THE HUNTINGDON GLOBE, A DEMOCRATIC FAMILY JOURNAL, DEVOTED TO LOCAL AND GENERAL NEWS, &C.
THE GLOBE.
Circulation—the largest in the county.
MOTIVEIBbDOEIN,, RA
Wednesday, May 11, 1859.
LANDS I BLANKS ! BLANKS!
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• ARRANTS, FEE BILLS,
NOTES, with a waiver of the $3OO Law.
JUDGMENT NOTES, with a waiver of the $3OO Law.
ARTICLES OF AGREEMENT, with Teachers.
MARRIAGE CERTIFICATES, fur Justices of the Peace
and Ministers of the. Gospel.
COMPLAINT, WARRANT. and COMMITMENT, in case
of Assault and Battery, and Affray.
SCIRItE FACIAS, to recover amount of Judgment.
COLLECTORS' RECEIPTS, fur State, County, School,
Borough and Township Taxes.
Printed on superior paper. and for sale at the Office of
the HUNTINGDON GLOBE.
BLANKS, of every description, printed to order, neatly,
at short notice, and on good Paper.
New Advertisements.
Appeal, by James Gwin.
Rai- Stray Colts, by A. P. White.
Medical Science, by Dr. Jackson.
For the Ladies, by :Uatilda Slick.
Administrators Notice, by John Owens.
to ir Administrator's Notice, by Thomas Boring
The Philadelphia Election
The Election in Philadelphia, on Tuesday
last, for City Treasurer, City Commissioner,
members of Council, &c., resulted in the com
plete success of the Opposition, by a majority
of about 2500. When we remember that the
Democratic City Convention avoided passing
any resolutions endorsing Mr. Buchanan's
Democracy, we are not a little surprised at
the result. There was no division in our
party on the ticket—anti-Buchanan and Bu
chanan Democrats went to the polls as Dem
ocrats and voted the ticket solid. Butno soon
er was the election over, than the Buchanan
organs claimed• the little gain the Democra
cy bad over a previous contest, as an endorse
ment of the proceedings of the office-holders
Convention at Harrisburg, and their masters
Democracy. And so it would be, should the
honest Democracy of the State who cannot be
driven from their adherence to principles, vote
the State Ticket, Wright and Rowe. Every
vote cast for these gentlemen, would be count
ed as a full endorsement of the treachery and
tyranny of Mr. Buchanan, and the proceed
ings of the Convention which placed them in
nomination. Those of the Democratic party
who can endorse Buchananism, should vote
for Wright and Rowe—and those who cannot,
and do not wish to be counted as approving
his rotten organization—his desertion of the
true Democratic principles upon which he
was elevated to the Chief Magistracy—his
proscription and tyranny, should withhold
their votes, and let those who would use us
to destroy our principles, do the voting.—
We shall never be guilty of endorsing what
we believe to be wrong.
" Tim STATE SENTINEL."—This paper, pub
lished at Harrisburg, Charles D. Ilineline,
Editor and Proprietor, is decidedly one of the
most ably conducted Democratic papers in
the Union. The last number should be read
by every Democrat, who is a Democrat from
principle. If any of our friends should want
a paper from Harrisburg, we advise them to
subscribe to the " Slate Sentinel." We hope
the true Democracy of the State will give the
Sentinel an extensive circulation. It is none
of your half-and-half Democratic journals.—
Its• Editor has more back-bone than all the
Buchanan editors in the State combined.
THE CHARLESTON CONVENTION.—Buchanan
is trying hard to get into the next National
Convention with some show for a re-nomina
tion. To make strength in the South he will
sell the Democracy of the North. Rule or
ruin is his motto. If we desired the Opposi
tion to Lave the nest President, we would
urge the re-nomination of Buchanan, as he
would be more easily defeated than any oth
er man the Convention could name. He
could not deceive the people a second time.
The South will not touch him—they despise
a traitor, and after they are done using him,
they will desert him.
05-- The Globe is the only Democratic pa
per in this Congressional District, that repu
diates Buchanan Democracy, and as an effort
is being made to injure our circulation, it is
the duty of those who approve our course, to
come forward with their names and the cash
in advance. We cannot be "whipped in"—
neither can we be "crushed out," if those
who think with us, will " back us up" with
the proper " aid and comfort."
DISASTROUS CONFLAGRATION.—On Saturday
last, in Pittsburgh, at about quarter past
twelve, a fire broke out in the steamer, Henry
Graff, and, before the devouring element
could be checked, ten boats were entirely con
sumed. Some were partially loaded, and
others bad just unloaded. When the fire
first broke out, there were some thirty-five
steamboats lying in close proximity along
the wharf, but through the exertion of the
boats' crews nearest the burning boat, were
pushed out into the stream. There was a
large quantity of freight on the wharf, ready
to be loaded, which was also consumed. The
total loss on the boats is estimated at $165,-
000. They were insured to the amount of
$76,000. The True Press, says :—" Had the
river been as high as it was ten days ago,
(some twenty-two feet,) nothing could have
prevented the firing of the • buildings from
Smithfield to Ferry. The simultaneous burn
ing , )f so many buildings would have defied
the efforts of our noble firemen for a time,
and we should have probably had to chroni
cle another conflagration like that of '45.
Proceedings of the Democratic State
Central Committee
The Democratic State Central Committee,
appointed by the Convention of the Union
State-Rights Democracy, held at Harrisburg
on Wednesday, April 13th, 1859, assembled
at the Logan House, Altoona, Blair county,
on Wednesday, the fourth day of May, 1859.
The following members of the Committee were
present and participated in the proceedings :
John W. Forney, Chairman ; A. Jordon
Swartz and Geo. M. Lauman, of 13erks coun
ty; Robert E. Wright, of Lehigh county; Wil
mer Worthington and Geo. W. Pearce, of
Chester county ; Joseph R. Morris of Dela
ware county ; John S. Dougherty, of Lancas
ter county; J. W. Brown, of Daughin coun
ty ; Jno. Sherry, Geo. Northrop, W. S. Camp
bell and David Webster, of Philadelphia ;
Thos. P. Campbell, of Huntingdon county ;
Samuel Harper, of Allegheny county ; John
M. Laird, of Westmoreland county ; W.
Whittan Redick, of Fayette county ; J. W.
Baer, of Summerset county ; J. K. Calhoun,
of Armstrong county ; E. D. Grant, of Clari
on county, and Thos. McFarlane, of Blair
county.
Letters warmly expressive of an earnest co
operation in the cause, were received from
Mr. S.'Dreher, of Monroe county; Mr. Doug
las, of Erie comity; Mr. Meylert, of Luzerne
county ; Mr. Bredin, of Butler county ; Mr.
Lilly, of Carbon county, and Mr. Christ, of
Schuylkill county. They regretted their in
ability to attend.
Col. Forney presided, with Messrs. Brown of
Dauphin county ; Harper, of Allegheny, and
Redick, of Fayette county, as secretaries.
The Hon. John W. Maynard having been
appointed by Gov. Packer, law judge of the
county of Allegheny, was, for this reason, at
his own request, excused from serving as a
member of the committee; and Clinton Lloyd,
Esq., of Lycoming, was nominated in his
place.
The committee, after an animated discus
sion,
in which the following gentlemen par
ticipated, viz : Messrs. T. P. Campbell, D.
Webster, W. J. Baer, George Northrop, John
Sherry, George M. Lauman, R. E. Wright,
J. K. Calhoun, George W. Pearce, Wilmer
Worthington, J. R. Morris, W. W. Redick,
Samuel Harper, John S. Dougherty, and oth
ers, adopted the following resolutions by a
unanimous vote, and ordered them to be pub
lished :
Resolved, That this committee, responding
to the action of the Democratic Convention of
the 13th of April last, formally proclaim
their unalterable opposition to the doctrine of
Congressional Intervention, in regard to sla
very in the Territories, whether said doctrine
be advocated by the Republicans for the pro
hibition of slavery in the Territories, or by
the Administration party fur the protection
of slavery in the Territories.
Resolved, That this committee recommend
to the Union State-Rights Democracy of Penn
sylvania to demand, at all times and in all
places, the adoption of the great principles of
non-intervention and popular sovereignty,
promulgated by the Democratic Convention
of the 13th of April, at Harrisburg, and
enunciated by the Democratic Cincinnati
Convention in 1856, and as understood and
expressed in Mr. Buchanan's letter of accep
tance before his election.
Resolved, That we recommend to the friends
of popular sovereignty to vote for no candi
dates at the coming or future elections, for
county, State, or national offices who refuse
to stand clearly upon the doctrine which
recognizes the principle that the people of a
Terrritory, like those of a Slate, shall fbrm
and regulate their own domestic institutions
in their own way.
Resolved, That this committee deem it in
expedient at this time, to call a Democratic
State Convention, for the purpose of placing
in nomination a Democratic State ticket.
Resolved, That the chairman of this com
mittee be directed to appoint in each county
of the Commonwealth a standing Committee
of Correspondence, composed of such num
ber as circumstances may require—which
committee shall be empowered to appoint
committees of vigilance in their several town
ships, to act with them with a view to a
more perfect organization of the National
Democracy.
Resolved, That the chairman of this corn
mitttee, with Robert E. Wright, George Nor
throp, Wilmer Worthington, David 'Webster,
and Samuel Harper, be a committee to ad
dress the citizens of Pennsylvania.
On motion, the thanks of the committee
were tendered to Mr. W. IL Wilson, resi
dent engineer, Col. T. A. Scott, superinten
dent of the Pennsylvania Railroad, and to
Messrs. Miller & Rawe, proprietors of the
Logan House, for their kind attentions.
Upon motion, the committee adjourned, to
meet at the call of the chairman.
ADDRESS
TO THE CITIZENS OF PENNSYLVANIA :
The undersigned, appointed by the Demo
cratic State Central Committee to prepare an
address, in accordance with the above reso
lutions, hereby set forth to their fellow-citi
zens the motives and objects of their meet
ing, and the reasons upon which their action
was based.
The doctrine asserted in the first resolution,
in accordance with the action of the demo
cratic State Convention, of the 13th of April
last, establishes the fact that the Union State-
Rights Democracy of Pennsylvania are the
only true representatives of the principle
which triumphed in 1850, and that all other
ideas are at variance with the well-settled
policy of the Democratic party in reference
to slavery in the Territories ; and, there
fore—
That while this first resolution rejects the
extreme remedy proposed by Northern fanat
icism on the one hand, and Southern dis
unionism on the other, it is at the same time
a distinct re-assertion of the great principle
laid down by the Democratic party in its
Convention at Cincinnati, in 1856, and one
upon which all lovers of the Union can and
should cordially unite.
In accordance with this view, and in the
earnestness of their convictions, the commit
tee, in the second resolution, recommend an
unfaltering support at all times, and under
all circumstances, of the great doctrine re-
suiting from the necessities of the position of
the Democratic party in 1856, and as no less
important to the necessities of that party (and,
as we believe, to the perpetuity of the Union)
in the future.
In the third resolution there is a distinct
provision against any attempt hereafter, as,
there has been heretofore, to subordinate
great principles to mere expediency ; and we
trust our political friends in Pennsylvania,
and in other States, will resolutely avail
themselves of the remedy suggested.
Acting under the instructions of the Dem
ocratic Convention, of the 13th of April,
which deliberately repudiated the platform
and candidates of the Convention of the 16th
of March, for certain specific reasons, we
leave these candidates and that platform to
the condemnation of the ballot-box, and in
the meanwhile call upon our friends, by the
assertion and vindication of their principles,
to prepare for the greater campaign of 1860.
That portion of the proceedings of the Com
mittee which refers to the organization of
the State-Rights Democracy of Pennsylvania,
will, in due course of time, receive proper at
tention.
But it may be proper to state that the
present campaign is intended alone to pro
mote the triumph of certain fundamental
principles. We do not plead for men, but
for measures. Ours is not a brotherhood to
assist persons, but to advance principles.—
Believing, as we do, that the organization of
the Democratic party has been usurped by
those who have determined upon the experi
ment of controlling the South by an appeal
to an extreme pro-slavery element, and
through this element introduced into the next
National Democratic Convention, to purchase
the suffrages of the Northern delegates in
that Convention—and all this in behalf of a
theory practically asserting that the people
of the Territories,
at present and hereafter
organized, shall have no control whatever
over the institution of slavery—we hold it to
be the duty of every Democrat, and of all
conservative men to protest against every at
tempt to drive the Democratic party from its
established principles. It is manifest that
the Administration of the Federal Goverment
has determined to conciliate the disunion sen
timent of the South, and that that sentiment
eagerly responds to this encouragement of
the Federal Government, and is daily placing
itself upon the platform that hereafter all the
powers of that Government are to be exerted
for the protection of slavery in the Territories;
and it is also manifest that, in the event of
this protection being refused, an open crusade
will be conducted against the integrity of
the Union. We do not speak merely as
Northern men in view of these indications.
It is apparent that the same motives - which
inspire us animate the Democratic party in
other sections. In Kentucky, a Southern
State the principle of non-intervention and
popular sovereignty in the Territories, so
widely accepted and so universally endorsed
in the North, is made the basis of the ap
peal of the Democratic party to the ballot-box.
That the people of Pennsylvania will res
pond to the movement inaugurated at Harris
burg on the 13th of April, we have no doubt.
It is based upon a principle (to use Mr. Bu
chanan's language in his letter of acceptance)
"as ancient as free government itself".—
There is not a school district, or a township,;
or a ward, or a county in which the doctrine
of popular sovereignty is not cherished as
among the most precious of our franchises,
and in which it is not of almost constant appli
cation. Everywhere, in the North and in
the South, the issue upon which the destinies
of the Union now are staked—namely, wheth
er the people of a Territory, like those of a
State, shall form and regulate their domestic
institutions in their own way, without inter
ference or interruption from any quarter—is
the subject of familiar discussion.
It is no purpose of the State-Rights Democ
racy of Pennsylvania to assist sectionalism ;
it is no purpose of that body of men to de
destroy the Dembcratic party. Its only ob
ject is to consolidate the friends of the Amer
ican Union into one conquering organization.
And we believe that as the best means of do
ing that, the Democratic party must be brought
back to its old platforms and principles.
J. Iv. 'FORNEY,
ROBERT E. WRIGHT,
GEORGE NORPTIIROP,
WlLmEit WORTILINGTON, Committee.
DAVID WEBSTER, 1
SAMUEL HARPER,
CORRESFONDENC.E OF THE GLOBE.
A Day's Tour
MILLERSVILLE, LANCASTER CO.,
April 30th, 1859.
Ma. EDITOR :—On Saturday, April 16th,
two friends and myself, after obtaining the
permission of the Professor, set out for the
City of Lancaster, with no other object in I
view, than, to see what we could see. After
arriving in town, the first place we resolved
to visit, was the residence of our noble Presi
dent. It is about a mile west of the city, on
the south side of the Columbia turnpike, the
dwelling is of brick, and stands about one
hundred yards from the road, and is surroun
ded by a beautiful grove of ornamental trees,
and the grounds are laid out in walks, along
the sides of which are planted, flowers and
shrubbery, of 'different kinds, the garden is
in rather a had condition at present, but is
now being repaired. It is laid off in five bench
' es, and contains some rare plants. Upon the
front portico, are two peculiar chairs, made
of hickory saplings, with the bark on, they
remind one of olden times, but I suppose that
"Old Jimmy" intends to keep the rustic chairs
for the purpose of accommodating his friends,
when they crowd around him, to pay him
homage, after he is through'with Kansas, and
a number of other little jobs of the same kind.
After spending an hour and a half at King
lames' we left for some other scene, more in
teresting, for I was not pleased with what I
saw there. I don't like to go to see the King,
or the King's house, without the King is at
home. From James' we went into the city,
where we visited the Court - House, which is
a fine building, both without and within.
We then, after leaving the Court House,
went to the Prison, but this we could not en
ter, it being 'their day for cleaning up the
building, and strangers are not permitted to
enter it, at least as visitors, but I suppose
some strangers are admitted on Saturday who
do not have any curiosity to see it, and would
rather be excused, but "Uncle Sam" is so be
nevolent as to take up poor fellows in the
street, and take them to this fine palace,
and give them their boarding and lodging mere
ly for their presence. We concluded to go
where they would no doubt admit us, this was
the Poor House, here we had no need to ask
more than once, for as soon as the Steward
saw us, he gave us a permit to enter, think
ing, perhaps, that it was just the place for
us. After we had entered the building, an
old lady whose locks were white with the
frosts of seventy-eight winters, and nearly
blind, offered herself as our guide through
the building, We passed through from one
room to another, which we found filled with
numbers of unfortunate beings, the most of
whom were aged women. The men were at
dinner ; some were miserable specimens of
humanity, the most of them were crippled in
some way or another, and others were blind.
We visited the sleeping apartments, and they
have good beds, compared with our corn-cob
mattresses at the " Normal." After remu
nerating the talkative old lady for taking us
through the building, we went to visit the
hospital ; here we saw many old and poor
looking beings, among which were some in
the insane apartment, who were to be pitied.
When we entered this part of the building,
we were shocked with the clanking of chains,
hideous groans and. distorted countenances ;
some were chained to the floor, while others
were roving to and fro like beasts of prey,
others again seemed to be wrapped in thought
as they sat with their arms folded upon their
breasts, as if to say, " come death and re
lieve me." We there learned a lesson
not to be forgotten ; ;there were those who
were once fair and lovely, perhaps the only
son or daughter of pious parents, who had
watched over them when in the morning of
their life, and pointed them to the path of
rectitude ; but their kind words were un
heeded, and now their chains are heard
clanking in dismal cells. But we were soon
satisfied with what we had seen, and concluded
to make our way to the " Normal," which
we reached in time to get our beef-stake and
molasses. DELTA.
What is True Democracy ?
It is amazing that a doctrine so essential
to the existence of Democratic institutions as
that of Popular Sovereignty, should find any
enemies. But the most dangerous factionists,
North and South, are its insiduous enemies.
We make no difference between Seward and
Jeff. Davis. The doctrine of a Congressional
Slave Code for the Territories, finds favor
with the fire-eaters of the South, and this is
the doctrine which Robert Tyler will strive
to foist upon the Democratic party of Penn
sylvania. In a letter, written some months
ago, he avowed an unfriendly feeling to Mr.
Douglas as a candidate for the Presidency,
upon the ground that he was opposed to
Congressional protection of slavery in the Ter
ritories.
We have distinctly stated that we are at War
with Congressional intervention, whether it
seek to exclude slavery, or to protect it in a
Territory ; because we deem that this is en
tirely a local question, and we hold, that in
accordance with the principle of self-govern
ment, the people ought to be allowed to
form and regulate their own domestic insti
tutions.
Let us make a few preliminary remarks.
We have been violently assailed by an igno
rant and venal press, with spreading dissaf
fection through the ranks of the party for
corrupt purposes. In reply to this charge we
will simply say, that our movement was made
solely to preserve the party and the organiza
tion. We went to Harrisburg, and proclaim
ed a creed thoroughly Democratic, which,
sooner or later, . will be adopted. It is no
novelty, but the very principles that elected
James Buchanan Chief Magistrate of the Re
public. As to repudiating the ticket and
the platform, that was a necessary sequence,
otherwise our proceeding would have had all
the weakness and bombast of a Mexican pro
nunciamento.
Again, the doctrine we enunciated, is com
monly called " Popular Soverignty," a doc
trine advocated by our forfathers under the
name of " taxation and representation are
inseparable"--by General Cass, under the
title• of " Squatter Sovereignty"—and ex
plained by Mr. Buchanan in his letter of
acceptance in 1856. This doctrine is in af
firmance of revolutionary principles, is con
stitutional, and forms the basis of our civil
and political liberty.
Again, this novel dogma of a Congression
al Slave Code for the Territories, as well as
the other novel dogma of the Black Republi
cans, of Congressional intervention to inhabit
slavery, cannot be sustained by authority,
constitutional, or historical.
And in this connection we will ask, what
does the Dred Scott case decide ?—simply,
that " a negro is not a citizen." It does not
decide the right of Congress to make laws
and regulations for the people of a Territory,
and all that is asserted in the opinions that
may seem to favor that view, is mere dictum,
and extra judicial, not binding Upon the
Court itself according to judicial ethics, and
certainly not to be adopted as a platform by
a political party. It will be time enough
when the case shall arise, and the Supreme
Court shall decide directly that it is the duty
of Congress to provide laws and police regu
lations to protect slavery in a Territory, to
yield obedience to such a decision. But to
make it a platform for the Democratic party,
is madness ; to submit to it, is a weakness ; to
resist it, is the duty of every Union-loving,
conservative, independent Democrat.
But Mr. Buchanan demands that we shall
give in our adherence to this monstrous here
sy upon his interpretation of the ruling in the
bred Scott case. Senator Bigler said, at one
time, that the Administration " was weak in
the knees," that weakness has ascended to
the head of the Administration.
Mr. Buchanan contends that it is the duty
of the Government, to sustain the decision of
the Supreme Court, (who doubts this ?) and
that the true intent and meaning of the de
cision referred to, is, that slavery exists in a
Territory by force of the Constitution, and
that it is his duty to see that laws are passed
to protect it, and that the will of the people
of a Territory is nugatory. This is Mr. Bu
chanan's doctrine now, and it is unnecessary
to add that it is wholly at variance with his
compact with the party in 1856, when he ac
cepted the Democratic nomination upon the
Cincinnati platform.
This monstrous doctrine of forcing slavery
upon the people of a Territory by a code of
laws, passed at Washington, thousands of
miles away, will destroy any party, and, up
turn and dissolve the Union. If the same op
pression roused three millions of people prior
to 1776, in our revolutionary struggle, it will
not be quietly submitted now. If the army
and navy of Great Britain could not prevail
against political truth, Mr. Buchanan and his
friends will find the task hopeless.
There is a striking parallel in the imperial
oppression of colonial days, and the present
attempted Federal oppression of the Territo
ries. The general cause of grievance al
ledged by the colonies to the imperial gov
ernment was, that laws were made by the
imperial government, opposed to the wishes
and interests of the colonies ; that the imper
ial government vetoed laws that were passed
by the Colonial Assemblies ; that the imper
ial government insisted upon the right to
make, mould, and modify a code to protect
African Slavery in the Colonies. This was
a sore grievance. Indeed, it was the parties
ular grievance of Virginia, (Mr. Tyler's na
tive State,) and other Colonies, and resolu
tions, remonstrances and petitions were
sent to the imperial government resisting
this claim, and asserting the right of Vir
ginia and other Colonies, to make and regu
late their own domestic institutions, and to
legislate for or against slavery as the colony
pleased. But the Government of Great Brit
ain insisted upon its right to protect and fos
ter the slave trade in Virginia, (just as Mr.
Buchanan insists upon the right of Congress
to protect slavery in the Territories,) and de
mand on the one side, and resistance on the
other, led to our Revolution and our Indepen
dence.
The principle of Popular Sovereignty is
identical with that for which the colonists
contended. The people of a Territory, like
those of a State, have the full, free and un
controlled right of legislation over all domes
tic matters, subject only to the Constitution
of the United States.—Berks County Dem.
The Re-Sale of the Canals
Demagogues have been for some time past
prating about the re-sales of the canals by
the Sunbury and Erie Railroad company, and
denouncing the transaction as corrupt. Al
though this charge, from the moment of its
first appearance, has been flatly and indig
nantly denied, no attempt has been made to
establish it.
No impropriety in regard to the A of
any of the lines is specified except as to the
Delaware Division. Here it is alleged that
the Lehigh Navigation company offered $225,-
000 more than the persons paid who purcha
sed it, and Goy. Packer is soundly berated for
having given his verbal assent to the sale
when the law required him to file his written
assent in the office of the Secretary of the
Commonwealth.
The facts are briefly these : The officers
of the Sunbury and Erie Railroad were ex
tremely anxious to sell the Delaware Division
to the LehigbNavigation company, and made
them several offers of sale. These were not
accepted, and the propositions were scarcely
treated with respect. Anxious to affect a
sale, the President of the Sunbury and Erie
company made propositions to private persons
to purchase. These were willing to give as
large a price as had been demanded from the
Lehigh Navigation company, but were un
willing to raise so large an amount of money
as was required unless they had an assu
ance that when raised the contract would be
carried out. Gov, Packer, being in the city
at the time, was applied to, and considering
the price riot only a fair one but the best that
could be obtained, passed his word, that
he would approve the sale if made. Of this
transaction the Lehigh Navigation company
had full knowledge as it progressed. After
the money had been raised and was ready to
be paid over, after the necessary legal pa
pers were all ready for execution, and the
parties in interest were ready to start to Har
risburg to consummate the sale, the Naviga
gation company made a higher but not a bet
ter offer. It was then that Gov. Packer felt
it his duty to carry out the verbal assent he
had given, and in compliance with the law to
record his written assent in the office of the
Secretary of the Commonwealth, which he
did.
Now what fault is to be found with all this?
The fact that Gov. Packer was required to
give his official assent in writing did not pre
cude him from declaring verbally that he
would give such assent under specific circum
stances. If the "verbal" (oral) assent had
not been given, no offer would then, (or prob
ably at any future period except under like
circumstances,) have been made by private
individuals, for it might well be suspected
that whenever they did raise the money, a
powerful and graspingcorporation would of
fer more. Until other parties did make offers,
the Lehigh Navigation company would not
name a price they would pay. When offers
were made by other parties, and a sale was
about being consummated, then the Naviga
tion company stepped in with an offer appa
rently a little higher, with the view of break
ing up the arrangement and finally securing
the work at a much lower price. This scheme
was effectually broken up by the course pur
sued, and we have no doubt but that a much
larger amount was obtained for the Delaware
Division than would or could have been if
Gov. Packer had refused to say what he
would do until his official assent was requir
ed to be given. If the very late offer of the
Navigation company had been entertained, it
would of course have broken up the volunta
ry company, and then the Navigation com
pany would once more have had a clear field,
without a competitor, and could probably
have dictated to his own terms, for after bad
faith to one rival another could scarcely have
been raised.
Gov. Packer acted in the premises as a
private proprietor would have done, and we
know of no safer or more just rule of conduct
to guide a public man.—Clinton Dc»t.
The Contemplated European War---Its
Effect Upon American Interests.
The indications are very strong that a great
European war is about being commenced,
and that the struggle will be a severe and
protracted one, which will carry havoc and
destruction into many peaceful regions, and
render desolate many happy homes. It is
impossible to predict where such a contest
will end, what new complications it will lead
to, and how many nations may become em
broiled in it. The lives of the people of Eu
rope are in the hands of their rulers, and
whenever their selfish ambition, their devo
tion to the interests of ther dynasties, or their
desire to win military renown or new posses
sions, becomes excited, the struggling mil
lions are remorselessly sacrificed in the war
like efforts made to execute the will of their
masters. European sovereigns always man
age to speedily crush any warfare commenced
for the actual,benefit of the people, but they
do not scruple to maintain protracted wars to
revenge real or fancied indignities, or to ad
vance their personal ends. The conduct of
Austria has long been so tyrannical that, in
the present contest, there will be few or no
Americans to desire her triumph. But, while
much that is laudable may be mingled with
the motives that incite her enemies in the
impending strife, they are, no doubt, to some
extent, also animated by considerations with
which we can have little sympathy; for we
presume that none of the controlling spirits
aim at the object most deeply cherished by
the people of the United States—the eleva
tion and political liberty of the European
masses.
The great advantage possessed by this coun
try, in its total disconnection from the com
plex system of European politics, and its
freedom from all entangling alliances with
the nations of the Old World, is inestimable.
Each European Government, however inof
fensive its policy, and peaceable its disposi
tion, is liable at almost any moment to he
forced, by the pressure surrounding it, into.
the entanglements of a general war, in which
it can have nothing to gain and everything•
to lose. The burden of these horrible con
tests must always fall upon the masses whose
destiny, position, in life, pecuniary means,
and whose very existence are constantly be
ing jeoparded by wars instituted by rulers be
yond their control. From all these evils we
are happily free in the United States. In
whatever wars we may be obliged. to. engage,
we fight for our own ends alone, either to de
fend our country against foreign aggression ;
to subdue the savage tribes that lurk upon
the outskirts of civilization; to chastise other
countries for insult or aggression, or to reap
substantial fruits for our military enterprises
by the extension of our territory. And no
war can long be maintained by our Govern
ment which is not cordially sustained by the•
public sentiment of the nation.
A desire to see the haughty and tyrannical
power of Austria humbled is almost univer
sal in this country. Her rulers have been
more consistent and active in the support or
aristocratic and tyranical measures and sen
timents than those of any other European na
tion. Her influence has always been power
fully exerted to crush out the spirit of liberty
within her own borders, and wherever else
her power could be extended. Whether the
war against her is waged in Italy or upon
her own soil, her humiliation will be hailed
with joy. But the most important question
to us is the probable effect of the contempla
ted war upon our business interests, for it is
through them only, we presume, that we will
be directly affected by it. While for a short
time the rumors of the contest may slightly
unsettle the stock markets, the probabilities
are that our material interests will be great
ly advanced by a European war. If any con
siderable portion of the people of Europe
should be withdrawn from their peaceful av
ocations, her productive power would be ne
cessarily diminished, and the markets for
our produce, breadstuffs, and manufactures
be increased. If the war becomes general,
European funds will fail, and the disposition
of foreign capitalists to invest in American
securities will be greatly increased. Our
great shipping interests—one of the most im
portant that our country possesses—will also
be advanced, and an additional share of the
carrying trade of the world be secured to us
by the neutral attitude of our nation in the
impending contest.—The Press.
Austria's Bold Move
The news from Europe, just received, is un
deniably and unexpectedly war-like. The
first blow is half the battle, says and old prov
erb, and Austria has struck that blow, and
no mistake. Cleverly avoiding the delays
and complicity of a Congress, and aware
that France and Sardinia wanted more time
for war-like preparation, Austria has rejected
England's last suggestion for peace, has has
tened to throw more troops into Lombardy,
and has sent a sort of " stand and deliver"
message to the King of Sardinia. This per
emptory ultimatum simply says to Sardinia,
" Ten years ago, when at our mercy, you
promised that your army should not exceed
50,000 men. The time of that agreement has
just expired. You have been augmenting
your regular army, by militia conscription
and volunteers. Disarm and disperse all of
these, so as to retain only 50,000 fighting
men, and tell us, within three days, that you
do so. If you refuse, we declare war against
you." The limited time would expire on
April the 24th.
The expectation is that Sardinia will not
submit to this dictation, and that Austria
will declare war. France, it is said, is mov
ing her troops into Piedmont, there to aid
the King of Sardinia if attacked. England
has telegraphed to Vienna, her very decided
disapprobation of the extreme step taken by
Austria. Prussia will do the same, no one
doubts. For a time, England and Prussia
will be neutral, but if the war continue, can
scrarcely avoid drifting into it. The contest,
if there be one, will virtually be on Italian
ground, by Austria against Sardinia, backed
up by France.
Austria, to every one's surprise, is better
prepared for hostilities than France or Sar
dinia. By precipitating the war, Austria ir
ritates the British Government—as for the
British people, they care little for the Italian
cause.
Were Hungary now on the alert—were
Kossuth the man he was once thought to be,
here is an opportunity of striking a blow for
the independence of Hungary, that Ireland
of Austria. Between war in Italy, and re
volt in Hungary, Austria would be raked
by two fires. A French army, in the Rhine
country, would increase the difficulty.—The
Press.
Rte' Sickles has applied for a divorce from
his wife.
A - FATAL DISEASE,—A malignant and fa
tal disease of the throat has recently made
its appearance at Wellfleet, Mass. In the
family of Capt. Richardson R. Freeman, five
children, between the ages of five and fifteen
years, have all died within the space of twen
ty-three days.
BEY' Mr. Price the well known fruit grow
er of Cincinnati, informs the editor of the
Gazette, that the prospects of a good crop, on
his 6000 or 7000 trees, is so fine that if all
the fruit now on the trees remains to matu
rity, the limbs will require props to keep
them from breaking.
I 1615- The money question enters as largely
into English politics as it does here. The
London Times calculates that at least a mil
lion and a half sterling will be spent in the
Parliamentary election for the new Parlia
ment. How much of it should be placed to
account current of " bribery and corruption ! "
we are not informed.
AN Ex-MAYOR SENT TO 4 , .--Joseph Bar
ker, ex-Mayor of Pittsburg, was sentenced
last Friday to a fine of $1 and ten months
imprisonment in the county jail of Alleghe
ny, for creating a nuisance in the streets of
Pittsburg. Mr. Barker has been a regular
street preacher, for the last few years, and.
has of late been very abusive, the jury found
him guilty of creating a nuisance, and hence
the sentence.
reie' In the United States District Court of
Philadelphia, es-Judge Vondersmith, convic
ted of forging bounty land warrants, was
sentenced by Judge Cadwalder to pay a fine
of five thousand dollars, and undergo an im
prisonment of twenty years! Vondersmith
is said to be in his fifty-seventh year now,
and the severity of the sentence astonishes
all. The Judge humanely told the prisoner
that if he would pay thirty thousand dollars
into the treasury, he would sign a memorial
for the remission of ten years of his imprs:
oritnent.