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liolititat,
mow the News of the Nomination of
Douglas was received in Washington
---Great Speech of Judge Douglas.
WASHINGTON", June 24.
The news of the nomination of Judge Doug
las for President, by the regular National
Democratic Convention, was received in this
city yesterday afternoon, and caused the
greatest excitement. Rumors had prevailed
during the morning and the night before that
he had withdrawn, and, therefore, his nomi
nation fell upon many who had eagerly trus
ted in these reports with the greatest surprise.
The Republicans especially seemed disap
pointed and gloomy, and I heard more than
one of their leaders declare that his nomina
tion made the fight a more severe and doubt
ful one than they had expected.
The friends of Judge Douglas, whose num
bers were, swelled to thousands by the arri
val of the numerous trains from Baltimore,
were almost frantic with joy. They came
crowding into Washington, representatives
from every State, North and South, east and
West, and here thronging the hotels and
crowding Pennsylvania avenue, they carried
all before them with their enthusiasm. If
they carry back to their homes the spirit
which now animates them, many of the . pledges
they have given of carrying their various States
will surely be fulfilled, for they are now
clothed with the armor of victory.
The bead-quarters of the Douglas Club in
Pennsylvania avenue, were brilliantly illumi
nated last night, and about half past ten
o'clock. the Club, one thousand strong, head
ed by Wither's brass band, proceeded down
to the railroad depot to receive a portion of
the Illinois delegation, who were understood
to be on their way to this city. About eleven
o'clock this delegation with the Great West
ern band arrived, and were taken in charge
by their Washington friends, who escorted
them up to the residence of Judge Douglas.
Here a large crowd had already assembled
in expectation of a serenade. There must
have been in all, about twenty-five hundred
persons present, and when three cheers were
proposed for Judge Douglas, they were given
with a power which fairly seemed to shake
the earth. After the two. bands had played
several airs, loud calls were made for Mr.
Deswgins, and when he presented himself on
the steps of his residence, another immense
shout went up. When the enthusiasm had
somewhat subsided, he said :
FELLOW CITIZENS thank you for this
manifestation of your kindness and of your
enthusiasm. The circumstances under which
this vast crowd have assembled spontaneous
ly, and without previous notice, demonstrates
an earnestness of feeling which fills my heart
with gratitude. To be the chosen standard
hearer of the only political organization which
is conservative and powerful enough to save
the country from Abolitionism and Disunion,
is, indeed, an honor of which any citizen may
well be proud. lam fully impressed with
the responsibilities of the position, and trust
that Divine Providence will impart to me the
strength and wisdom to comply with all of its
requirements. [Applause.] Our beloved
country is threatened with a fearful sectional
antagonism which places the Union itself in
iminent peril. This antagonism is produced
.by the effort in one section of the Union to
to use the Federal Government for the pur
pose of restricting and abolishing slavery, and
a corresponding effort in the other section fur
the purpose of extending slavery into those
regions where the people do not want it.—
[Cries of " That is true."] The ultra men
in both sections demand Congressional inter
vention upon the subject of slavery in the
Territories. They agree in respect to the
power and the duty of the Federal Govern
ment to control the question, and differ only
as to the mode of exercising the power. The
one demands the intervention of the Federal
Government for slavery and the other against
it. Each appeals to the passions and preju
dices of his own section against the peace and
harmony of the whole country. [Cries of
"'That's so," and applause.] On the other
hand, the position of all conservative and
Union-loving men is, or at least ought to he,
that of non-intervention by Congress with sla
very in the Territories. [" That is the true
doctrine," and immense applause.] This
was the position of the Democratic party in
the Presidential contest of 1848, 1852, and
1856. This was the position upon which
Clay, and Webster, and Cass, and friends of
the Union of all political affinities at that day
established the Compromise measures of 1850.
Upon this common ground of non-interven
tien they routed and put to flight the Aboli
tionists of the North, and the Secessionists
of the South, in that memorable contest.—
[Cries of " We will do it again," and three
cheers.] It was on this common ground of
non-intervention that Whigs and Democrats
agreed to stand in their respective party plat
forms of 1852. The Whig party adhered
faithfully to this principle so long as its or
ganization was maintained, and the Demo
cratic party still retains it as the keystone of
the political arch which binds the Federal
Union together. [Tremendous applause.]—
To this cardinal principle of non-intervention
has the Democratic party renewed the pledge
of its faith at Charleston and at Baltimore„—
[Cheers and cries of "We will keep the faith."]
As the chosen representative of the great par
ty, it is my fixed purpose to keep the faith
and redeem that pledge, at all hazards and
under all circumstances. [Three cheers for
Douglas.] The safety of the Union depends
upon a strict adherence to the doctrine of
non-intervention. Intervention means dis
union. Intervention, whether by the North
or by the South, whether for or against sla
very tends directly to disunion. Upon this
identical question an attempt is now being
made to divide and destroy the Democratic
party. Because the minority of intervention
ists could not intimidate the majority into an
abandonment of the doctrine of non-interven
tion, they have seceded from the organization
of the Democratic party, and are endeavoring
to form a new party in hostility to it. [Cries
=I
WILLIAM LEWIS,
VOL XVI.
of "let them go," " we can whip the dis
unionists North and South," etc.]
Secession is disunion. Secession from the
Democratic party Means secession from the
Federal Union. ["That's so," and applause]
Those who enlist under the secession banner
now will be expected on the 4th of March next
to take up arms against the constituted author
ities in certain contingencies. We have been
told that in a certain event the South must
forcibly resist the inauguration of the Presi
dent elect, while we find those who are loud
est in their threats of such resistance en
gaged in the scheme to divide and destroy the
Democratic party, and thereby secure the
election of the Republican candidate. Does
not this line of policy look to disunion ? [Cries
of "Yes ;' 5. " It cannot be effected," &c.]
Intelligent men must be presumed to un
derstand the tendency and consequences of
their own action. Can the seceders fail to
perceive that their efforts to divide and defeat
the Democratic party, if successful, must
lead directly to the secession of the Southern
States ? I trust that they will see what must
be the result of such a policy, and return to
the organization and platform of the party
before it is too late to save the country. [Ap
plause.]
The Union must be preserved. [Cheers.]
The Constitution must be maintained invio
late, [renewed cheering,] and it is our mis
sion under Divine Providence, as I believe,
to sate the Constitution and the Union from
the assaults of Northern Abolitionists and
Southern Disunionists. [Tremendous ap
plause, and three cheers for Dountas.)
My friends, I have detained you to long, and
will close by renewing the expressions of my
sincere thanks.
Many voices—Go on, go on.
Mr. DOUGLAS, No, it is nearly Sabbath
morning. [A voice, We will listen to you for
a year, Judge] and I merely made my appear
ance to acknowledge the compliment you have
paid me by so large a meeting at this late
hour of the night. I recognize among you
the faces of many of my old friends and a
large number of my immediate neighbors
from Illinois, as well as others from almost
every State of the Union. I only regret that
my house is not large enough to enable me
to invite you in and take you individually by
the hand. IA voice." Your heart is big
enough." Tremendous enthusiasm and three
times three cheers for Stephen A. Douglas,
the next President of the United States.]
Speech of Hon. H. V. Johnson, Demo
cratic Nominee for Vice President.
WASHINGTON, June 2G,
The following is the speech of Hon. Her
schel V. Johnson, of Georgia, last night at the
National Hotel, on accepting the nomination
for the Vice Presidency on the ticket with the
Hon. Stephen A. Douglas :
MR. CHAIRMAN, GENTLEMEN OF THE NA
TIONAL DEMOCRATIC PARTY, AND FELLOW-CITI
ZENS :-I was taken by surprise when I re
ceived a telegraphic message in Baltimore, at
three o'clock this day, that the Hon. Benja
min Fitzpatrick had declined the nomination
tendered him by the Democratic Convention,
and that it was demanded of me to accept it.
It is known to many of you that my name
was freely mentioned in Baltimore in connec
tion with this nomination, and that I persis
tently refused to con tenance it, but invariably
argued that if Georgia were to be thus hon
ored, it was due to another of her sons, most
distinguished for his talents and great public
services.
This was my earnest desire and the desire
of the delegation of which I was a member.
But the Convention in its wisdom deemed it
best to nominate a statesman of Alabama.—
It was entirely satisfactory. Alabama is the
child of Georgia, and the mother cordially
responds to any compliment bestowed upon
her daughter. These are the circumstances un
der which I have been assigned this distin
guished position, and which demand that dis
crimination should yield to the voice of duty.
The National Democratic party is in a pe
culiar condition. It is assailed in the house
of its professed friends, and threatened with
overthrow. The country is in - a peculiar con
dition. It is on the eve of a sectional conflict,
which may sweep down all political parties
and terminate in a dissolution of the Union.
It is the duty of patriots and statesmen to
unite iv averting these threatened calamities.
It may not be inapppropriate to refer to the
circumstances which imperil the National
Democracy. The Alabama delegation went
to the Convention at Charleston, instructed
to demand the incorporation into the platform
of the party the proposition that Congress
should intervene for the protection of slavery
in the Territories, and to withdraw if the de
mand should be refused. It was refused, and
I think properly refused. That delegation
did retire, and with them a large portion of
the delegations from the cotton States. Why
should they have retired ? The record shows
that if they had remained at thefr post, they
had the power to
,prevent the nomination of
any candidate who might be obnoxious to
the South.
Thus reduced by the secessions, the Con
vention adjourned to Baltimore, requested
the States to fill the vacancies in their respec
tive delegations. The Convention re-asem
bled on the 18th. The seceding delegations
were returned—some accredited to Richmond,
and others to Baltimore, by the way of Rich
mond—instructed to make the same demand,
and to withdraw if it be refused. Delegates
were appointed in Louisiana, Alabama, and
Georgia by the National Democrats of those
States, to fill the vacant seats of the seceders.
Those of Alabama, and Lousiana were admit
ted, and the seceding delegates rejected, and
the seceding delegates from Georgia were ad
mitted to seats and they all took umbrage at
the decisions of the Convention touching the
various contests for seats. They retired, or
ganized, and nominated candidates for the
Presidency and Vice Presidency. And they
claim to be the National Democracy of the
United States !
Now, they were actuated by principle; if
it was their purpose, in good faith, to obtain
the recognition of the principle of Congression
al protection for slavery in the Territories,
why not wait :until a proper time to bring
that subject before the Convention, and then,
4, •
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according to their instructions, withdraw
from the body ? The reason is palpable : they
were waging war against a distinguished man,
not for the maintenance of principle. They
were willing to jeopardize the integrity of the
Democratic party and triumphs of its cher
ished principles, rather than see its will pro
claimed in the nomination of its favorite.—
Admitting, for the sake of ar g ument, Mr.
Douglas to be as obnoxious as tly allege he
is, yet there never was a. time when the South;
united, could not have defeated his nomina
tion. Why, then, should they have seceded?
Why not remain at their post ? Why seek
to dismember and destroy the party ?
I question not the patriotism of any, but
the people will hold them responsible sooner
or later to all the ills that may flow from their
errors. I said the demand for Congressional
intervention was properly rejected at Charles-,
ton. And why do I say so ? Because it was
the agreement between the North and the
South that the slavery agitation should be re
moved from the halls of Congress, and the
people of the Territories be left perfectly free
to regulate their domestic institutions in their
own way, subject to the Constitution of the
United States. This was the principle of the
Compromise Measures of 1850, and practi
cally applied to the Nebraska-Kansas act in
1854. It was adopted by the great political
parties of the United States in 1852. It tri
umphed in the election of Franklin Pierce in
that year, and of James Buchanan in 1856.
It is perhaps the best compromise between
the North and the South which human inge
nuity can advise.
It is understood by the people of all sections
and by it the Democratic party, at least, of
all sections should be willing to abide. It
gives advantage to neither section over the
other, because it refers all questions of dis
pute between them as to Congressional or
Territorial power over the subject of slavery
to the final arbitrament of the Supreme Court
of the United States. It is therefore safe fur
the North, and safe for the South. Its prac
tical working is not without satisfactory re
sults. Where the people of a Territory desire
slave labor, and the soil and climate are '
suited to it, slavery will go • where these con
ditions do not exist, it will not go. That
finds an illustration in New Mexico, where
slavery is established, and this in those Ter
ritories where it is excluded. Only a few
days ago, propositions to repeal the slavery
laws of New Mexico, on the one hand, and
the anti-slavery laws of Kansas on the other,
were made and rejected in the Senate of the
United States.
Suppose these propositions, or either of
them, had prevailed, is it not certain that the
country would have been thrown into the
highest excitement ? But by their rejection,
non-intervention was practically adhered to,
and the public mind is satisfied and quiet.—
Let us maintain it firmly and faithfully. We
are bound to it by every consideration of in
terest, and obligations of compact. Its aban
donment will prove fatal to the National Dem
ocratic party, and ultimately to the Union
itself. It will drive the South into intense
sectionalism, and the North into the ranks of
Black Republicanism.
I do not say every man of the North, for I
know that the great body of the Northern
Democracy will remain true to the Constitu
tion, despite the overwhelming flood of its re
lentless cohorts. But I mean that the free
labor States would be controlled by Black
Republicanism, and would not be able to re
turn a single member to either house of
Con
gress friendly to the constitutional rights of
the South.
I trust that this condition of things may
never exist; but if it should, I know of no
way by which the Union can be saved.—
Hence the doctrine of Congressional inter
vention, as advocated by the new-born sec
tional party, is fraught with peril to the
country.
The question is now distinctly presented to
the people, whether they will adhere to the
doctrine of non-intervention, or whether they
will abandon it; whether they will re-open
the slavery agitation, by requiring Congress
to take jurisdiction over it, or whether they
will give repose to the public mind, and se
curity to the Union, by leaving it where the
Compromise leaves it, to the free action of the
people of the Territories, under the Constitu
tion of the United States. The issue is fairly
made up. Its decision involves the destinies
of this great Republic, and the highest inter
ests of the civilized world. Compared with
it, the aspirations of men and the fate of po
litical parties -- sink into utter insignificance.
Where shall we look for deliverance from
these threatened evils? •
It has been the mission of the Democratic
party of the Union, in a thousand perils, to
rescue our country from impending calam
ities. Its past career abounds with hero
ic passages, and is illustrated with the most
glorious achievements in the cause of consti
tutional liberty. It is the party of Jefferson,
and Madison, and Jackson, and Polk, whose
Administrations constitute grand epochs in
our national history. It is the party of the
Constitution. I look to it with cenfidence.—
Where else shall the patriot look in these
times of political defection and sectional agi
tation ? Let its integrity be permanently
destroyed, and the doctrine of non-interven
tion overthrown, and then the best hopes of
the statesman may well be clouded with gloom
and darkness.
It is to maintain these that I consent to
take the position now assigned me, and wel
come the consequences of personal good or
personal ill which that position may bring.
Nothing else could induce me to brave the
detraction which it invites and incur the
heavy responsibility which it imposes. I have
nothing to add but the expression of my pro
found thanks for the honor so unexpectedly
conferred upon me, and my cordial acknowl
edgment for the flattering terms in which I
have been notified of my nomination. What
ever may be honorably done, I shall cheerful
ly do to maintain the integrity of the party
and the triumph of its principles.
Ber Hon. John Schwartz, member of Con
gress from Berks county, died at Washing
ton on Thursday last.
-PERSEVERE .--.
HUNTINGDON, PA., JULY 4, IMO.
The Nominee of the Democratic Na-
tional Convention
The leading events in the history of the
nominee of the Democratic National Conven
tion for President, Stephen A. Douglas, are
so well known to the American people that
any extended reference to them at this time
is unnecessary ; but a few prominent facts
may be appropriately enumerated as a mat
ter of record. He was born in Brandon, Rut
land county, Vermont, on the 23d of April,
1813. His father, who was a native of New
York, and a celebrated physician, died sad
denly about two months after the birth of his
now distinguished son. Mrs. Douglas re
tired to a farm which she inherited conjoint
ly with an unmarried brother, and some six
teen years afterwards married a second time
to Mr. Ginger, of Ontario county, New York.
By the time Mr. Douglas attained the age
of fifteen, he had received a good common
school education, and desired to prepare for
college, but his mother was unable to bear
the requsite expense. He therefore left the
farm and engaged himself as an apprentice
to the trade of cabinet making, at which he
worked a year and a half, when his health
became so much impaired that he was obliged
to abandon that occupation. After the mar
riage of his mother, he removed with her to
Canandaigua, where he entered the academy
at that place as a student, and simultaneously
studied law.
In 1833 he started to the West in search of an
eligible location in which to establish himself
as a lawyer. During his journey he was de
tained at Cleveland a whole summer by severe
illness, and after his recovery he went to Cin
cinnati, Louisville, St. Louis, and Jacksonville,
Illinois. On his arrival at the latter place,
he found that his funds were reduced to thirty
seven and a half cents, and not seeing any
immediate opportunity of entering upon re
munerative employment as a lawyer, he
sought an employment as a school teacher,
and being fortunate enough to obtain a ready
capital of six dollars, by his services as a
clerk for three days at a vendue, he opened
a school at Winchester, in which he had for
ty pupils, whom he taught for three months,
at three dollars a quarter, practicing law,
meanwhile, in petty cases before the justices
of the peace of that town.
In March, 183, he opened an office and
began to practice in the higher courts, and
from this time forward his professional and
political advancement was rapid. When he
was less than twenty-two years of age he was
elected by the Illinois Legislature, Attorney
General of the State. In 1835 he was elect
ed a member of the State Legislature by the
the Democrats of Morgan county. In 1837
he was appointed by President Van Buren
Register of the Land Office, at Springfield, 111.,
a post which he resigned in 1839. In 1838
he ran as the Democratic candidate far Con
gress, in one of the most populous districts of
the Union. The number of votes polled was
thirty-six thousand, and his opponent, the
Whig candidate, was declared to be elected
by a majority of five only; but as a number
of ballots, sufficient to have changed the re
sult, were rejected by the canvassers because
the name of Mr. Douglas was incorrectly
spelled, the result was sonsidered by himself
and his friends as a virtual triumph.
During the Presidential campaign of 1840
Mr. Douglas traversed his State in all direc
tions for seven months, and addressed more
than two hundred political gatherings. He
had the satisfaction, at the close of the con
test, to find that Illinois was one of the six
States which sustained the Democratic nomi
nee. In December, 1840, he was appointed
Secretary of State of Illinois ; in February,
1841, he was appointed a Judge of the Su
preme Court of Illinois, an office which he
resigned in 1843 to accept the Democratic
nomination for Congress. This contest, after
a spirited canvass, terminated in his favor by
more than four hundred majority. He was
re-elected in 1844 by a majority of.nineteen
hundred, and again in 1846 by nearly three
thousand majority, but he did not take his
seat under the last election, because, in the
meantime, he had been chosen to the Senate
of the United States for six years, from
March 4, 1847—a position in which he has ever
since been continued by the Democracy of
State.
lVbile a member of the House of Repre
sentatives he acquired a national reputation
by his able advocacy of the bill to refund to
Gen. Jackson the fine of one thousand dol
lars imposed upon him by Judge Hall, of
New Orleans, and by his vigorous support of
the Administration of President Polk, and
the measures it adopted for the prosecution of
the war with Mexico.
As early as 1847, when the Wilmot Proviso
was first passed in the House of Representa
tives, he opposed that measure—contending
then, as he has ever since contended, that the
people of the Territories should regulate their
own domestic institutions to suit themselves.
The Compromise measures of 1850 he zeal
ously advocated, and on his return to his
home in Chicago, finding them assailed with
much violence, he defended the whole series
in a public speech, on the 24th of October,
1850, which made a profound impression
upon the country, and which was, undoubt
edly, one of the ablest ever made by an Amer
ican statesman. Its influence upon the citi
zens of Chicago, who heard it, was very ex
traordinary, and it almost completely changed
the current of public sentiment.
In 1852 he was a prominent candidate for
the Presidential nomination of the Demo
cratieNational Convention which assembled
at Baltimore. On the thirtieth ballot he re
ceived ninety-two votes, out of a total of two
hundred and eighty-eight—being more than
were given on that ballot to any other candi
date. In 1854 he reported, as Chairman of
the Senate Committee on Territories, the cel
ebrated Kansas Nebraska bill, which after a
severe struggle, was adopted by both Houses
of Congress, and signed by President Pierce,
and which has led to very important and re
markable political changes and recognitions
of parties. In 1856 he was again a promi
nent candidate for the Democratic Presiden
tial nomination at the Cincinnati Convention
—receiving on the sixteenth ballot one bun
dared and twenty-one votes, at a time when
one hundred and sixty-eight votes were cast
for Mr. Buchanan, and six for General Cass.
• In the Congressional session of 1857-8 he
opposed the admission of Kansas, under the
Lecompton Constiution, on the ground.. that
it was not the act and deed of the people of
that Territory, with indomitable energy and
• masterly ability, and, after his return home,
defended his conduct before the people of Il
linois in a series of speeches of extraordinary
force. Mr. Lincoln, the present nominee of
the Republican party, was the champion se
lected by that organization as his opponent,
and on a number of different occasions they
addressed the same audience in opposition to
each other. But, although he was compelled
to encounter, in this remarkable struggle, the
determined hostility of the Federal Admin
istration and the powerful oppposition of the
Republican party, he emerged from the con
test victoriously, receiving fifty-four votes of
the Senators and Representatives of the State
to forty-six cast for Mr. Lincoln, and being
thus returned to the United States Senate for
six years from the fourth of March, 1859.
At the same election the popular vote for the
Douglas candidate for the Superintendent of
Common Schools was 122,413; for the Repub
lican candidate 124,566, and for the Buchan
an or Administration candidate 5,173.
Since his re-election, in a number of de
bates with his Senatorial associates, he has
continued to defend the principle of non-in
tervention with unswerving determination.—
We have not space here to enumerate the
marked incidents of Mr. Douglas Senatorial
career, nor is it necessary, as all newspaper
readers are familiar with them.
lie was married April 7th, 1847, to Miss
Martha D. Martin, daughter of Col. Robert
Martin, of Rockingham county, North Caro
lina, by whom he had three children—two
of whom are living. She died January 19,
1853. 1-Ie was again married November 20,
1856, to Mss Adele Cutts, daughter of James
Madison Cutts, of Washington city, second
Comptroller of the Treasury.
Speech of Pierre Soule before the Dem-
Mr. Soule, of Louisiana, next addressed the
Convention, when that State was called. lle
was hailed with round after round of ap
plause.
Mr. President, I am appalled, truly ap
palled, by the expectations which the wel
come which has just been extended to me
seems to signify. lam the last man in this
Convention from whom anything deserving
these manifestations could be expected, and
it is at once with a deep feeling of gratitude
for what of kindness was in them, and of
great diffidence that I attempt to address you
on this most solemn, most momentous occa
sion. Be not afraid, however, that I shall
trespass long upon your kindness and your
attention. But a few remarks from me will
lay the foundation for the vote which I shall
,cast for the noble State which I have the
honor in part. to represent in this body. I
have not been at all discouraged by the emo
tion which has been attempted. to be created
in this body, by those who have seceded from
it. We from the farthest South were pre
pared. We had heard around us the rumors
which were to be initiatory of the exit which
you have witnessed on this day, and we knew
that the conspiracy which had been brooding
for months past would break out on this oc
casion, and for the purposes which are obvi
ous to every member. Sirs, there are in po
litical life men who were once honored by
popular favor, who consider that the favor
has become to them an inalienable property
and who cling to it as to something that can
no longer be wrested from their hands. Po
litical fossils, so much encrusted in office,
that there is hardly any power that can ex
tract them. [Applause.] They saw that
the popular voice was clearly manifesting to
this glorious nation who was to be her next
ruler. More than eight or ten months before
this Convention assembled, the name of that
future ruler of these States had been thrown
into the canvass and was before the people.
Instead of bringing a candidate to oppose him;
instead of creating before the people issues
upon which the choice of the nation could be
enlightened; instead of principles discussed
what have we seen ? An 'unrelenting war
against the individual assumed to be the fa
vorite of the nation. [Applause.] A war
waged by an army of unprincipled and un
scrupulous politicians, leagued with a power
which could not be exerted on their side with
out disgracing itself and disgracing the nation.
[Renewed applause.] When this Conven
.tion assembled at Charleston, the idea had
not yet struck their minds that a movement
of the nature of the one which has been ef
fected, could be based upon the doctrines of
the distinguished gentleman from Alabama,
(Mr. Yancey,) who has fathered this seces
sion. It was presumed by these' political in
triguers outside of the Convention, who were
manoeuvring the measures through by which
the destruction of the Democratic party was
to be effected—it was presumed by them that
it would be in their power after raising the
storm to master and guide it. But it will be
found, before forty-eight hours have elapsed,
that in their storm they are bound eventually
to sink and disappear, [loud applause,] for it
is idle for Southern men to disguise the true
object of that movement. Secession from the
Democratic party can be nothing more than
a disruption of that party at the very mo
ment when the hopes of the whole nation are
hanging upon its continuing in power. [Ap
plause.] Secession is a word intended to con
ceal another word, of more significancy. If
secession was to find an echo among the peo
ple-of this great Confederacy, then no longer
could this Republic boast that the structure
which our fathers erected with so much sac
rifice and so much toil, was a noble experi
ment. Secession must beget disunion. Upon
what pretence has secession been predicated?
I will not do those distinguished gentlemen,
who stepped out of this room this morning,
the injustice to suppose that they truly parted
from you because of your having decided the
question of internal organization in a manner
that did not agree with their views. They
may give this as a pretence; they may use it as
a cloak to cover their desertion from the par
ty ; but the truth cannot be disguised,—
Editor and Proprietor
ocratic•National Convention
Whether deluded or not, they are tools in the
hands of intriguers, and their course muse
necessarily tend to disunion. [Applause.]
Sirs, it is said that they carry with them
out of this Convention the sympathy of the
South. Believe it not. [Applause.' Be
lieve it not, and I have in my own experience
of the past, certain strong reasons why I can
not bring my mind to the supposition that the
South, under the present circumstance can
respond to that movement, and I will briefly
say them before you. I 1849 and 1850, when
California was about being admitted into.
this Union, the South rose against her admis
sion, passed resolutions upon resolutions, and
impressed upou„the men of the North that if
the outrage was perpetrated, she would se
cede from the Union. Many of us, who were
then representatives of the South in the Na
tional Councils, believing that the South was
in earnest, and considering ourselves bound
to follow in her footsteps, fought the battle,
not only with a view of creating the contin
gency contemplated, but to defend the rights
of the South, and oppose the introduction of
California into the councils of the nation.—
That at that time was to the South the great
wrong, and creating the great danger, be
cause not only was California coming into
the Union with a Constitution obliterating
the Missouri Compromise—not only was she
coming into the Union without passing
through the ordeal of a Territorial existence
—not only was she coming into the Union or
ganized by the military forces of the Federal
Government, but her entrance into the Union
was going to destroy that power of numbers
which was the last bulwark of our protection
in the Senate, the higher house of Congress.
We fought against that question—game to
the last. One after the other we saw the
States of the South receding from their posi
tion, disowning ever effort we had made to :
maintain our rights, and, let me say it with
sorrow, dragging us into the very gutter for
the very devotion we had shown them; and
why did the South? There is no ungrateful
breast.in the South. It could not be that she•
was inclined to disown the services of those
who had stood by her to the last, but it was
because she considered, and truly considered,
that even an impending wrong was not to be
put in the scale with the preservation of this
glorious Confederacy. [Great applause.]—
And we, in obedience to their wishes, out of
deference to their convictions, surrendered,.
considered that we were in duty bound to
abide by your own decisions ; and perhaps it
may not be improper for me here to refer to ,
the consise actions upon which these decis
ions were predicated.
NO. ,2.
-The only compensation which the South•
could find in the measures generally known
as the Compromise Measures, was the doc
trine of non-intervention, then claimed. [Ap
plause.] That was the boon offered to us iu
those days as a compensation for the great
sacrifice which was asked at our hands, and
the South accepted the compromise, and the•
compromise became the law of the nation,
certainly of the party, as far as the question
of slavery was concerned. lam surprised at
the extreme sensitiveness exhibited by the•
men of the South at this day upon that ques
tion of non-intervention. John C. Calhoun,
when the famous compromise tendered by
Mr. Clayton, of Delaware, was being discussed
in the United States Senate—John C. Cal
houn considered that the proffer to place in the
hands of one Federal tribunal the question
of the extent of power in the Territories, was
to the South a sufficient guaranty to make ac
ceptable the compromise tendered ; and where
John C. Calhoun could stand, a Southern man
need not fear to stand. [Applause.]
I have said, in the very unconnected re
marks that I have had the honor to submit to
you, that secession meant disunion, and I will
go on to show now upon what considerations
that opinion of mine is predicated. What
is the question at issue ? On the one hand
Northern Abolitionists claim intervention for
the purpose of excluding slavery from the
Territories. On the other hand, Southern
men claim intervention on the part of Con
gress for the purpose of protecting slavery in
the Territories. Now, I ask Southern gen
tlemen here, and elsewhere, are you serious
when the battle is thus drawn ; when the
lines are thus drawn out ; when the whole
strength of the North is combined with the
great strength on the part of the West to ex
clude slavery from the Territories ? Are you,
my friends of the South, in earnest when you
ask to submit the protection of your property
to the keeping of such men as may be sent
from the North and West to constitute the
majority in your Congress? There is not a
paper in the South which is not teeming with
denunciations that Congress has become a
rotten body, that the majority in both Houses
is in heart, and to all intents and purposes,
opposed to slavery ; and yet these men, who
up the pretension of being the exclusive
friends of slavery at the South, ask that the
protection of slavery shall be put in the keep
ing of that very power which is represented
as being bent upon its destruction. [Applause.]
I say whatever be the views they take of the
manner in which that power might eventu
ally be exerted, from the moment that the
power is recognized as existing in Congress,
from that moment there is not a Southern
heart that does not beat to the conviction that
slavery is gone ; and if that should be the ul
timatum of the issue, is the South ready now
for it? Have they prepared their armor ?
Are they ready for the battle? Sirs they
are not, and the reason is very obvious. The
gentlemen who have sececeded from this Con
vention know that the masses of their people
at home will not respond to the call they have
made upon them ; and the best proof of it is
that in no State, whose delegations have se
ceded, did the seceders call a fair convention
of the people to put to the test the innovation
which they have attempted. [Applause.]
I perceive that I have detained the Conven
tion longer than I had intended—[cries of
" Go on ! go on"[—and my own strength is
nearly exhasted.
Mr. President, though Louisiana is mind
ful of what she owes to her sisters of the
South, and is ever ready to net in concert
with them, when actual oppression shall call
for actual resistance, still Louisiana is unwil
ling to risk her future, and the future of this
Union, upon impracticable issues,_ purely the e
oratical abstractions. [Applause. E She cart e
not be so far oblivious of past and the recent
services as to disown that fearless and indom
itable champion of popular rights and of State
equality—him who, in that great and mem
orable struggle which, in his own State, initia
ted that war which has been waged against
him so unrelentingly ; him who has vindica
ted the rights of the South so victoriously
against infuriated opponents ; him who will
yet enable us to triumph over the enemies of
the South—the Black Republicans—who are
arrayed against us. Louisiana casts her en
tire vote for Stephen A. Douglas, of Illinois.
[Vociferous cheers and applause.]
reirlt should beremembered that the law of
the United States imposes a fine of $3O on
persons refusing to answer the questions of
the "Ceusus man."