THE HUNTINGDON GLOBE, A DEMOCRATIC FAMILY JOURNAL, DEVOTED TO LOCAL AND GENERAL NEWS, &C.
is nothing in the practice or teachings of the
Republican party to authorize the charge
made against it. To call upon the Republi
cans not to agitate came with a bad grace
from those who had been counselling aggres
sion from the beginning. He referred to the
declaration of the former Senator from South
Carolina, that the object of the repeal of the
Missouri Compromise was to extend the area
of slavery. The Senator from Illinois had
attempted to sustain his charge by a reference
to the speeches of Messrs. Lincoln and Sew
ard, but none of the extracts bore him out.—
The language of the Senator from New York
had been misinterpreted. He had had the
misfortune to become the author of a phrase
which, if expressed in two or three phrases,
would not have attracted attention. It had
never been said that the free and slave States
could not live together as friends. Ile be
lieved that they could; but if free and slave
laborers were brought together, on the same
soil, there would be antagonism. That was
what was meant.
Mr. Davis, of Mississippi, wished a clearer
explanation.
Mr. Fessenden said free labor elevated the
laborer, while slave labor depressed and de
graded him. When the two come together
they antagonize. He asked the Senator from
Illinois a question, to which
Mr. Douglas replied that his doctrine was
that the Federal Government should exercise
no power, directly or indirectly, to control,
form or otherwise influence the domestic in
stitutions of the States or Territories.
Mr. Fessenden. That is only squatter
sovereignty—the Senator's favorite doctrine.
No one ever pretended that the Government
could interfere with the institutions of the
States. He controverted the idea that a di
versity of institutions was essential to the
general prosperity of a country, and asserted
to the fullest extent, that the Government
could not interfere with the institutions of
the States. Any charge that the Republicans
favored, this charge is unfounded. He asked
if the Senator from Illinois had said that the
Republicans not only wanted to repress the
extension of slavery, but also to make war
on slavery as it existed in the States.
Mr. Douglas. I did.
Mr. Fessenden. I deny it. it could not
be found in the party creed. The Republi
can party had been formed to prevent the in
troduction of slavery into free Territories.—
He denied the right of Southern men to take
slavery into a Territory, unless the law there
recognized slavery. He hated and loathed
slavery, but did not hate slaveholders. The
object of the Northern Democrats was to in
flame the South against all but themselves,
so as to get into political power. He was
opposed to slavery in the abstract, but did
not wish to interfere with it where it existed.
When it was charged that the Republicans
were warring on the South, it should be re
collected that they held the doctrines of the
fathers of the Republic. The Senator from
Virginia had admitted that the views of
Southern men on slavery are not now what
they were.
Mr. Mason said the South, after a full con
sideration and experience, had arrived at the
conclusion that slavery ennobled both races.
The early fathers were not Abolitionists.—
They did not think it practicable or expedient
to abolish slavery. They thought that by
cutting off the slave trade, slavery would die
out itself. The ordinance of 1787 was aimed
at the slave trade. They thought that by
reducing the area where slavery could be
used, the slave trade would be stopped.
Mr. Fessenden said the Senator had ad
mitted all he desired. The early men of this.
nation thought that by restricting it, the in
stitution of slavery would die out. They
wanted it to die. That is the position of the
Republican party. The Senator from Illi
nois was indifferent whether slavery was ex
tended or not. Born in a free State, he
preferred free institutions. That was the
whole offence of the Republican party. We
have been further told that if we elect a
man of our views, regularly, and in a consti
tutional furm, to the Presidency, the Union
will be dissolved. While the Senator from
Illinois is devising means to repress the inva
sion of one State by another, he might have
suggested a provision for the threatened con
tingency.
Mr. Douglas said he had introduced his
resolution because the occasion called for it.
It is not necessary to put in a clause for the
contingency referred to, as it was an event
not within the probabilities. -
Mr. Fessenden said the Senator had great
confidence in his own powers; it was quite
likely he had a higher opinion of them than
any one else. It was singular that they
were constantly threatened with what. would
be done in case of a certain event which is
not likely to occur. The inference he drew
was, that the gentlemen on the other side
were quite apprehensive on the subject.—
This talk of a. dissolution was a disease
which appeared every four years. The peo
ple of the free States don't care about it.—
For himself, if the election of a President in
the constitutional mode was to cause a disso
lution of the Union, the sooner the question
'was settled the better.
Mr. Douglas said some men could not con
ceive of action flowing from patriotic motives.
He had brought in his resolution because he
thought the time had arrived for practical
legislation. He had referred to the causes
which had produced the outrage, and point
ed out that they still existed. If the senators
on the other side would vote for such a bill
as he proposed, he would think a very great
change had occurred. When they agreed to
make conspiracies to run ofr fugitive slaves a
felony, he would think they had indeed chan
ged. In the towns and cities of the North,
where the Republicans had a majority, the
fugitive-slave law could not be executed.
Could it be executed in the town where the
Senator from New York lived ? Did they
recollect the Jerry rescue?
Mr. Fessenden said he would go as far as
any one to prevent conspiracy in one State to
invade another. He could not say what he
would do in regard to running off fugitives.
He would meet that question when it arose.
Mr. Douglas. Why not punish the run
ning off of slaves as well as the running off of
horses ? The impunity with which the crime
of running off slaves can be perpetrated keeps
up the irritation. When it - was made a pen
itentiary offence to conspire against property
in another State, then we would get at the
root of the evil. The Republicans were no
doubt ready to vote for a law fair in its terms
but net calculated to be efficient in its opera
tion. It was only necessary to refer to the
Philadelphia platform to show the hostility of
the Republican party, where the slavery and
polygamy are classed together as twin relics
of barbarism, and the polygamist and slave
holder are placed in the same category. lle
saw that the Republicans were lowering their
flag. If he could attribute it to a good mo
tive, he would be glad of it. Those living
farthest from the negro, and knowing the
least about him, were the most solicitous for
the poor slave. In the Southern portions of
the free States which border on the slave
States you find a good feeling existing among
the inhabitants towards the domestic institu
tions of their neighbors, because they know
what the condition of the slave is, and in pro
portion as you go North the feeling against
slavery increases.
Mr. Douglas then again recurred to Mr.
Seward's speech to show that his interpreta
tion of it was correct, and that he (Mr. Sew
ard) maintained the doctrine that the Union
could not exist half free and half slave. The
object of the Republicans was to hem in sla
very in order to smother it out or starve it
out, or, as the French in Algeria served the
Arabs when they retreated into their caverns
—smoke them out. The idea was to keep up
agitation along the border States so as to ren
der slave property insecure, and drive it fur
ther South. Then, when Kentucky, by this
process, is made free, the same system is to
be pursued till slavery is extinguished. He
quoted from Mr. Seward's speec at Roches
ter, to show that tie meant that the irrepres
sible conflict must go on till there is either not
one slave State leftor all become slaveholding.
In regard to the charge of indifference on
his part whether the States adopted free or
slave institutions what he meant was that it
was none of his business whether the people
of Kansas adopted freedom or slavery. It
was their business, and they would act ac
cording to their wants. He opposed slavery
in Illinois because it was not adapted to the
requirements of the people. Slavery would
go where it could be profitably employed.—
You could not keep it out by enactment. Il
linois adopted slavery in spite of the ordi
nance of 1787, and abolished it when it was
found that it did not suit. Slavery was a
question of political economy, and not a
proper subject of legislation. The people in
terested are the best judges. He wanted
them to decide their institutions for them
selves, and if they were allowed to carry out
their wishes, did not for himself care how
they decided. He repelled the charge that
the Kansas-Nebraska bill produced agitation.
The political friends of the Senator from
Maine sent desperadoes to Kansas, to create
disturbances and regulate the elections. It
was just such combinations that he wished
to reach. He wanted the people to regulate
their affairs in their own way. Gentlemen
may call it sqatter sovereignty, or what they
pleased.
A Union Speech by the Speaker Elect
The following interesting incident we clip
from the Washington Star, of last week :
Mr. Pennington was waited upon last even
ing, at IVillard's, by numerous friends, who,
after exchanging the usual salutations, and
congratulating him on his elevation to the
high and honorable post of Speaker, were in
vited to accept of that gentleman's hospitality.
At eleven o'clock Wither's Band arrived
and serenaded him, performing in spirited
style a number of national airs. Some two
hundred or more persons were in a short time
assembled, and as soon as the band had con
cluded, three cheers were given fur Mr. Pen
nington, and then loud calls made for that
gentleman.
Mr. Penington on being introduced, said :
I am very much indebted to you, my friends,
for the pleasing visit you have made me this
night. When we hear a national air, it al
ways satisfies me that we belong to one coun
try, and I have no belief in the doctrine that
the time is near at hand, or can be, that we
are to be separated. We are one people, and
I trust in - Heaven we shall ever remain so.—
There will always be in a free country like
ours, diversities of opinion, different views,
and a great variety of interests which must
necessarily prevail ; but there is a spirit of
patriotism that burns in our hearts that will
not yet be extinguished. Our land is a land
of freemen, our liberties were achieved by
great exertions and services of our fathers,
and I believe no man in this generation will
let this blessed inheritance go to pieces.—
And if we do wrong at one time, you remem
ber the saying of Mr. Clay, that old patriot,
when he went home to Kentucky, after hav
ing voted for the compensation law, on 4xeing
addressed by some old man, who said, "Clay,
you have done wrong." "Well," said he,
" my friend, if you were out gunning, and
on pulling the trigger your gun didn't go
off, what would you do ? Would you throw
it away, or would you try it over again ?"
" Nay," said he, " I would pick the flint and
try it over." Now if anything is done wrong
in this country, a little time will make it
right, because we have a national feeling and
a national honor.
When I heard the national air played as
you came in here to-night, it went to my
heart, and I said as long as our national songs
remain, this country will be united. Discor
dant States! I think no man in his sober
senses can agree to any such proposition. I
tell you now there never was a greater mis
take than to believe that northern men have
any bad feeling against Southern men, or the
body of Southern 'men against Northern.—
My friends, it always belongs to the republi
can institutions, that there must be a great
variety of public opinion upon all questions;
and our only security is to bear and to for
bear; and the strength of our institutions
depends upon love of country. And if we
are not imbuediriwith patriotic feelings, there
is no hope for the stability of our country.—
But my faith is this, that we all love our
country, and that we will abide by her desti
ny for good or for evil.
I thank you for the high compliment which
I feel you have bestowed upon me by this
visit. lam glad . the House is organized. If
this organizatmln had been effected by the se
lection of any other gentleman, perhaps it
would have been better, but be assured I will
endeavor to discharge the arduous duties of
the high position to which I have just been
elevated as best I can, and to preserve this
glorious Union intact.
,her The Louisville Democrat, one of the
best and most conservative journals in the
South, truly says:
" If it were agreed at once that Congress
could not go out of the letter of the Constitu
tion on the slavery question, all this incom
petency would vanish, and this sectional con
test would subside.
" When the Constitution speaks, there is
no trouble in its construction.
" Congress has power to pass a fugitive
slave law and execute it.
"It has power to suppress the African
slave trade.
" It has power to count five slaves equal to
three white men in the ratio of representation.
" Not another item of power does the Con
stitution give to Congress over the subject of
slavery. All this effort to find power to es
tablish, prohibit, or protect it in the Territo
ries is vain. No such power is granted in
the Constitution. There is not a word of it
in the document."
THE GLOBE.
lIIMILIMDMIL IPA.
Wednesday, February 8, 1860
LANKS! BLANKS ! BLANKS!
CO7NSTABLE'S SALES, ATTACIPT EXECUTIONS,
ATTACHMENTS, EXECUTIONS,
SUMMONS, DEEDS,
SUBP(ENAS, MORTGAGES,
SCHOOL ORDERS, JUDGMENT NOTES,
LEASES FOR HOUSES, NATURALIZATION B'KS,
COMMON BONDS, JUDGMENT BONDS,
WARRANTS, FEE BILLS,
NOTES, with a waiver of the $3OO Law.
JUDGMENT NOTES, with a waiver of the $3OO Law.
ARTICLES OF AGREEMENT, with Teachers.
MARRIAGE CERTIFICATES, for Justices of the Peace
and Ministers of the Gospel.
COMPLAINT, WARRANT, and COMMITMENT, in case
cf Assault and Battery, and Affray.
SCIERE FACIAS, to recover amount of Judgment.
COLLECTORS' RECEIPTS, for State, County, School,
Borough and Township Taxes.
Printed on superior paper, and for sale at the Office of
the HUNTINGDON GLOBE.
BLANKS, of every description, printed to order, neatly,
at short notice, and on good Paper.
New Advertisements.
Banking House Notice.
L'rewery for sale, by 1?. Conner.
. Stray Heifer, by Wilson Edwards.
i Go to Lewis' if you want Valentines.
RGx.Store Room for rent and fixtures for sale, by T. P.
Love.
.e,i-Watches, Jewelry and Silver-Ware, by Stauffer &
Harley.
The Reading Convention.
In regard to the Democratic State Conven
tion, which is shortly to assemble at Reading,
(says the Harrisburg State Sentinel,) the ques
tions have been narrowed down to these:—
Will the delegates, coming from the people,
make a nomination for the people, or will the
authorities at Washington make a nomina
tion for the delegates ? Will the delegates
appoint delegates to the Charleston Conven
tion to represent the Democracy of the State,
or the President of the United States?
These are startling questions; but the
movements of the times, and the projected
movements of the times are also startling ;
and the issues involved may as well be met
now as at a later period.
It was only the other day we heard a fed
eral office-holder declare that the President
was the head of the party, and, as the head,
had not only the right to suggest and direct,
but to command its movements; and this ex
treme federal idea seems now to be generally
adopted and acted on by those who constitute
the regular coherts, the drilled battallions of
the Washington Administration.
We take exception to it ; we denounce it
as a heresy; as anti-democratic and disorgani
zing. We deny the right of the National
Administration to interfere at all in our local
State politics. To acknowledge the right
would be to place almost omnipotent power
in their hands, and to make the President,
with his army of office-holders, and the pub
lic treasury at his command, almost as dan
gerous a despot as any European or Asiatic
tyrant.
The creed of Democracy is that the people
have the sole right, unswayed by official pow
er, to choose their own delegates and their
own candidates; and their position, as citi
zens of a Government whose prosperity and
existence depend upon their patriotism, vir
tue and intelligence, makes it their duty to
do so.
Now, \rill this right be insisted on, and
this duty faithfully performed by the repre
sentatives of the people in the Reading Con
vention, or w ill they fail in integrity, and fol
low the dictates of the politicians and office
holders there who represent the Washington
Administration ?
What we have to fear from mismanage
ment at Reading is not only the defeat of our
State and Presidential tickets next fall, but
of candidates for Congress, for the State Leg
islature, and for county offices of every grade.
We risk, in fact, the utter annihilation of the
Democratic party in Pennsylvania—we risk
giving over the State to the Opposition for an
indefinite number of years, if not forever?—
And who is willing to do this, for the mere
purpose of pleasing the President ?
Look calmly, and see how things stand.—
We all know that the President has inter
fered, is interfering, and will interfere with the
nomination fur Governor, with the party plat
form, with the selection ofdelegates to Charles
ton. We all know, too, that if he succeeds,
if delegates are controlled by his wishes, or
swayed by his command, that the nominee
and the platform will go down together—not
by 17,000, as last year, but by 30,000—a ma
jority which must in spite of any exertions
that may be made, or legerdemain which may
be practised, seal the fate of the State in the
Presidential contest which will follow. Now,
the simple question is, Will the Democracy
of Pennsylvania, will the representatives of
the Democracy at Reading permit this great
evil to be accomplished ?
A few weeks ago it was well understood
that the favorite of the Administration for
Governor was William Wittie, of Philadel
phia. That programme, we are well assured,
has been recently changed. John L. Daw
son is now the man. So the Washington au
thorities say, and within a few days both
gentlemen have been at Washington submit
ting their respective claims to the arbitra
ment of the Cabinet, Mr. Wittie has, then,
for some reason, unknown to us as yet, been
dropped by the President, and Mr. Dawson
adopted as the Washington candidate.
But have the people nothing to say in the
selection, are the Democratic masses to re
main silent, are their representatives at the
Reading Convention to simply record their
votes for Mr. Buchanan's man, adopt Mr. Bu
chanan's platform, appoint Mr. Buchanan's
delegates to Charleston, and go home, having
faithfully served their master ?
If this is to be so—if the snares have been
set, and-the birds caught, let us know it.—
We submit to no such fraudulent proceeding.
In the name of the Democracy of Pennsylva
nia, we protest against the consummation of
the proposed iniquity, and call upon others
who desire the success of the party, and have
more interest in it than we have, to protest
also, in time, while yet protesting may avail.
Mind, we entertain no objection against eith
er of the gentlemen named ; both are proba:-
bly strong men in the party, and in the eyes
of their respective friends deservedly strong
—but we object to the interference of the
Federal Government, in a matter which be
longs exclusively to the Democracy of the
State. We, therefore, speak not against the
men, but against the manner in which they
are brought forward—as the pets of the Pres
ident, not as the free, unbiassed choice of the
people.
Would such a-proceeding be fair toward
other candidates—and there are others who
have been brought forward by the people
themselves—would it be fair toward the par
ty, whose success should be held to be above
all other considerations ? We leave it to those
other candidates, their friends and the party
to answer.
We must look at these things calmly, and
speak boldly before the Convention has fin
ished its work, if we would succeed.
For two successive years has our glorious
old party been immolated on the shrine of
personal ambition. Twice already has the
gallant Democracy of Pennsylvania been led
to slaughter, in order that, from its reeking
blood, incense might be wafted to the throne
of drunken power to appease its unholy lust;
and if our ears deceive us not, we still hear
the cry for blood—more blood ! How long,
Democrats of Pennsylvania, is this thing to
continue? How many more sacrifices must
be made to satiate the craving maws of Iran
gry politicians who know no other cry than
give ! give ! Have we not yet paid the price
demanded of us, or do the'conspirators against
Democracy claim from us eternal bondage?
For ourselves we hate subserviency to pow
er ; we detest tyranny in every shape ; we
war against treason, corruption, and hypoc
risy; we are free—free to think, to speak, to
write and to act. In a word, we are Demo
crats, jealous of power, atd fearless in de
fence of our principles and our rights ; and
we now sound the alarm to our fellow Demo
crats—we call upon them to awake, to arise,
to act, and act boldly and vigorously, or make
up their minds to be forever fallen.
What Kentucky thinks of Pennsylvania.
The Louisville Democrat, which 'is one of
the warmest and most sensible advocates of
the nomination of Mr. Douglas, in the coun
try, thinks that perhaps the proceedings of
the recent Convention in Indiana will open
the eyes of the smart people who have been
engineering the Democratic party until they
have run it on the breakers. Things begin
to look as though Douglas was in the Demo
cratic party, and a real live member of it.—
Managing and wire pulling are weak weap
ons, when the people make up their mind to
act for themselves.
The editor of the Democrat rejoices most
Democratically over the result in Indiana,
and thus concludes the article with a hint to
us of Pennsylvania not to make new tests
within our own household:
What Indiana has done, every free State
will do. The office-holders of Pennsylvania
may, perhaps, juggle the mass of the Democ
racy out of their choice. If they do, look out
for popular resentment at the polls next No
vember. The politicians can get along very
well whilst they follow popular impulse.—
They can sometimes suppress public senti
ment; but roused to its present pitch in the
free States, said politicians had better get out
of the way. And they will get out of the way.
They will turn somersaults. They will swear
they never meant anything else. All this
comes of discussing the Cincinnati platform;
and of making war on the man who stood by
it ; who has stuck to his creed, his promises
and pledges. Those who endorsed his doc
trine in 1850, and up to 1857, endorse it yet,
and will stand by him. It is not Douglas
that this war has been waged upon. It is not
Douglas that is so powerful in the free States.
It is the fixed uncompromising sentiment of
the Democratic party. We have warned you,
gentlemen, that it would overwhelm you.
You have depended on Indiana. She would
stand up to your new tests; you have depen
ded on skill and political management; you
have made the grand mistake of supposing
the people could be managed and turned• to
any account. All . a mistake ! We have told
our readers the truth all the while. Who
will be deceived now? Who is still so blind
be can't see? We warn all politicians, that
this expression at Indianapolis is but a feeble
expression of popular sentiment. It is noth
ing to what you would hear at the polls.—
These new tests of Democracy, and this war
on the champion of the Northern wing of the
party, are full of all the disasters we have
predicted.
It is idle to waste time with men who have
so often shown their ignorance of the senti
ments of the party. The fog clears up, and
it is easy now to see where we are. It was
easy to see where we would be long ago; but
for the blind, unreasoning hostility to a par
ticular man. They see now that this war on
Douglas is a war on the Democratic party,
and their new test is repudiated by State
after State.
A NEW PARTY.—A new party, "The Union
Party," held its first meeting in Philadelphia,
on Saturday night last. It was largely at
tended, and many patriotic speeches deliver
ed. The speakers generally were from the
ranks of the Republican and American par
ties, as were also those presiding as officers.
D ar A Forney jubilee came off in Wash
ington on Friday night last. He made a
very pointed speech himself, and was follow
ed by Hickman, Haskins and others.
PENNSYLVANIA LEGISLATURE.-Mr. Africa
has presented petitions from citizens of Hun
tingdon county :
One praying for an annual appropriation
of SlO,OOO, for the Training School for feeble
minded and idiotic children of Media, in the
county of Delaware.
One praying that the premium on fox scalps
in Huntingdon county may be increased to
$1,50.
One praying for the incorporation of a com
pany to erect a Hotel in the borough of Hun
tingdon.
Also reported An Act to incorporate the
Huntingdon and Cassville Turnpike Road
Company.
THE CONTEST IN CONGRESS.—The contest
in the House for Speaker was ended on Wed
nesday last by the election of Hon. Wm. Pen
nington of New Jersey, formerly an old line
Whig, but at present, an Opposition. The
final ballot _stood, for Pennington 117 ; Mc-
Clernand, Democrat, 85 ; Gilmore, American
16 ; Scattering 15.
On Friday John W. Forney was elected
Clerk, and H. W. Hoffman, of Maryland,
Sergeant-at-arms.
fi;'-. The jury in the case of Andrew Ste
phens, another of the Harper's Ferry party,
on Saturday, returned a verdict of guilty of
treason, murder and conspiracy. He will be
hung.
par The Washington correspondent of the
N. Y. Herald says, under date of Feb. 3:
The Senate Printing Investigating Com
mittee met this morning. Mr. Wendell un
derwent an examination upwards of three
hours. It appears that some seven or eight
parties were interested in the public print
ing, namely : Steadman, Banks, McLean,
Walker, Rice, Severns, and Bowman. He
stated that he had paid out during the past
three years, over one hundred thousand dol
lars for party support to newspapers, and in
aid of election expenses, in Pennsylvania
principally, but extending over New Jersey,
New York, Maryland, Ohio, &c. Considera
ble had been paid by official authority, and
some .of his own free will. He also stated
that by the action of the Senate in electing
Bowman, who had given the work to Blair
& Rives, he had been left penniless, with the
largest establishment in the Union lying idle,
Bowman's conduct towards Wendell was
shown up in a very bad light. Bowman; it
appears, has given part of the work to Jew
ett, editor of the Fillmore organ at Buffalo.
A. D. Banks and Jo. Severns were also exam
ined. They did not seem to know much, ex
cept that they had received some material aid
from Wendell.
'Wendell testified that out of the post office
blanks printing, he paid, in 1857, the sum of
six thousand dollars to the Pennsylvanian
newspaper, of Philadelphia, and to the Even
ing Argus, of Philadelphia, the sum of five
thousand dollars. He informed the commit
tee that he went into doubtful Democratic
districts in Pennsylvania, and spent money
freely for the benefit of the supporters of the
policy of the Administration. Mr. Rice, of
the Pennsylvanian, was also before the com
mittee, and did not discredit the testimony of
Wendell. There are rich developments forth
coming before the committee."
A SPECIMEN OF .AN AFRICAN RULER-PE
CULIARITIES OF TUE KING OF DALIOMEY--A
correspondent of the Boston Post, writing
from Badagry, West Africa, under the date
of September 27, gives the following charac
teristics of an influential gentleman of Africa :
" Dahomey is governed probably by the
most tyranical monarch in the whole world.
His word is law, and whoever thwarts him
loses his head without the least ceremony,
but I must say is by far the best groverned
country I have seen in Africa. He is king
of the most powerful and warlike people on
this continent, and is entirely engaged in hos
tilities against the smaller and weaker tribes,
to obtain prisoners many of whom are sold as
slaves, and large numbers arc offered as sac
rifices upon the death of any favorite of his
majesty. While I was at Whydah he offered
up 360 victims at the federal ceremonies of
his chiefs. At the death of King Guzo, who
died last November, 800 captives were killed,
besides 200 of his favorite wives. Since then
the number of victims' killed by this blood
thirsty wretch for his father is 2,400. Pre
vious to my going to Whydah, the King had
sent his messenger with his cane, command
ing all people, both black and white, who
were trading in his country, to appear at Da
homey, to attend the grand custom in honor
of the late King, his father. As I was not
in Whydah at the time, the message was sent
to me, saying that he had been successful in
his expeditions, and had taken three thous
and prisoners, whose blood would be used to
wash the graves of his ancestors. Whenever
the King's name is mentioned, all within
hearing fall down and kiss the earth, and
cover themselves with dust. They would not
deliver the message to me until I stood up
and took off my hat. You have to take the
cane in your hand during the delivery of the
message, when you are supposed to be in di
rect communication with the King; the mes
sengers all the time are prostrate on the
ground. Three men are always sent, one to
watch the others, and see the message is giv
en as received. This is always the case when
any message is sent to the next world, to see
that the way is not lost.
" The present King's title is Reernee Beer
nee which means the lion, at whose name
both man and beast flee. About three months
ago the fetish told the King that the people
of a certain village were the means of the late
King's death. He consequently attacked
them, and killed every soul—six hundred in
number—nit sparing one. So much for this
wholesale bucher."
MARYLAND LEGISLATURE-ID the Maryland
Legislature, the resolutions received from the
South Carolina Legislature, proposing a Dis
union Convention of Southern delegates, were
read on Friday.
The leading men of both parties denounced
them as a proposition for national treason.--
There was quite a strong vote on a motion to
lay them on the table without reading, and
they would have been so disposed of but for
the plea of respect due a sovereign State.—
They were finally made the order of the day
for Wednesday next.
The debate was of the most exciting char
acter, only two members apologizing for the
course of the South Carolina Legislature.
Hon. Jacob Fry, Jr., for Governor.
We invite attention to the following article
taken from the Easton Argus, a long estab
lished and one of the most respectable and in
fluential Democratic papers in the State, edi
ted by Post Master Hatter. The figures pre
sented by the Argus show that Mr. Fry has
been a faithful and most valuable public offi
cer, and that with such a man as Governor,
the people of Pennsylvania might calculate
with certainty upon a speedy reduction of
her heavy debt, and an abatement in their
taxes. The masses of the Democracy know
this, and from all sections of the State they
are for him :
THE NEXT GOVERNOR.—The public mind
is being considerably excited upon the ques
tion, "Who shall be the next Democratic can
didate for Governor ?" And as the question
is one of magnitude and great importance to
the Democratic party, we feel disposed to
treat upon it a little more at large, than we
have thus far. The paramount importance
of this question to the great Democratic party
of Pennsylvania, as well as to the country,
we think amply justifies every man who has
the success of our party, as well as the peace
and quiet of the country at heart to speak
out, and thus lead the public mind to such
conclusions as wisdom and sound discretion
will dictate. At the last election a large ma
jority in the State was thrown against the
Democratic party, and the prominent inquiry
now should be, can this majority be over
come? And who is the man with whom
this desirable end can be accomplished? We
are prepared to say, that be the nominee of
the Reading Convention whom be may, we
are ready to give him a cordial and hearty
support; but in the present state of public
opinion, and having the desperate efforts that
will be made by our opponents in view, we
think it altogether right and proper to give
an honest indication in favor of one or the
other of the prominent candidates, as we
think the sentiment of the masses will justi
fy. We have heretofore expressed in our
columns a preference for Hon. Hopewell Hep
burn, of Pittsburgh, but it is evident that the
choice of the Convention will fall upon one
of the gentlemen whose claims are being ac
tively pressed. Under these circumstances,
we incline to the nomination of the Hon. Ja
cob Fry. Jr., of Montgomery county. And
we can start out by saying, that no man can
be presented to the people who has a better
record than Mr. Fry. He held the office of
Prothonotary and Clerk of the several Courts
of Montgomery county for three years under
an appointment of the late Gov. Wolf, the
duties of which office he discharged with
ability and such satisfaction to his constitu
ents, that soon after his voluntary retirement,
he was elected to Congress, where he contin
ued for four years up to 1839. Ile remained
in private life till 1853, when he was called upon
to represent the county in the State Legisla
ture. He was re-elected in 1854, when near
ly the whole ticket, including his colleagues
for the Legislature, fell under the weight of
Know-Nothingism. In 1856 he was elected
Auditor General of the State, in which last
position he has discharged his duty with sin
gular fidelity to the Commonwealth. His
services at the bead of the finances of the
State, have been of such value, and are so
well and generally known and admitted, that
no man in our opinion could be presented to
the people with an equal chance of success.
The collections and disbursements of the
State are through his hands, and under and
subject so far to his control, that everything
in the way of economical administration of
the office he occupies, depends upon its faith
ful management. We propose to adduce a
few figures to show to some extent the ser
vices rendered to the Commonwealth by Mr.
Fry, since he has been Auditor General.
By the Auditor General's report of 1856,
the expenses of the Commonwealth for the
fiscal year, ending in November, of that year,
were 6,662,969 04.
These expenses did not include anything
paid to the Sinking Fund Commissioners.
By the And. Gen's report of 1857 ' Mr.
Fry's Ist year, the expenses of the Corn.
amouunted to $5,976,415 26
From this deduct amount paid
to Sinking Fund Commissioners 638 135 00
Actual expenses for 1857,
By Aud. General's report 1858,
expenses were
Paid to Sinking Fund,
Actual expenses fur 185 S,
By And. General's report 1859,
expenses were
Paid to Sinking Fund,
Actual expenses for 1859,
The public debt, (including temporary
loans,) at the time Mr. Fry came into
Auditor General Office, was $40,750,357 87
The same is now as stated iu the Governor's
last message, $38,478,961 00
Making an actual reduction of $2,271,396 S 7
Thus we see, that by faithful attention to
the public business, the yearly expenses of
the State have been cut down in the time Mr.
Fry was in office, from $6,662,969 04, to $3,-
905,755 28, and while that has been done,
the revenue for the same time has rapidly in
creased. The item alone of Corporation Tax,
has more than doubled in that time by the
addition of a large number of incorporations
that have heretofore not been paying any
taxes. It has been by reducing the expenses
of the Commonwealth and increasing her
revenues, that so large a sum has been paid
within the last three years upon our indebted
ness. This will be fully appreciated by the
tax payers, and on this account we think the
nomination of Mr. Fry would meet the deci
ded approbation of the people.
Aside from these considerations, Mr. Fry
is a gentleman of sterling worth and genuine,
old fashioned Dutch integrity. He knows
the wants and necessities of the people, is a
prudent and economical house-keeper and
faithful guardian of the interests of the State.
He has much legislative experience. It is
very probable that important legislation, se
riously affecting the tax payers of our State,
will be asked for within the next three years,
and we honestly believe that Mr. Fry is just
the man to protect the public interests. We
believe him to be the strongest man, and that
he will best unite the party. It is true that
he is not an experienced public speaker, nor
do we deem that essential. The best gover
nors we ever had, Snyder, Shunk and others,
were no orators, and have other gentlemen
in our ranks who can stump the State, if it
is deemed necessary. We favor the nomina
tion of Mr. Fry because he is a true repre
sentative of the German element of Pennsyl
vania, because his record is clear and pure,
because he is honest and capable, because his
nomination will promote union and harmony
in the ranks of the Democratic party, and be
cause we sincerely believe he would make one
of the purest Executives Pennsylvania ever
had. We hope the delegates from this dis
trict will support him in Convention.
$5,338,280 213
$4,708,016 81
421,377 85
$4,357,538 97
$4,729,409 90
853,654 62
$3,905,775 28