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,ntisttitantous neb3s.
To the People of Pennsylvania
iFELtow CITIZENS :
The Democratic State Central Committee
representing the State-Rights Democracy of
Pennsylvania, at their hest meeting, held at
Altoona, in the county of 'Blair, delegated to
the undersigned the duty of addressing the
people on all proper occasions, upon the fun
damental issues involved in the approaching
election, and in that which is to be decided
in 1860. Nearly every Democratic State Con-.
vention in this section of the Union, held
since the adjournment of the Committee, has
planted itself broadly upon the enduring doc
trine that the people of the Territories, "like
those of the States," should exercise exclusive
.control over all their domestiAnstitutions,
slavery inclusive. The Democrats of .Ohio,
of lowa, of Vermont, and of Maine, have for
mally taken this ground, and from the plain
est indications it is manifest that the voice of
the Democracy of New Jersey, New York,
and all other states of New England and the
Northwest, will be proclaimed for the same
4doctrine.* The motive which has led to these
auspicious demonstrations appeals not only to
the traditions, but to the instincts and the
*As showing the remarkable concurrence
•of sentiment between the States-Rights Dem
ocrats of Pennsylvania, at their Convention,
held on the 13th of April, and the late Wm
ocratic State Conventions of Ohio, lowa, Ver
mont, and Maine, the following arc useful as
matters of reference, and,prove that not only
did the Democrats of this State speak out in
advance of others, but that their hold and
fearless example has been followed wherever
their political brethren have been enabled to
speak out, unawed by Federal power:
'RESOLUTIONS OP THE STATES RIGHTS DE3IOCI3-1-
CY OF PENNSYLVANIA.
Iles°bled, That we deliberately and hearti
ly re-assert and re-endorse the great princi
ples of popular sovereignty and non-interven
tion, as well in the Territories as in the States,
non-intervention by Congress with slavery in
the Territories, and non-intervention by the
, Federal I:;.;ecut,ive with the franchises of the
people of the States, and that every effort to
force the Democratic party of this country
upon any other platform should be rebuked
.as a preparation for lasting disgrace in the
first place, and for lasting and deserved de
feat in the second.,
Resort:cc", That this principle of popular
:sovereignty and non-intervention, lying, as it
•does, at the basis of our free institutions, enun
ciated and accepted North and South, by Leg
islatures and courts, by Congresses and can
didates, substituted in 1850 for an absolete
,Congressional rule, and re-asserted in 1854,
after the repeal of the Missouri Compromise;
is the only principle that will forever remove
the question of slavery from the halls of the
National Legislature, and prevent the triumph
.of the enemies of the American Union.
Resoled, That we regard, with undissem
bled indignation and alarm, the attempt of
the Federal Administration backed by its de
rsml,intc in the North. and the disunionists
of the South, to commit the Democratic or
ganization to the scandalous doctrine, that,
in defiance of the pledges of the Democratic
party in 1856 and in disregard of the legisla
tion of 1850 and 1854, the people of the Ter
ritories shall have no control over the ques
tion of slavery, but that slavery must be pro
tected against the popular will, not merely
by the courts, but by Congress, and per con
sequence, by the army and navy ; and that,
Tegarding the resolutions of the convention
which assembled at Harrisburg on the 10th
of March as having accepted this monstrous
heresy, we hereby repudiate the platform and
,candidates of that Convention.
Rae That representing, as we believe,
-a large majority of the Democratic party of
this State, we do hereby most solemnly pro
test against the betrayal, abridgement, or mu-
Illation of this great principle of the "major
ity ruling," applicable alike "to the Territo
ries the same as to the States ;" and we there
fore reject s as an innovation and unsound, the
resolution of the late Convention that abridges
and limits' the right of the people of a Terri
tory to act in reference to the institution of
slavery to the one particular time when they
come "to organize their State Governments ;"
that we continue to hold to the fullest appli
xittion of the principle to the Territories, and
cannot but express our alarm and astonish
ment at its threatened entire destruction, as
disclosed by leading Southern Senators, in
the recent debate in the Senate of the United
States.
VOICE OF TILE OHIO DE3IOCRACF.
Resolved, That the organized Territories of
-the United States, although not endowed with
all the attributes of sovereignty, arc only
held in the Territorial condition until they at
tain a sufficient number ,of inhabitants to au
fthorize their admission into the United States;
: and, therefore, are justly entitled to the right
of eelf-goy.eramenf, and the undisturbed reg
,ulation of their domestic or local affairs, sub
ject to the Constitution of the United States ;
,and that any attempt by Congress,, or any of
.the States, to establish or maintain, prohibit
or abolish, the relation of master and slave
in a Territory, would be a departure from tb,e
.original doctrine of our American institu
tions; and that we adhere immovably to the
,principle of " non-intervention by Congress
'with slavery in the States and Territories,"
as declared in the Kansas-Nebraska bill, and
.openly declaim fellowship with those, wheth
er at the South, or the North, or the West,
.who counsel the abandonment, limitation,r
avoidance of that principle.
Resolved, That the suppression of the Af
rican and foreign slave trade by the Federal
Government, after the year eighteen hundred
and seven, is one of the compromises on the
faith of which the Constitution was adopted,
ana our Union of slaveholding and non-slave
holding States firmly
,established; that a re
vival of that trade would not only renew
those cruelties which once provoked the in
dignation of the civilized world, but would
Si 50
WILLIAM LEWIS,
VOL. XV.
consciences, and to the highest interests of
the Democratic party. Taught by these tra
ditions that if there is one element broadly
defined in Democratic history, it is that of un
limited confidence in the people, and inspired
by the recollection' of recent triumphs, and
the encouragement held out by the thick-com
ing future, the sentiment has rooted itself in
the Democratic heart, that nothing can secure
to us honorable and enduring victory but cour
ageous perseverance and consistency in sup
port of ancient and well-understood Democrat
ic principles.
Only in Pennsylvania has the standard of
an odious and adverse dogma been offensive
ly raised. While all our sisters north of the
Potomao, without an exception, indignantly
reject 'the attempt to rush the Democratic
party upon the perils of ttn aristocratic and
feudal theory—namely, That the people of the
Territories shall exercise no control whatever
over the sulject of slavery—hero, in the State
where the Declaration of Independence was
prepared and proclaimed—where the Consti
tution of the United States was framed and
founded—where the protest of a great people,
free in their own natural -condition, and free
by their own immortal manifesto, was organ
ized, first in the form of a written appeal to
the nations of the earth, and afterwards pros
ecuted throne] seven long years of bloody
war against the armed hosts of a besot
ted monarchy—here, in Pennsylvania, a
domestic Federal despotism, imitating the
example which sought to crush out the in
dependence of the colonies when they were
struggling for Popular Sovereignty, has
directed its dependents' to place the candi
dates of the Democratic party upon a heresy
never before advocated by any respectable
portion of the American people, Whether
it is beciutse men, whose lives have been
expose the slaveholding States to a constant
terror of servile insurrection, and the non
slaveholding States of the border, like Ohio,
to all the mischiefs and annoyances of a free
black population. For these reasons, with
others, the Democracy of Ohio are opposed to
any such revival, and to any measure tending
in that direction.
VOICE OF THE lOW.' DEMOCRACY.
Resolved', That we affirm the principles of
the National Democratic platform of 1.856,
and re-assert the doctrines of non-interven
tion therein contained, as the only ground
upon which a national party can be main
tained in these confederated States.
Resolved, That the organized Territories of
the United States arc only held in the Terri
torial condition until they attain a sufficient
number of inhabitants to authorize their ad
mission into the Union as States, and arc
justly entitled to self-government, and the
undisturbed regulation of their own domestic
or local affairs, subject Gnly to the Constitu
tion of the United States.
Resolved, That inasmuch as the legislative
power of the Territories extends undeniably
to all rightful subjects of legislation, no pow
er can iwerent them, from passing suck' laws
upon the sulg . ects of slavery as to them may
seem proper; and 'whether such laws, when
passed, be constitutional or not, can be finally
determined, not by Congress, but by the Su
preme Court, on appeal from the decision of
the Territorial courts.
Resolved, That it is a doctrine of the Dem
ocratic party•that all naturalized citizens are
entitled to the same protection, both at home
and abroad, thlit is extended to th,, , native-born
citizens, and that even- a voluntary return of
such citizens to the land of their birth for a
temporary puipose, does not place them, be
yond the range of that protection, but that
our Government is bound to shield them
from injury and insult while there, at ,overy
hazzard.
VOICE Or TIIE VERMONT DEMOCRACY.
Resolved, That the Democracy of Vermont,
in the language of the Cincinnati National
Democratic Convention of 1856, recognise and
adopt the principles contained in the organic
laws establishing the Territories of Kansas
and. Nebraska, as embodying the only sound
and safe solution of the slavery question—
non-intoference by Congress with slavery in
State or Territory, or in the District rg . Co
lumbuz.
Resolved, That this was the basis of the
Compromile Measures of 1850, confirmed by
both the I)emocratic Awl Whig panties in
1852, rightly applied .to the organization of
Territories in 1854, and triumphantly ratified
by the people in the election of 1856.
Resolved, That strict, unyielding adherence
to, and uniform applicatiop,of, this Democrat
ic principle to the organization of the Terri
tories, leaving the people thereof perfectly
free to form and regulate their Domestic in
stitutions in their own way, subject only to
the Constitution of the United States, will
effegually and forever defeat and put down
sectional legislation and agitation, protect
the rights of all the States, and the citizens
of every portion thereof, and maintain the
prosperity, peace, and harmony of the-Union.
VOICE OF TILE IIAINE DEMOCRACY
Resolved, That the Government of the Uni
ted States should not force the institution of
slavery upon the Territories against the will
of the people thereof, but that•the people of
each Territory should be allowed to deter
mine the question for themselves, without
the interposition of Congress, and s,ubjeck,
only to the Constitution of the United
States.
Resolved,. " That this doctrine is founded
upon principles as ancient as free government
itself, and in accordance with them, simply
declares that the people of a Territory, like
those of a State, Shall decide for thegiselv.es
whether slavery shall or shall not exist with
in their limits.'
Resolved, That the new doctrine, that the
Constitution confers the right of holding
slaves in the Ve7rritories in defiance of the
wishes of the people thereof, and that Con
gress should enact laws giving slave prop
erty higher rights than other property there
in, is a wide departure from these principles,
and would render the Democratic party just
ly obnoxious to the charge of deception and
dishonesty.
' :
: •••••-
spent in effective antagonism to the Demo
cratic party, have been put forward as the
representative men of that party, or wllther
because the Federal Executive has hims4lf
fallen back upon the principles whipluinarked
the earlier stages of his P4ic., career, it is
manifest that this,,,lthurpatitaiiis to be persis
ted in ; and a15,,0, that unless it is promptly
arrested, it will, andeAlit overwhelm our great
organization ik-,ajeafitinued series of mortifi
cations anchas'afsteitt. It is unnecessary to
recapitulate the scene at the Administration
Convention which assembled at Harrisburg
on the 16th of March, to which point this
same Federal despotism had summoned its
adherents to prepare new humiliations for
the Democratic masses, commanding them to
repeat in the capital of Pennsylvania, the
shameless proscriptions which had disgraced
it in other portions of the Union. It was
hoped that the rebuke so immediately admin
istered to that body by the popular uprising
at the same place, on the 13th of April, would
have taught the officials at Washington
wholesome lesson. But tyranny is always
blind and always merciless, never conceding
to popular sentiment until concession is wrung
from it by force, and clinging to power even
in the very moment of its dissolution. An
address, purporting to speak for the Demo
cratic party of Pennsylvania, but really ut
tering only the opinions of men in office,
hearing date at Harrisburg on the 29th of
June, and signed by Mr, Robert Tyler, as
Chairman, substantially asserts the doctrine
that the.people of the Territories have no
rights whatever in regard to slavery,- and
boldly takes the additional step, that, in the
event of their assuming to exercise such right,
it will be the duty of the Executive, and of
Congress, to interpose for the protection of
slavery. Although one of the gentlemen on
the Administration State ticket—Mr. Rowe,
the candidate for Surveyor General—has
caused it to be understood that, to a certain
extent, he sympathises with the movement
in which we are now engaged—the Adminis
tration committee, constituted to gratify the
malevolent purposes of the Federal Admin
istration and to maintain the dangerous doc
trines alluded to, unhesitatingly places that
ticket upon the issut Of hostility to the will
of the majority and the popular rule in the
Territories, so far as slavery is concerned,
and demands an endorsement of this issue at
the polls in October next. In view of this
state of facts, the duty of all Democrats is
plain, They cannot evade or avoid it if they
desired so to do. No Democrat, even reason
ably impressed with the . justice of his prig_,
chiles and the pledged faith the Democrat 4.
ie party to carry them out in letter and in
spirit; can give his vote for a ticket thus au
thoritatively advocated, because every such
vote will be an endorsement of doctrines at
variance with all our pledges and our princi
ples.
It is unnecessary to employ many
words in the exposure of these doctrines. I
One or two extracts from the address of
the Administration committee will, however,
show how far it is proposed by the Federal
Government to commit the Democratic party
of Pennsylvania against the rule of the peo
ple in the Territories, and in favor of the in
tervention of the Executive and Congress for
the protection of shivery in the Territories
against the will of the people. The follow
ing is a specimen;
" Where, let us ask, resides the right of
eminent domain over a Territory of the Uni
ted States? Is it not admitted by all to be
with the Federal Government? "Where shall
we look for the right and. power to ascertain
and fix all Territorial boundaries? /s it not
to•the Federal Government? 'Where shall
we seek the right and power and duty to dis
pose of all lands embraced io the Territory ?
The answer is, in the Federal Government.
Where in the government of a Territory is
lodged the executive authority ? It is lodged
in the hands of a Federal Governor. Where
is the judicial power o,f a Territorial Govern
ment ? In the keeping of a Federal Judi
ciary. Where is the legislative power ?
Every one knows it did not exist, and that it
could not legally exist, until called into being
by the Federal Congress, in the organic act
of Territorial Government. In all these de
monstrations of power, and there can be none
others outside of them in a Territorial Gov
ernment, we behold the direct, positive and
tangible evidences of the presence of the soy
ereignty of the Government of the United
States, excluding the pretensions of squatter
or Territorial Legislative sovereignty, or pop
ular sovereignty when used as a convertible
-term with these, as being alike untenable in
fact, and preposterous in logic.
"But it must be borne in mind that the
Federal Government cannot act in a Territo
ry as a despot, or arbitrary ruler; and here
is the diffirence between our doctrine and that
of the Wilmot provisoites. It must govern
in a Territory in the sense of the Constitution,
from which it derives its life and its every
function, and it is bound to respect, with
strict impartiality, the rights and interests of j
all parties concerned, these parties being the
States and people of the States respectively.
Wow the Government of a Territory is not
natural and indefeasible, but derivative from
the Congress ; otherwise, the few thousand
inhabitants of a Territory, after its acquisi
tion by purchase, or as indemnity for war ex
penses perhaps, would have the right to set
themselves up as a foreign State, if they so
and to deny the jurisdiction of the Uni
ted States. But Congress, when establishing
a Government in a Territory, cannot impart
to it authority to do, by feeble Territorial en
actments, what Congress itself cannot under
take to perform under the Constitution, and
can never venture to undertake, except in
flagrant usnrpation of powers not delegated,
but reserved to the States.
"We are opposed, however, to the intro
duction of any provision particnykly protect
ing slave or any other kind of property, into
an act organizing a Territorial eovernment.
But if a territory attempt n r ullification or re
bellion, in the shape of resistance to acts of
Congress, or to judicial decisions in their
proper logical and legal consequences, or to
any other legitimate acts done in and by vir
tue of the constitutional authority of the
United States over the same, then the Feder-
-PERSEVERE.---
HUNTINGDON, PA., JULY 20, 1859,
itrArnment should at once interpose and
pft it down, not so much for the sake of slave,
oriany other kind of property, or even of the
personal rights of citizens that may be there
by invaded, though constituting a sufficient
reason for the movement, as looking to the
necessity of its own preservation. But before
the happening of any such act of nullifica
tion or rebellion, and at the time of organi
zing a Territorial Government, the presump
tions are all in favor of a legal and peaceful
course of political conduct on the part of the
inhabitants of a Territory; whereas, the doc
trine of Congressional intervention would as
sume the reverse. In fine, we are disposed to
maintain on this question and at all times,
the fundamental principle of the equality of
the States."
It is not difficult to discover in this maze
of phrases and abstractions the design of the
Administration to ignore the popular rule in
the Territories, and to substitute Congres
sional intervention for the protection anper
petuation of slavery. The Democratic senti
ment is, that the people of a Territory are
sovereign ; that a citizen of Pennsylvania
moving into any one of the Territories of this
Union losesnone of the rights he possessed
in his own State, or becomes less a citizen by
changing his residence. That sentiment in
dignantly denies that slavery is inviolable, as
against the popular rule, and rejects, with
contempt and scorn, the monstrous assump
tion that the people of a Territory may legA
late :Ilion all their domestic institutions, save
and excepting slavery alone.
The direct tendency of the argument of
the 'Administration Committee is to consoli
date the Federal power in the Territory ; to
plunge Congress and the_country into irre
trievable and constantly-renewing excitement;
to keep open the whole Territorial question
in the several States ; and to render necessary
the most stringent Congressional legislation,
in order to protect the institution of slavery
against the people. There is no middle
ground on this great question. Those who
deny the entire right of the people over all
their domestic institutions in the Territories
of this Union must go a step farther, and de
mand the interference of Congress against
the people of the Territories. If the popular
will is to be disregarded, and the institution
of slavery held in defiance of the ballot-box
and the Territorial Legislature, Congress
must authorize, and the President must exe
cute, the most despotic intervention prior to
the formation of a State Constitution fur the
people.
What has the Democratic party meant by
its resoulutions, and covenants, and commit
tals on this Territorial question, during many
long years, if the sequel is to leave us in the
shameless attitude of denying to the people
all right to " form and regulate" all their do
mestic institutions, while in a Territorial con
dition, and to leave them at the mercy of the
changing majorities of Congress, and the va
rying factions of the day, while undergoing
the trials of Territorial existence ? Is it pos
sible that all our boasted professions of ps
i tice and fair-dealing to our fellow-countrymen
in the Territories of this Union are to close
in such a farce as this? It is an insult to
the •chivalry, and integrity, and sensitive
spirit of the Democratic party to suppose
that this usurpation will ever be tolerated.—
As an ilinstration of the ma per in which
Federal. power proposes to allow the people
of a Territory, even when they come to furm
a State Constitution, to dispose of the ques
tion of slavery, it is only necessary to recall
recent events - in Kansas, when repeated ma
jorities, rigUeously ,expressed, were set at
defiance by the mercenaries of the present
Administration, and a State organization de
nied to the people, only because they would
not declare in favor of the institution of sla
very. Here was Executive intervention
against the popular rule at the very stage
when we are now told that popular rule may
operate ! We must anticipate and arm our
selves for the future, :with th instructive ad
monitions of the past.
The Administration committee, in their ,
anxiety to drive the Democratic party of
Pennsylvania from the solid foundation of
principle, always recognized by that party,
and strengthened and advocated in every re
cent political contest, commit a fatal mis
take in the construction they put upon the
following resolution of the last Democratic
National Convention. They say they ari,
distinctly opposed to Any compielsory relin
quishment, in the name of squatter sover
eignty, of the rights of the State of Penn
sylvania, as one of the sovereign proprietors
of all the public domain or Territorial prop
erty of the United States, and we (they)
still occupy, without any change of opinion,
the ground held by the following resolution
of the ,Cincinnati Convention of • 1856, to
" I?csolved, That we recognize the right
of the people of all the Territories, including
Kansas and Nebraska, acting through the
legally and farly expressed will of a majority
of actual residents, and, whenever the num
ber of their inhabitants justifies it, to form
a constitution, with or without domestic
slavery, and be admitted into the Union
upon terms of perfect equality with the other
,States.
" This resolution distinctly represents the
marked difference between the revolutionary
efforts of the first squatters in a new Terri
tory to abolish negro slavery or to prevent
the introduction of a slave property into the
Territory, by the incompetent agency of a
Territorial Legislature , and the constitutional
and quiet exercise of the rights of sover
eignty, by the people of a Territory in the
formation •of a State Constitution, with or
without domestic slavery, as they may deter
mine. In th.e meantime, the citizens of each
and-every State, being in all respects equal
with each other under the Constitution, take
their various kinds property with them into
the Territory, and while in a Territorial con
dition they and their property are all equally
protected by the Constitution of the United
States and the Dred Scott decision."
It is an evidence, unanswerable and histo
rical, that after the last Democratic National
Convention adopted thib resolution, now so
differently construed by an Administration
;:k• •
Commttee, assuming to speak the voice of
the Democratic people of this great State,
President Buchanan himself, and nearly all
the leading men of the Democratic party, de
clared that this and the other resolutions of
that Convention, referring to the Territorial
question, were susceptible of but one practi
cal and simple solution. Said the President,
in his letter of acceptance, with the resolu
tions of the Convention that nominated him
in his hand, and while surrounded by a num
ber of the most distinguished members of the
Convention that adopted these resolutions :
" The recent legislation of Congress (the
Kansas-Nebraska bill) respecting domestic
slavery, derived, as it has been, from the
original and pure foundation of legitimate
political power, the will of the majority,
!promises ere long to allay the dangerous eY,.-
citement, This legislation is founded upon
principles as ancient as free government itself,
and in accordance with this simple declara
tion, THAT THE PEOPLE OF THE TER
RITORY, LIKE THOSE OF A STATE,
SHALL DECIDE FOR THEMSELVES
WHETHER SLAVERY SHALL OR SHALL
NOT EXIST WITHIN THEIR LIMITS."
And the present Secretary of the Treasury,
Mr. Cobb, put the flame direct and practical
construction upon the resolutions, now con
strued exactly the other way by this commit
tee, in his speech at West Chester in 1855,
when he declared that " he would not plant
slavery upon the soil of any portion of God's
earth against the will of the people ;" " that
the Government of the United States - should
not force the institution of slavery upon the
people, neither of the Territories nor of the
Stales, against ale will of the people ; and
that, "practically the majority of the people
represented in the Territorial Legislature would
decide the slavery question." " Whether," he
continued, they decide it by prohibiting it ac
cording to the one doctrine, or by ryibsing to
pass a law to protect it, contended for by the
other party, is imMater la t—A mAJORITV OF THE
PEOPLE, BY THE ACTION OF THE TERRITORIAL
LEGISLATURE, WILL DECIDE TUE QUESTION, AND
ALL MUST ABIDE TUE DECISION WHEN MADE."
And Mr. Speaker Orr himself declared " that ,
if the majority of the people are opposed to
the institution,:and if they do not desire it
en„a'rafted - upcin their Territory, all they have
to do is simply to decline to pass laws in the
Territoriat Legislature Ibr its protection."—
Now we are told by the committee of the
General Administration that the exercise of
this authority by a Territorial Legislature
would be like the rash proceedings of a mob
--would be resistance to act of Congress ;
and that the exercise of any such nnthority
would authorize, the interference of the Fed
eral Government at once to interpose and
put it down ! It will be observed that when
Mr. Buchanan wrote, and. when Mr. Cobb
spoke, "and when the entire Democratic party
stood squarely united upon the honest con
struction of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, the
odious theory advocated by this committee
was not a novelty, nor was the subsequent'
vague and indecisive ()biter dictum, as it is,
of the Supreme Court, an unanticipated event.
But it was notorious that every conservative
Union-loving Statesman in Congress, from
Henry Clay in the South, to Lewis Cass in
the North, bad denounced the idea of an Ex
ecutive or Congressional protection for the
Territories, on the subject of slavery, as un
worthy of the consideration of a free country,
and that more than one eminent Southern
leader had declared that the political opinion
of no court, high or low, could be wielded
.against the sacred and inalienable fran
chises of the people when they came to ex
ercise their highest acts of sovereignty in re
gard to this very question of slavery.
Contemplate, for a moment, the position of
the Democratic party of Pennsylvania, load
ed down with the monarchical theories of this
address ! Opposed, on the one hand, ley ,ti;e
array of its own pledges, running through
more than a generation of time, it would be
attacked in the rear and the flank by an
in
dignant and organized public sentiment, arous
ed to madness by the cool defence of these
theories, made in the name and _assuming to
speak with the sanction of the Democrati,c
party. First, we should hav,e it ,contended,
against the Democratic party, that slavery is
carried into the Territories by the Constitu
tion,
.to be maintained there .in defiance of
the popular will; and next, as a fair deduc
tion from these startling promises,
it would
be argtted, ,(and the organ of the Federal
4d
ministration of November, 1857, quoted in
support of the assertion,) that slavery may be
gamed into the States' themselves, and held
there, too, in contempt of the protest of the
people. In harmony with this, we should
have the accusation that the Democratic par
ty stood upon the narrow and destructive plat
form of denying the sovereignty of the Amer
,e,an citizen ; that the Central Government
was to control the people in their sanctuaries
and in their municipalities, and. that the ar
my and the navy were to be quartered in the
Territories to punish every act of the people,
through their representatives, on the subject
of slavery, as an act of "rebellion." 'Thus,
after a long career of gallant struggles for
progressive ideas—after 'baying made Amer
ican history bright with the triumphs we
have achieved in the name of the peopre—
our great organization would be driven back
more than a hundred years to imitate the ex
actions and oppressions of that British Gov- •
ernment whose armies were ,expelled from
our shares because they had dared to inter
pose the authority of their master against the
people of the thirteen colonies. What organ
ization could stand up against such an an
tagonism and such a record as this ?
But if this Administration Committee are
fatally involved in their attempt to prove that
any act of a Territorial Legislature in oppo
sition to slavery in the Territories, would be
neither more nor less than nullification or
"rebellion" to be put down by the Federal
Government, and if in this attempt the corn
mittee are confronted by the frank and pat
riotic construction put upon the Nebraska
bill by Mr. Buchanan and nearly all the lead
ing Democrats in the country since the Cin
cinnati Convention, the committee are still
more unfortunate in trying to show that there is
a difference between their doctrine and that
Editor and Proprietor.
NO, 4,
of the extreme energies of the South. The
principle is the same in both cases, only the
committee, assuming to speak for the Democ
racy of a free State, demand that Congress
shall interfere to keep slavery in the 'territo
ries, in defiance of the popular will, while
those who stand entrenched upon the other
construction insist that slavery shall be ex
cluded, whether the people desire to have it
or not, What a spectacle is presented in this
concurrence of action between the men whose
creed is opposition to the South and those
who put themselves forward as the peculiar
friends of the South ; and what a oommenta. ,
ry upon the rapidly developing sentiment in
favor of Popular Sovereignty, so eloquently
sot forth by Mr, Buchanan and Mr. Cobb in
1856, (though since abandoned by both,) for
the adjustment of the Territorial question, and
in regard to which even those who have con
tended for the Wilmot Proviso are being dai
ly compelled to confess that they have hem
egregiously mistaken
It is a truth which forcibly confirms the
justice of the position assumed by the States-
Rights Democracy of Pennsylvania, that no
such reasoning as that now employed by the
Administration Committee in this State was
ever heard of from men pretending to be na
tional Democrats until that Adrainistra.tion
resolved to betray its trust. Never, until
now, has it been asserted that the attempt of
a Territorial Legislature to "form and.regu
late" its domestic institutions in its own way,
slavery inclusive, would be an "act of rebel
lion," to be put down by the strong arm of
power; and never, until the present day, have
any set of men dared to place the Democrat
ic party upon the retrogressive platform of
opposition to the people of the Territories, on
the one hand, and of approval of Congression
al intervention in fayor of or against slavery,
on the other.
The Administration Committee have now
formally presented to the people of Pennsyl
vania a distinct and tangible issue. In do
ing this they have rejected the patent pretext
that the question of slavery in the Territories
is a settled question, and have deliberately
re-opened a discussion which would have
been closed forever by a prompt and graceful
submission on the part of the Administration
to the only tribunal by which this question
can he finally disposed of. We are again
taught by this example the utter impossibili
ty of bringing back to reason those who have
flagrantly tied from it. Our rulers at Wash
ington, blind to the admonitions of the times,
un-influenced by the appeals of the Demo
cratic press and the utterances of the Demo
cratie people, in support of the doctrine of
Popular Sovereignty, have resolved to make
their new heresies a test, at the hazard of
destroying the organization to which they
owe their own official existence. As Penn
sylvania was the battle-field of 1856, upon
which the principle of the exclusive right of
the people of the Territories over their own
domestic institutions, slavery inclusive, was
tried, and where it gloriously triumphed, it
is right that upon her soil the same battle
shall again be fought in '59 and '6O. And
although Democrats may regret that the
President, chosen alone hecanse he was true
to this principle, is how the leader of those
who arc opposed to it, they do not despair of
the issue, but will cheerfully accept the chal
lenge, .conf i dent of ,p,t) overwhelming verdict
at the ballot-box.
it is a fact painfully proving the tendency
to despotism on the part of the men who as:
I SUMO to control the organization of the Dem
, ocratic party—the servants of the people at
Washington, and their dependents and para
sites in different parts of the country—that
while they arc bending every energy to com
mit the Democracy to the extraordinary doe,
trine of ignoring the rights of the people of
the Territories o this Union, they are, at the
same time, taking ground against the rights
of the adopted citizens, thus furnishing anoth
er evidence of their hostility to the absolute sov
ereignty (f 'ilte individual man in this
.free
country. Those who deny equal rights to our
countrymen in the Territories are not incon
sistent with themselves, when they attempt
to draw a distinction between the native-born
and the adopted citizen. Regarding ourselves
as inexorably committed, as well to the equal
ity of the States as to the citizens of the
States, and the citizens of the Territories, na
tive and adopted ; bound by a common faith
—not yet lost to us, we trust, by the SUCC.-
sive treasons of men elevated to power by our
,congaing suffrages—the State nights Democ
racy of Pennsylvania are as devotedly attacked
to all portions of the Union, and as sincerely
resolved to protect their Southern fellow-citi
zens against the encroachments of their ene
mies as they have ever been. And they be
lieve that they are ,engaged in a movement,
the end of which must be not only to rescue
the Democratic party from the evils now im
pending over it, but to strengthen and to per
petuate that organization upon those eternal
principles which kayo heretofore made it the
bulwark of the Union of these States, and
the indomitable champion of the rights of
man. JOI.J.N Ay. 1013NEY,
Chairman Democratic Stales-.Pig11,4 Com
mittee.
ger' The New York Tributze of the Ilth
inst., contain , / the following remarkable para
graph under its editorial head, the correction
or confirmation of which will be ioyaited with
much interest by the community
" We arc creditably informed from various
sources that the llon. Daniel E. Sickles has
become entirely reconciled with his wife, and
is nosy living with her in marital relations as
before the death of the late Philip .Barton
Key. We arc also assured that in taking this re
markable step, Mr. Sickles has alienated him
self from most if not all of those personal and
political friends who devotedly adhered to
him during his recent imprisonment and trial.
" The reconciliation between it r. and Mrs.
Sickles was consummated, as we are informed,
while Mr. S. was residing at the house of
a friend on the 13loomingdale road, about
half a mile from the former lose of Mr. S.
which for some time past Mrs. Sickles has
ecenpied„either alone or with some of the
merribers of her own family. The suspicions
of his host were excited by the repeated ab
sence of Mr. S. at unusual hours ; and when
he camo in very early in the morning he was
interrogated by the host and ano,ther friend
who was present, and on his positively deny,
ins their right to question him, and refusing
to give an eplanation, they shook hands
with him for the last time, and he withdrew.
It is said that he has since addressed letters
to his former intimate associates notifying
them formally of the resumption of conjur
gal relations between himself and Mrs. Sick.-
les."
serA boy was asked what meekness was ?
lie thought a moment, and saki: " Neek
n,oss gives smooth answers to rough ApAes
-
/ger An indiscreet person is like an un
sealed letter, which everybody can peruse.
He is no mean philosopher who can give a
reason for half of what - he thinks.