the Secessionists that this
question has already been settled by the Su
preme Court. We say no; it has not been
decided, because it has never been brought
before the court for argument or decision, and
it is a well-recognized and sanctioned doctrine
all over the country, that no court can decide
h question which has never been brought be
fore it for its decision.
[A large delegation with transparencies
here entered the Square, preceded by a fine
band of music. They were received as only
Democrats can' receive Democrats, and the
shout that went up fairly made old Indepen
dence Hall shake. After the enthusiasm of
the crowd had somewhat subsided,
Hon. Charles Brown said: Fellow-citizens
—I desire, before Mr. Ilerron resumes his
speech, to read you the following despatch
which has just been received from Wilming
ton :
9 o'clock, 5 minutes.
To the President of the Democratic Meeting in Indepen
dence Square.
Mr. Douglas is in the cars. He had a tremendous re
ception here by his friends. J. D. GRIER."
Three times three cheers were here given
for Douglas, and three times three cheers for
the Democracy of Wilmington.
Mr. Herron resuming. Fellow-citizens—A
few words more and I will conclude. I have
already trespassed upon your time long enough;
and, besides, my voice is failing me from the
immense effort it has required to make my
self heard by even a portion of this vast as
semblage. [Cries of "Go on," "go on."]—
When interrupted by the entrance of our
friends, I was upon the question of the doc
trine of popular sovereignty in the Territories
by the courts, and with one single remark, I
will conclude that branch of the subject. I
say that the courts have not decided that ques
tion. In the opinion of the mass of the North
ern Democracy, and of an immense number
of men in the South, the question stands now
exactly where it did in 1856, and in 1854,
when John C. Brckinridge, the candidate of
the rebellious faction of the Democracy, made
a speech, [Cheers.] I say rebellious faction
because they are nothing else. [Cries of "That's
so ;" "Good, good," and cheers.] They have
no claim to nationality. [Applause.] They
have violated the usages of the Democratic
party, and have bolted a Convention which
even after the secession of this faction repre
sented over two-thirds of the electoral college
by its delegates, and showed that it was strong
enough to elect Stephen A. Douglas, the can
didate it placed in nomination for the Presi
dency. [lmmense applause.] The question,
then is precisely the same now that it was in
1856, and as tong as it remains so it is our
duty as Democrats, true to the cardinal princi
ples of our faith, and true to the cardinal
principles upon which we fought and won in
1856, to adhere to the same doctrine we ad
vocated then, and with the help of God we
intend to do it. [Cheers.]
-PERSEVERE.-
HUNTINGDON, PA., JULY 11, 1860.
"WILMINGTON, June 30 1856
Fellow-citizens : I am from Louisiana.—
[Three cheers for Louisiana.] lam from one
of the largest slaveholding States in the Union,
and I, for one, am not willing to commit the
guardianship, the peculiar guardianship of
the rights of the South, to Caleb Cushing, of
Massachusetts. [Tremendous applause.]—
Who is this man Caleb Cushing? Giving
him all the benefit and advantage of having
lately presided over what is called the South
ern Constitutional or National Convention,
I cannot forget_ that, in 1836, when he was a
member of Congress from Massachusetts, he
voted against the admmission of the indepen
dent State of Arkansas, because her people
wanted slavery, and decreed that it should exist
in their midst in the State Constitution. On
that ground he voted against the admission
of a sovereign State into the family of States.
Arc you, the Democracy of Pennsylvania,
prepared to say that he shall be the represen
tative of the old State ? [cries of " No, no,"]
and are we, the people of the South, prepared
to say that he is a fit custodian to have placed
in his hands the keeping of Southern institu
tions ? . [Voices " We hope not," " Never,"
&c.] And whilst speaking of this man, let
me refer to that other notorious representa
tive from Massachusetts, Mr. Butler. That
young man was so shocked, his feelings were
so wounded, by the motion of the African
slave trade in the Democratic Convention,
that he could no longer remain in it, and
hastily withdrew and joined the Seceders'
Convention. [Laughter.] This course of Mr.
Butler may secure many Abolition voters for
Mr. Brekinridge in Massachusetts, and might,
too, bring him thousands in the South. [Ap
plause.] Citizens of Pennsylvania, be true
to yourselves and true to the Democratic par
ty. Are you seriously Democrats? I address
this question particularly to those who pro
pose to vote for John C. Breckinridge, if there
be one man within the , hearing of my voice
who intends to do so. [Cries of " There are
none ?" " We stand by regular nominations."
" Hurrah for Douglas,"] If there be such a
man, I ask him, are you sersously a Demo
crat ? [Voice, "Go dn, there are no Breck
inridge men in Pennsylvania," and cheers.]
Do you believe as a Democrat that the safety
and the well-being of this country depend
upon a strict construction of the Constitution
of the United States ? [" We do."] Do you
believe as, Pennsylvanians and as Democrats
that the good of the country is dependent, to
a great degree upon the success of the Demo
cratic party? ["Certainly."] Are you hon
est and earnest when you say you are
Democrats ? If you are, why not support the
nominees of the Democratic Convention ?
f" That's so."] Why not at once throw over
board the candidates of the rebellious sece
ders and support the nominees of the true
National Democracy? [Cries of "Douglas
forever, Douglas," and cheers.] What do
you propose to do in Pennsylvania by sup
porting John C. Breckinridgo ? [Cries of
" nothing."] You certainly do not propose
to give him the electoral vote of your State ?
[" We propose to give that to Douglas," and
applause.] It would be madness to suppose,
and his most devoted, most hallucinated fol
lower could not for a moment entertain the
idea, that Breckinridge could, by any possi
bility, secure the electoral vote of this State.
Then, what will be the result of their persist
ing in keeping his name in the field ? It will
be to cast the vote of the glorious old Key
stone State, which never before faltered in
supporting the Constitution and the Union in
every crisis, for Abraham Lincoln, the Black
Republican candidate. [Voices, " Never,
never."] Are you Democrats, and do you
propose to pursue such a mad policy as that ?
Could you look your Democratic friends in
the face after such treason to your party and
your country ? Are you prepared now to
basely turn back and do that which would
result in more injury to your State than any
other ? I cannot believe it. When the heat
of the moment, which was caused by the dis
cussions and. differences at Charleston and
elsewhere, has subsided, and when the extra
ordinary pressure of those distinguished citi
zens from all parts of the country who hold
offices under Government has passed off, I
believe that every Democrat will seriously
consider the subject, and will come to the
conclusion that his duty, and his whole duty,
is to rally around the old Democratic stan
dard and vote for Stephen A. Douglas for
President, and Herschel V. Johnson for Vice
President. [Cheers.] Again thanking you
for your kindness, 1 will now give way to
others who are more able to address you upon
the exciting questions now at issue.
. Mr. Herron retired amidst great applause.
SPEECH OF GEN. A. C. DODGE, OF lOWA
Gen. A. C. Dodge, of •lowa, ex-Governor
of that State, ex-minister to Spain, and
chairman of the lowa delegation in the
Baltimore Convention, was introduced, and
received with great enthusiasm.
FELLOW-CITIZENS: I am proud of the op
portunity to meet and address so large and
respectable an assembly of the unterrified
Democracy of the good old Commonwealth of
Pennsylvania. I am one of the squatter
sovereigns—born in a Territory, and having
lived in Territories always until lowa became
a State. [" Sound Democrat," and applause.]
We Democrats of the West regard you as the
Keystone of the Federal arch, and never in
the history of the Republic have you had a
more important duty to discharge than that
which you will be called upon to perform at
the approaching Presidential election. Most
unexpectedly, the Democracy—that party
which has ruled the nation fbr the nation's
good, from the days of Thomas Jefferson, with
a few slight exceptions—have, in their recent
Convention, met with Secession and Disunion.
A small portion of the delegates to the Dem
ocratic National Convention have bolted, and
this defection came forth from the South—
that Southern wing of our forces which, in
times past, always stood true to the party
and the country—but still there were left in
the Convention two-thirds of the delegates,
as upright and as patriotic men as ever as
sembled together in this or any other country.
Gentlemen of the Keystone State, in the ap
proaching election you will be called upon
not only to give your vote for Stephen A.
Douglas, [cheers,] but also for Henry D,
Foster, the gallant champion of the Democ
racy from Westmoreland county. I have
known him long and well, and know that ho
is eminently worthy of the high station to
which he has been nominated, and to which
high place he is soon, I trust, to be elevated
by your united suffrages. [" That's so," and
great applause.] What would you have
thought of the Convention which placed Gen.
Foster in nomination, if one-fourth or one
third of the delegates to your Reading Con
vention, acting by the advice of some of the oth
er gentlemen wnose names had been before the
Convention for the office for which he was nom
inated, had bolted from that body and placed in
nomination one of the gentlemen who had
been a candidate against him ? Would you
not have branded them as traitors? [" Yes,"
and applause.] Now, gentlemen, the pro
ceedings at Baltimore were just such as might
have occurred in your State Convention under
the circumstances I have indicated to yom—
Let us, then, regard ourselves as most for
tunate that, notwithstanding all the difficul
ties with which we have had to contend in
this contest, we have secured the choice of
the nation. We have not got the man the
politicians desired, but we have got the one
man whose nomination the people preferred
over all others ; and as ours is a nation in
which the people rule, the result of that nom
ination must be a triumph at the ballot-box.
(Great applause.) I indignantly repel the
charge which has been made by the Seceders
and their eenfederates, that the majority of
the Democracy In the Baltimore Convention
were wedded to a man and not to principles.
We prefer our principles to any man ; but it
so happened that the man for whom we con
tended was the man of the people, the man
for whom the States of the great Northwest
had instructed in a body. And hailing from
that section, as I do, I tell you that you will
hear as good report from it. (Cheers.) We
will hardly take time to notice the Secession
ists out there. In all that section there will
be little encouragement offered to them there;
but we are looking to a bitter struggle with
that other, and more formidable enemy, the
Black Republican party, which has triumphed
in numerous State elections, and which is
now expecting to take advantage of our divis
ions and thereby elect Lincoln President of
the United States. (" Never, never.") Fel
low-citizens, let the remembrance that your
standard-bearer has already met and defeated
the representative of the Black Republicans
inspire you With now energy, and incite you
on to victory.
Douglas is already in the habit of beating
Lincoln in their own State, and whilst he re
ceived Lincoln's fire in front, another battery
was opened upon him in the rear; but their
efforts were in vain. He triumphed after
one of the hottest fights that ever marked a
Senatorial or any other contest, and if you
are only true to yourselves he will triumph
over the combined forces of the allies. He
will beat them back if hit friends stand firm.
The eyes of the nation are now turned to
Pennsylvania, to see if she will not maintain
the reputation which she has always enjoyed
in the Democratic party. I address men,
many of whom stood by " Old Hickory" in
his memorable contest with the United States
Bank, and this circumstance recalls to my
mind a most gratifying reminiscence connec
ted with our leader. Who was it who on the
floor of the House of Representatives made
the greatest speech ever made in that body
in defence of " Old Hickory," and for refund
ing the fine imposed on him for saving New
Orleans ? It was Stephen A. Douglas who
did it, and who enjoys the great and heart,
felt satisfaction of having received the thanks
of the glorious old hero of the Hermitage, a
short time before his death. General Jack
son stating it was the ablest vindication ever
made of his conduct.
Again, who was it that delivered the most
memorable and eloquent speech ever made in
the House of Representatives in advocacy of
the prosecution of the Mexican war? Who
was it who crossed steel with John Quincy
Adams, and overthrew him in debate ? It
was Stephen A. Douglas, your nominee.—
Who was it that drew with his goodly right
band the bills which organized all the Terri
tories admitted into this Union since 1843,
and who aided to fight all the Compromise
measures through the Senate ? The same
great man. I was in Washington at that
time as a North-western Senator, an humble
friend and follower of his, and of Clay, Web
ster and Cass, and I happen to know his ser
vices at that critical period of our country's
destiny. I know that Henry Clay relied upon
him more than upon any other man, entrus
ted to him the drawing up of the Compromise
bills, and called upon him, when his voice
became so feeble that he could no longer fill
the Senate, to take his place and fight the bat
tle for the admission of California, Utah, and
New Mexico, (great applause,) and for the
establishment of the 'principle that the people
shall be left free to shape their own domestic
institutions and control their own destinies.
Who was it that lashed Sumner, Seward, &
Co., and triumphed over them in the great
debate upon the Kansas-Nebraska bill, which
established a living principle by which the
matter of slavery is to be settled, and that
vexed question to be forever banished from
the halls of Congress? It was Stephen A.
Douglas, (Cheers,) You all know him. (A
voice, " And love him," cheers. I knew him
when he was an humble pioneer with his pack
upon his back. (Cheers.) I knew him when
be pushed the jack-plane in a village in Illi
nois. (Cheers.) I knew- him as a village
schoolmaster ; as the Attorney General of his
State ; as a judge upon the Supreme Court
bench ; and, subsequently, when he was elec
ted to the lower branch of Congress and from
there to the Senate, where he is now serving
his third term. (Applause.) And, Gentle
men, if the bolters and political tricksters
who are now at work to defeat the choice of
the people for the highest office in their gift
succeed, he will grow upon their hands just
as old Hickory did, when he was defeated for
the same position, and by the same means,
in 1824. (Cheers.) The familiar name, by
which he is now known among his country
men, is that of the " Little Giant," but if he
is cheated by these Secessionists and Dis
Editor and Proprietor.
NO. 3.
unionists he will be known in the future as
the " Big Giant," before whom intriguing pote
iticians will fly, as from the wrath to come,
I tell you, that if he ever comes down on any
of them the unfortunate man will think that
lie weighs more than a ton. (Great applause.)
If he is beaten now, his success in the future
is certain ; while those who oppose the party,
because he is its nominee, will be consigned
to oblivion. (" That's so," and cheers.)--
The people love him because he is true to
them and maintain their rights. They have
watched with interest the persecutions to
which he has been subjected ; they have seen
him removed from the chairmanship of the
Committee on Territories by a tyrranical, ma.
jority because of his independence, and they
have seen those who should have sustained
him and strengthened his hands, resort to every
trick to disgrace him, because they were jeal
ous and envious of his hold on the popular
heart. The result of these attempts is be.
fore you. Without patronage, without pow
er, he has stood forth in the Democratic Con
vention at Charleston and at Baltimore tri
umphant and victorious. lie received front
that Convention the greatest honor it could
pay him, the regular legitimate nomination,
for the Presidency, and if you are true to
yourselves, you will ratify that nomination
at the ballot-box. If he cannot carry all the
States, let at least, Pennsylvania, as well as
lowa and the Northwest, give a good account
of themselves. (" We will," and cheers.)—,
Let us, now that we have a man who is true
to us, be true to him, and fight him through,
If we make a good fight for him, we will elect
triumphantly, (" Never fear," we'll do it,"
and great applause.) But if, as I said before,
he should be beaten by unfair play, to which
his opponents have resorted, the people will
call them to a severe reckoning; and, four
years hence, they will place him in the White
House, for, remember the people govern in
this country. As the hour is late, I will not
longer detain you, and with many thanks for
your kind attention, I bid you good-night.
At the conclusion of his remarks, Gen.
Dodge was greeted with three cheers and an
immense tiger.
Speech of Senator Douglas In New York,
At the serenade to Judge Douglas, on Mon
day evening, the Judge made the following
speech, in response to the calls of the multi
tude.
"FELLOW-CITIZENS I return to you my
most sincere thanks for this manifestation of
your good feeling. It is gratifying to me to
know that the united Democracy of the city
of New York feel the importance of the great
contest now pending before the American
people. There is no place on the American
continent whose citizens ought, from their
position, to be so enthusiastic in favor of
those great political principles which should
be proclaimed alike in every State of the
Union, as in the Empire State of New York,
(Cheeers) While every other State is, in
some degree, local in its character, having a
peculiar circle for its own trade, New York
reaches to the furthermost ends of the conti
nent, and across the whole world, wherever
her flag may wave over American soil and
American ships. The whole country is the
theatre of your commerce, your interest, and
your influence, andyou ought to sympathize
with the people of the distant portion of the
Republic as with those who come into more
immediate contact with you. Hence, my
friends, I expect to find the Democracy of
New York standing a unit in Iwor of those
great political principles which recognize the
rights and property of the citizens of every
State, and yet leave every State perfectly free
to manage its own affairs, mind its own busi
ness, and which leaves its neighbors- alone,
(Cheers and cries of " Thai's right.")
"My friends, I made my appearance on
this balcony to-night for the purpose of ac
knowledging the compliment you now pay
me, and not to enter into political discussion
upon any of the political topics of the day.
It is the first time in my life I have been
placed in the position to look on and sPe a fight
without taking a hand in it. (Cheers and
laughter.) I shall, however, feel no leas inter
est in this great political struggle, for I be
lieve that the well-being of this country and
the popularity of the Union depend upon
maintaining intact and inviolate those great
cardinal principles for which the Democratic
party now, as In former times, are pledged by
that platform and organization. (Cheers)—
I renew to you my sincere thanks for your
kindness upon this occasion." (Loud .Ap,
plause, during which Mr. Douglas retired
from the balcony.)
MR. DOUGLAS TO DEAN RICIDIOND.—During
the session of the Baltimore Convention Dean
Richmond received the following despatph
from Mr. Douglas:
WASHINGTON, June a% 1.800-91 A. M.
To Dean Richmond, • Chairnzan of the New
rbrk Delegation.
The steadiness with which New York hag
sustained me will justify a word of counsel.
The safety of the cause is the pqramount
duty of every Democrat, The unity of the
party, and the maintenance of its principles
inviolate, are more important than the eleva
tion or defeat of any individual. If my ene
mies are determined to divide and destroy the
Democratic party, and, perhaps, the country,
rather than to see rue elevated—and if the
the unity of the party can be preserved, and
its time-honored principles maintained, and
its ascendancy perpetrated, by dropping my
name and uniting upon some ether reliably,
non-intervention and Union-loving Democrat,
I beseech you, in consultation with our
friends, to pursue that course which will save
the party and the country, without regard to
my individual interests.
I mean all this letter implies. Consult free
ly, and act boldly for the right. _
[From the Chicago Times, Juno 24.]
Of the success of this ticket there can be
no doubt. That it will be elected no sensible
man can for a moment question. Last night
the North-west was in a blaze of rejoicing.—
The fiery cross was lighted and borne by
messengers more fleet of foot than ever scaled
the hill-sides of the Higlands, has been vrel,
coined by the people as the signal for a speedy
rally, and certain deliverance from Republi
can thraldom. To-morrow's sun will not
have shone down before the welcome news
will have been received in Minnesota; and,
thenceforth, until November, from St. Paul
to Mobile, from the Aroostook to the Rio
Grande, the names of Douglas and Johnson
will be hailed as the watchwords of a victory
over all the isms and fanatical designs of
Northern and Southern disunionists, imprac,
ticables and traitors.
In Franklin county, 'Penn., there is a rick.
man who can beat old Abe Lincoln all hollow
at his favorite game. One of the Deputy
Marshals for this county made the acquain
tance of a lady 75 years old, who built 300
yards of good rock fence within the last year,
with her own bands ; and what is more, she
gathered and carried in her arms all the
materials of which the fence is built,
S. A. DOVGLA.