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DEMOCRATIC STATE CONVENTION
Pursulint to a published call, inviting the
Democratic citizens of Pennsylvania., " to as
semble in State Convention at Harrisburg, on
Wednesday, April 13th, 1859, to consult upon
the propriety of adopting measures to vindi
cate the name, fame and principles of the
Democratic party, outraged and insulted by a
Convention assembled at the State Capital on
the 16th of March," a large number of said
citizens convened in the chamber of the House
of Representatives, and were called to order
at 10 o'clock by Mr. Campbell, of Huntingdon
county, who nominated as temporary chair
man of the Convention, Dr. Geo. M'Cook, of
Allegheny county.
On motion of Col. Forney, Geo. Northrup,
of Philadelphia, and S. R. Peale, of Clinton
county, wore appointed temporary Secreta
ries.
Mr. Soliday, of Berks, submitted the fol
lowing, which was agreed to :
Resolved, That a committee of one from
each Senatorial district be appointed to re
port permanent officers of the Convention.
Some rambling debate ensued as to the
mode of selecting the committee, when a mo
tion was made that the Convention take a re
cess of ten minutes, in order to enable the
several delegations to select a member of the
committee.
But very few delegates having voted on
the motion.
The President remarked that there did not
seem to be a full expression of opinion in
the assemblage, and he hoped that every del
egate would feel it his duty to speak out
boldly. There was nothing to be gained by
cowardice, and he therefore hoped that ev
ery one would vote.
On the question being again taken, a loud
response of yea was the result; and the re
cess for ten minutes, in order to hand in the
flames of the committee to select permanent
officers of the Convention, was agreed to
amid applause; and the Convention took a
recess for ten minutes.
RECESS.
The Convention was again called to order,
when
Dr.-George M'Cook, of Allegheny, on ta
king the chair, said
Gentlemen, I return my thanks for the ex
alted honor which you have conferred upon
me by selectin g me as your temporary chair
man. I see before me the intelligence and
respectability of the State. Here are the in
dependent men of our Commonwealth. It
is not; therefore, any unreasonable presump
tion that your deliberations will be marked
with prudence and wisdom. We have a use
ful lesson in the vile and bitter conduct of
the pretended Democratic Convention of the
16th of , March last. I hope that you will
manifest none of their vindictiveness. (Ap
plause.) Remember, gentlemen, that you
are within a temple where our laws are made,
and let us be guided by liberality and an
even handed justice. I hope that the sol
emnity which is wont to surround this . Hall
will have its due influence upon this occasion.
(Applause.)
Gentlemen, I claim the proud honor of be
ing one of the fathers of the Democracy of
this country. (Applause.) I was deeply and
permanently associated with General Jackson
in the days of his glory; I was'upon his elec
toral ticket in 1824, (long and continued ap
plause,) and from that day to this time what
ever of energy and vigilance I could com
mand, and whatever of pecuniary means I
could afford, have cheerfully been devoted to
the best interests of the Democratic party.
This it is, gentlemen, that will explain why
to-day I stand here with silvered locks; one
who has passed the grand climacteric of hu
man life—who sees three score and ten just
before him—this will explain why I have
left my family and my home to come here
and associate with you to promote the best
interests of _this Union. (Applause.)
The voice of alarm has sounded from the
east and. the west that our institutions have
been ruthlessly assailed by the vilest and
most reckless administration that God has
ever inflicted upon a suffering people. (Loud
and continued applause.) The faith of the
Democratic party has been violated by one
who came into our party not until 1828.
And here let me say, that the only curse
which ever attended General Jackson's admin
istration, was the appointment of James Bu
chanan U. S, Minister to Russia. (Applause.)
I remember when he was clothed in the ha
biliments of aristocracy. That was the occa
sion, and ever has been, of his elevation to
political power. And I want you to mark a
solemn fact. In 1824, Henry Clay, John
Adams and Andrew Jackson were candi
dates for the Presidency. The electoral col
lege failing to elect, that duty devolved upon
the House of Representatives. By a union
of the friends of Mr. Clay and Mr. Adams,
and in defiance of the popular will, Mr. Ad
ams was elevated to the Presidency.
In mentioning this I do not arraign the
noble and great men whose names I have in
dicated. Their voices are hushed in death—
their bodies sleep in the tomb; yet their pa
triotism shines out gloriously upon the pages
of our history. (Applause.) What, howev
er, was the result of the combination of the
friends of Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay ? The
popular sovereignty of the Union was viola
ted, and in 1828 an outraged and an indig
nant people rose in its might and majesty to
put into the chief executive chair of the coun
try, General Jackson. (Applause.) At that
early day the principle of popular sovereign
ty was potent and jealous of infringement.—
(Applause.) -
Gentlemen, methinks our whole country is
assembled here. Here are the good men and
true from the valleys and hills, the moun
tains and plains of this Commonwealth, to
denounce an infamous outrage perpetrated
upon the National Democratic Party. (Ap
plause.)
I did not intend to detain you at this length s
One more remark and I am done. I have
seventeen children. (Great applause.) When
I remember the blessing of free governMent
which I have enjoyed, it is.rny ardent desire
$1 50
3 do.
.$ 50
. 1 00
. 2 00
3 00
WILLIAM LEWIS,
VOL. XIV.
to secure the continuance of that enjoyment
for my children and my childrens' children.
(Applause.) I thank you for the honor you
have conferred upon me.
The committee to select permanent officers
were announced as follows :
Jno. S. Dougherty, I Dr. E. IL Griesanar,
Jos. Dowdali, James Gilliland,
Dr. G. L. Higgins, James Sweeney,
Dr. - Henry Orladey, J. R. Durbar,
Henry Gingerieh, Jno. Martin,
Dr. Goo. S. Hays, J. W. Ryan,
Samuel Harper, Dr. E. L. Orth,
Dr. Geo. Nebinger, I Thos: M'Farland,
Geo. Northrup, I A. N. Meylert,
Jno. Sheridan, Henry Reisinger,
Wm. Hopkins, I Capt. IL Walters,
_
J. M. Laird,
Mr. Dickman said—
Mr. PRESIDENT am glad to meet you
—to join you upon an occasion so interesting,
and important as the present one. I hearti
ly endorse the propriety of this convention.—
The base outrage recently attempted hero by
the minions of despotic federal authority mer
its a stern rebuke, but not more than the
weakness and heartlessness which conceived
and commanded it. I love and admire the
honesty and courage with which Gov. Packer
has appreciated and discharged all his pub
lic duties. To him and his able and accom
plished Attorney General and Secretary of
the Commonwealth, are our thanks eminent
ly due for a manifestation of that devoted
patriotism which impelled them to consider
their country first and consequences after
wards. It is not surprising, that political
prostitution should condemn it. The popu
lar affection, however, will be to them a
shield more protective than fortresses of gran
ite and of iron. But I desire to speak of oth
er matters.
At this day, resolutions complimentary to
the present national administration may be
pardoned, when proceeding from official sy
cophants, but they can do neither good nor
harm. The history of Mr. Buchanan's exec
utive life has already been written, and too
plainly to be obliterated by bribed eulogy, or
to be misunderstood by the people of this
State and nation. Neither politic conjura
tion nor party magic can make them forget
the wicked violation of pledges, the arrogance
of bloated power, the proposition of Congress,
the profligacy of departments, or the rapid
and marked encroachments upon popular
constitutional rights. Judgment, final judg
ment, has been calmly and deliberately pas- .
sed upon this treason to the democracy, this
assassination of common honesty, and it is as
irreversable as the decrees of God. It is wise,
therefore, in this convention, to speak the
truth plainly, and to avoid the folly of an at
tempt to cover up an audacious criminality
we must all condemn.
By the action of the - 34th Congress, the
complaints made by the residents of Kansas
were ascertained to be true. Although the
South, by the legislation of 1824, was
pledged to maintain the domestic sovereignty
of the territories, a portion of their people
from Missouri entered upon the soil of Kan
sas, and, by force and fraud, seized the law
making power, stilled the voice of the major
ity, and enacted statues disgraceful to the
age and nation. This fact, when legally re
vealed, made a deep impression upon the public
mind, and Mr. Buchanan found it necessary,
in order to carry the election in his own
State, to pledge himself distinctly to the
maintenance of the doctrine of popular sov
ereignty, and to defend the rights of those
who had been thus ruthlessly despoiled. I
will not pretend to indicate the particular
weakness in his nature that induced him to
turn the hand of the suicide against his own
fame, as it matters little whether it arose
from timidity, a fear of his enemies outweigh
ing a love of his friends, a careless disregard
of fair dealing, or a weak and puerile vanity.
It is enough to know that he deceived all our
hopes, turned with the blackest ingratitude
upon that self-sacrificing friendship by which
he reached the goal of his feverish ambition,
and sought by all the means within the reach
of drunken and staggering authority, to dis
grace every man whom he could not debauch.
Suddenly, and as by the touch of the wand
of the magician, he becarnp transformed from
the sympathiser with dowT-trodden freedom,
to the open and shameless defender of ag
gressive and law-defying slavery.
The halls of the national legislature were
turned into marts for conscience ; he publish
ed his interpretations of party principles and
platforms with the arrogance of a dictator ;
and commanded his subordinates in office,
and his coward slaves, to reiterate and pro
claim his bulls of party excommunication
against all who were rash enough to follow
an independent judgment. These acts of
themselves. are enough to sever allegiance.—
It would be an ill-shapen manhood which
could tolerate them in silence. But because
we denounce them, we are anathematised as
rebellious. Sir, we will see where the re
bellion will end. It will end in the suprem
acy of the laws ; in the integrity of the con
stitution ; in the purification of parties ; in
the sworn loyalty of executives ; and the vig
orous growth, material greatness, and eter
nal dominance of the North. That is where
it will end. Popular sovereignty, invoked by
the South, will be defended by us, and it
shall unfold the veiled, yet dimly discovered
destiny of this great republic, We are bat
tling for the right, for the spirit of the insti
tutions our fathers established ; let us feel
that we are doing this, and we will accom
plish the victory of our century. Not a mere
naked triumph at the polls, but the great
success afterwards—the untrammelled selfgov
ernment of man; the dedication of a continent
to consistent liberty.
Those who stop to talk of conciliation and
compromises between us and the self-consti
tuted oracles of the, Democratic party, can
have but a feeble appreciation to the condi
tion of things. 'When you can harmonize
light and darkness, integrity and corruption,
the patriotic devotion of the private citizen
to the principles of our government, with a
tyranny worse than that
. of the middle ages,
it will be time enough to cry "peace." Let
this truth be made prominent—that there is
Llonry F. Phelps,
Henry Gingerich.
•11. ,
•
an eternal antagonism between freedom and
slavery. The constitution of the human
mind and the human heart makes it inevita
ble ; and the one or the other must eventual
ly gain the ascendency. The struggle be
tween them, but just begun, is now going on
in our- midst, and ho is but a superficial ob
server who does not discover it. We have
acted honorably—benevolently. For long,
long years we have defended the chartered
rights of our southern brethren;
we have
even conceded their exactions ; we have given
them all the advantages springing from une
qual legislation ; we have changed policy to
suit their notions of interest; until having
grown fat, they demand as a prerogative what
we granted as a favor, and having found a
President zvithout affections, a sworn officer
not afraid of perjury, willing to back their
pretensions, they would now treat us as a
common enemy. They have done more—
they have gone farther; they come amongst
us, and bribed cupidity with gold, ambition
with promotion, and vanity with temporary
consequence, to do violence to justice. Lon
ger forbearance not only ceases to be virtuous,
but it becomes cowardly and base. The
North has rights, long in abeyance truly, yet
not lost ; we will save them ; by walls of fire
and blood, if needs be, we will save them.
In what I have just said, I would not be
misunderstood; I know I cannot escape mis
representation. I would resist aggression on
the part of the South, not her constitutional
guarantees ; and I would force a plain, dis
tinct, unequivocal recognition of the rightful
claims of the North • nothing more, nothing
less. Who can safely complain of this ?
I wish I could stop here. If this were all
of the accusation, we might forget the past
in the exercise of a profuse charity, but un
fortunately, we are not allowed to do so. A
usurpation has been accomplished which saps '
the very foundation of our political structure.
Mr. Buchanan has demanded an absorption
of the powers of Congress in those of the
Executive. To carry out his treachery to us,
he has assailed the representatives of the peo
ple. He has bribed the venal, rewarded the
aspiring, alarmed the timid, and deceived the
honest. By such means was the Lecompton
Constitution carried into a provisional law,
in contemptuous disregard of the known will
of the people upon whom it was imposed, and
in direct contravention of the letter and spirit
of the organic act itself. The reason which
prompted the commission of the outrage is
too manifest to be doubted. It was to pur
chase flattery of the South ; to force slavery
upon the soil of the North ; and to strength
en and aggrandize one section of the Union
at the expense and hazard of the other.—
Then, compliance with executive behests was
the test of democracy, and to disregard them'
was apostacy.
More recently, however, when the recom
mendations of the President were thought to
favor the manufacturing and agricultural
States—when the propriety of a new tariff
law was suggested--and when the so-called
Democratic members of the Senate and House
of Representatives, and even Cabinet officers,
raised the voice of denunciatory opposition,
it was all right, and rebellion became loyal
ty. And yet Pennsylvanians see nothing
wrong in this '
• nay, they commend it. Chains
never clanked upon the limbs of beings more
servile and debased. We might, perhaps, he
able to open their eyes to the truth, and loosen
their tongues to utter it, by continuing them
in office under a new administration, govern
ed by a more benign policy. If parties with
such plastic notions, shall be able to grasp
the control of our government, then must the
strong empire of the North be dwarfed to
barrenness, and eighteen millions of white
slaves here, be added to the four millions of
black slaves yonder. That is indeed a strange
illustration of the advantages of free govern
ment which proclaims a necessity for crush
ing out the inherent power of a people by
fashioning their institutions for them, requi
ring it. to be sanctioned, and yet allows and
encourages a denial of law by which alone a
bankrupt treasury can be replenished, and I
honest debts paid.
But, sir, we charge further upon the ad
ministration of Mr. Buchanan one of the
main alums by which we have reached the
point of national insolvency, a reckless prod
igality in the expenditures of the public mon
ey, and a prevailing vice in the departments
of the government. It is a gross mistake to
suppose that our increased expenses are
owing to an expansion of territory . and the
removal of our frontier. The administration
of Mr. Van Buren, with an annual outlay of
thirty-seven millions of dollars, was pronoun
ced extravagant; now our expenses are close
upon one hundred millions a year. But we
have got used to talking of millions without
stopping to consider the magnitude of the
figures. Why, sir, all the horses and mules
in this country, numbering over six thousand,
would scarcely draw, in silver, the money re
quired to foot our government bills fora sin
gle year. Do you enquire why this is so?
will tell you. We have abandoned our for
mer and better practices. When Mr. Jeffer
son was President, he required honesty and
capability in his appointees; now, subordi
nates are selected for their known lack of in
dependence, conscience anti will. There was
a time, which our fathers remember, when to
be the head of a department, a Secretary of
the Treasury, or of War, or of the Navy, re
quired greatness and inspired confidence ;
now a man of very moderate dimensions will
suffice for either place. An ex-Governor or
effete Senator will always answer for the po
sition,
provided he has the marks of gyves
upon his legs, and does not know too much.
I think we will be able to furnish one here
after who may claim by a double title. I
hazard little in saying there is now more
money squandered and stolen yearly, than it
required during the administrations of Mad
ison, Monroe, and the younger Adams, to
support the government.
There is not only no careful supervision of
our finances, but funds are drawn, constantly,
directly from your treasury to reward favor
ites, and to give approved shape to public
opinion at the polls; in other words, to carry
elections. The Secretary of the Navy, among
others, May know something of this. If ho
-PERSEVERE.-
HUNTINGDON, PA., APRIL 20, 1859.
should not, the Patterson letter, with the
President's endorsement, may afford him in
formation. Public property of great value is
sold, privately and covertly, at a tithe of its
worth ; other is bought at almost fabulous
prices. Navy Yards, Post Offices, Custom
Houses and Mints, have been stocked, crowd
ed, crammed, for weeks and months, with
superannuates and idlers, and paid the wa
ges only due to well-taught craft and deserv
ing industry, for the mere purpose of over
riding the legal voters, returninc , al parasites,
tumbler and trencher friends, to Congress,
and publishing an attested lie to the world.
These acts—these flagrant violations of pre
servative law and decent behavior—have all
been endorsed here, in this place, in this
Capitol, and uttered and published as true
and genuine Democracy. God save the Re
public ! And knowing them all, and in the
face of them all, the President himself, to
whom but three short years ago we gave the
fullness of our confidence, now bleached by
age, and blanching before the frowns of an
outraged and insulted constituency, cants and
whines, in hypocritical numbers, over the
degeneracy of the times, and in the expres
sion of a fear lest elections should be carried
by gold. Catching the sounds of lamenta
tion as they issue from the open casements
and portals of the White _House, your Big
lers, et id oninc genus, move with the hushed
and solemn tread of mournbrs, and shed
gouty tears of blood.
The indefensible and destructive manage
ment of the Post Office Department, requires
especially to be noticed. Within a very
short period, for the mere purpose of enrich
ing contractors, bestowing largesses upon
sterile and uninhabited districts of the South,
and acquiring power, the expenditures have
been almost doubled—run up to the enor
mous sum of twenty millions of dollars—and
mail system made a by-word and a re
rlit)tch. With new, extended, and expen
s(ce routes, without corresponding returns;
sunk in fathomless debt, aye, paralised
.by
burthens, its chief lustily cries for help and
piteously begs the sinews of prolonged mal
feasance. But upon whom does he call?—
Upon those to whom the appeals is always
made when money, votes, soldiers, or other
effective help is required—upon the laboring
thrifty—the " mud sills" of the Eastern,
Northren, Middle and Western States. It is
consoling to know we are good enough to
pay, if not to receive. We are at least able,
if not respectable. If we have not chivalry,
We: have fields, and farms and factories.—
Let us then without whimpering, " split the
difference." The "F. F. Ins" or the "F.
F. T's" shall take all the posts of patronage,
and we will pay their debts. The plan pro-'
posed, by which we shall do this, is a very
simple one. We have only to pay five cents,
instead of three, on each letter we write,
abolish the present "franking privilege," and,
consequently, cut off the distribution of all
seeds and agricultural and mechanical and
political information from our people, and
the thing is, in great measure, accomplished.
And why not do this ? To be sure we more
than pay now for all our . postal service, and
these documents are highly prized by us, but
do we not know that "the domestic institu
tions" is too poor to pay, and too ignorant to
read. We seem to be prone eternally to for
get that we were made for hewers of wood
and drawers of water. If we would remem
ber this fact, I think we could cordially unite
with those who met here on the 16th ult.,
and join them in pceans and praise to the
new American Monarchy.
It has become humiliating to pride to speak
the truth, for it has become unfashionable,
and almost incredible. Largely in debt,
pressed on all sides by voracious creditors,
with no present ability to pay, and with con
stantly accumulating liabilities, the Presi
dent of the United States has shown himself
incompetent to carry any measure of relief.
Yes, this an and his Cabinet are appalled,
terror' stricken, and motionless in view of the
natural results of their own policy. If it
were permissible, I would recommend them
to infuse a little of their Lecompton fire into
the tariff recommendation :
"Instead of standing, staring altogether,
Like garden gods—and not so decent either"
To blind our sight to its short comings, to
cover up its disgraceful defeats, and to recon
struct its sinking fortunes, the admistration
now proposes, by virtue of a transfer of the
war-making power to itself, to visit chastise
ment upon feeble States for imaginary wrongs
and by the acquisition of Cuba to extend the
area of freedom gluttonized on slavery. A
man self-made mad, and then self-destroyed
—a Lear in rags, and not in robes—having
lost the sceptre by the weakness of folly,
clutches the flying air, and seeks to mount
again, to power and influence. Vanity of
vanities ! there is no restitution for fallen
greatness.
A few material inquiries may - possibly pre
sent themselves, when we come to consider
the propriety of the purchase of the vain and
much praised "Queen of the Antilles," and
of bringing her into our loving and lecherous
embrace. In what way, by what mysterious
means, with what magic key will you draw
the thirty golden millions, demanded by the
President as earnest money, and the hun
dreds of millions afterwards, from a strong
box, empty as the heart of its keeper, and
which is more secure in locking treasure out
than locking it in ? How far will a well reg
ulated prudence determine us to go in en
trusting such vast amounts in the hands of
one who has already deceived us—in whom
we have no confidence ? By what legal se
cret will we be able to consummate a pur
chase of Spain, who has determined not to
sell ? And how can we better secure our
selves against those who, in league with the
President, have sought to humiliate us, by
adding to their power and extension, and
by giving them the control of the Gulf of
Mexico, as they may have it over the Missis
sippi.
I think I can school myself to love my en
emies ; but not better than myself. I can
willingly admit my brother to an equal en
joyment of a common inheritance; but I can
not, when ho does me violence and injustice,
strengthen his arm so as to enable him forei-
1 1
'k..
ifk .t:
~, ,
bly to take it all. So, I can and will love my
Southern neighbor. I will freely allow him
an equal participation of all the fruits of our
generous system. I will divide with him the
temple of Liberty. I will shield him from
the evil doer. But when he denies to me
what lam willing to grant to him, and that
which my title covers, I will not stultify my
self and place weapons in his hand for my
destruction ; and I will never pay tribute for
either his kindness or forbearance. Cuba
may be important to the Union; I will ad
mit that it will be so when we have just and
equal laws, and honest officers ; but before
we acquire it, I desire to be informed wheth
er any legislation can possibly be had as ben
eficial to Pennsylvania as the purchase would
be to Tennessee or Georgia ; and above all,
shall I seek to know how, thenceforward, we
are to be treated. For if I am a traitor, an
unconscious and unrewarded one, to either
thirty-three or fifteen States, I will not add
to the enormity of my offence, by extending
the number of States against which my guilt
must operate.
I have stated as concisely as I could, my
-judgment of the management of the govern
ment for the last two years. I trust I have
made it plain 'and distinct. I have not de
scended to minute particulars ; the proof of
my declarations having become matter of en
during record has rendered it unnecessary to
do so. I leave it before you and the country,
as a full justification for our present course,
and as the reason for our settled determina
tion to refuse to be indentfied with move
ments we both deplore and despise. Desiring
to be fair we cannot tolerate deception. Sus
taining right, we must denounce usurpation.
Asking justice, we cannot inflict a wrong.—
Economy is not presented to us as a choice,
it is forced upon us as a necessity ; and hav
ing been trained in a system of politics that
we love, and taught to regard purity as es
sential to power, it is too late in our lives to
turn demagogues to maintain majorities, or
to barter smiles from rotten rule. It is
true that , • wed and continued denuncia
tion and p
,_,Fription are likely to be our re
ward for choice we make, but I cannot
avoid hinting to those who suppose they have
throttled the wolf, that they may have only
cuught him by the ears.
It is told that when the Belvidere Apollo
was in the Louvre, a lady of gushing and
fascinating beauty came with eacbreturning
sun to look upon and, love it, wreathing it
with selected flowers, and clasping it in all
the ardor of her youthful heart. Days and
weeks and months rolled on, until at last the
cold and stony figure turned her warm blood
to ice, and she was found dead, with her
face buried in her hand, and leaning against
it. Sir, tee may be too ideal, and look for a
perfection which nature does not furnish.
Like the daughter of the Baron, we may be
stow the jewels of the heart where their
value can never be appreciated, and our last
pulse may beat as we kneel in absorbing
and silent adoration before the symbol of a
god.lf such must be, we may well claim,
at least, a generous sympathy, for that form
once had brain, and heart, and life, and
power. In the days of Jefferson it was wise
and creative, in the days of Madison brave
and benevolent, and in the days of Jackson
commanding and resistless. Then it was
the awe inspiring guardian of Liberty—
American Democracy—inviting champion-
ship, and holding in its hand the olive
branch of peace and the thunderbolt of war,
But, sir, we will not die, but live. We
have Aristotle's hope, the dreams of waking
men, and their appalling interpretations
shall be written out in letters of fire upon
walls of adamante. It shall be read of all
men, from the Aroostook to the Golden Gate.
You have it—truth in a whisper shall con
found the lie from a trumpet ; and a naked
child shall tread upon the armored giant
leading the hosts marshalled against the ad
vancing civilization and righteous govern
ment of man.
Look not back, we have learned the past ;
but onward, onward, with steady eye and
unwavering step. The goal is before you I
You will remember that when Orpheus lost
Eurydice, he followed her even into the
abode of Hades, where, by the power of his
lyre, he won her back, but it was enjoined
upon him that he should not look upon her
until be had arrived in the upper air. At
the very moment they were passing the fatal
bounds, it is said his love overcame him, and
looking around to know that she was follow
ing him, she was caught back into the infer
nal regions. The story embodies a pregnant
moral. If you would regain the loved and
the lost, then forward forward
lam done. If I have been dull, you will
pardon me. If I have inspired a single pa
triotic thought or feeling, I have my reward.
The Chairman of the committee on perma
nent officers made the following report:
President,
AUXANDER ikr KINNEY, Westmoreland.
Wm. E. Lehman,
John Sherry,
A. Warthmen,
D. Webster,
Dr. Wm. Squires,
J. T. Worthington,
Jno. Schwartz,
Jno. Holeway,
H. L. Cake,
E. N. Willard,
H. Sherwood,
Dr. C. Canfield,
Col. M. T. Reynolds,
Dr. R. B. M'Coy,
Sccr
S. R. Peale, John C. West,
John O'Bryan, Joseph Hunter,
Arch. M'Bride, I. T. M'Gonegal,
A. Green, L. L. Cantwell,
Win. P. Wilson, H. A. Zollinger,
G. W. Pearce, H. B. Masser,
John Harlan, Wm. K. Piper,
Dr. H. Wadsworth, Jas Leddy.
The President, Mr. M'Kinney, on assum
ing the Chair, remarked that he was proud
to be called upon to act as Chairman of a
Convention composed of such rebels as they
were, but that he would assist in re-organi
Editor and Proprietor.
NO, 43,
Vice Presidents.
James Burns,
Dr. Levi Hull,
Col. R. T. Haslitt,
Thomas Bingham,
Thomas M'Connel,
Dr. John Collogan,
Geo. T. Gilmoro,
Geo. H. Negley,
Edward D. Grant,
M. Douglass,
Jos. Morris,
Gibson,
J. R. Nicholson,
Dr. Robert Brown.
arses.
zing the Democratic party and erect some
such platform as was erected at Cincinnati,
and after its erection Mr. Buchanan might,
after due repentance, return and re-join the
true Democratic party.
Col. Forney moved that a committee, to con
sist of twenty-five, be appointed to prepare
resolutions and an address expressive of the
sense•of the Convention, which was agreed
to.
While the President was preparing the
list, a western delegate suggested that the
Convention itself name the committee; which
was adopted ; whereupon
The following gentlemen were appointed
the committee :
Col. John W. Forney, Philadelphia; E. L.
Willard, Luzerne ; Col. Samuel S. Young,
Berks ; John C. Knox, Philadelphia ; Thos.
P. Campbell, Huntingdon ; J. W. G. Wier
man, Dauphin ; S. C. Wingard, Allegheny;
Samuel E. Keller, Lancaster ; John H. No.
gley, Butler; Geo. J. Higgins, Schuylkill;
A. C. Noyes, Clinton ; J. W. Douglas, Erie ;
J. D. Breitenbaughdflontgornery ; D. Kistler,
Jr., Westmoreland ; R. J. Nicholson, Jeer
son ; W. W. Redick, Fayette ; E. Ringwalt,
Chester ; John W. Brown,
Dauphin ; James
Gilliland, Centre ; Baily Thomas, Philadel
phia; John Fannigan,
Cambria; Dr. George
Wessenberger, Philadelphia ; William S.
Hurlock, Berks ; Charles Barnet, Allegheny ;
L. S. Cantwell, Armstrong.
Mr. Campbell, of ITuntingdon, offered the
following resolution, which was, on his mo
tion, referred to the committee on Resolu
tions :
Resolved., That a General State Central
Committee, to consist of ---, be appointed,
who are hereby instructed to call a General
State Convention, to nominate a State ticket
for our support at the ensuing October elec
tion, and to perform such other functions as
appertain to the duties of Democratic State
Central Committees.
On motion, the Convention then adjourned
untij 2 o'clock P. M.
AFTERNOON SESSION.
The Convention re-assembled at 2 o'clock
P. M.
Mr. Lehman, Philadelphia, stated that he
had understood the committee on resolutions
and an address, were not ready to report ;
he therefore moved that the Convention take
a recess for thirty minutes.
A delegate opposed the motion, and hoped
the intervening time would be occupied by
some gentleman willing to address the Con
vention,
The motion to take a recess was disagreed
Loud calls were then made for Mr. Leh
man, who in response proceeded to address
the Convention in an able and effective speech
which was loudly applauded throughout its
delivery.
Ile was followed by Mr. Wm. Dunn, of
Philadelphia. Ills remarks were,frequently
interrupted by loud applause. •
THE ADDRESS AND RESOLUTIONS.
Col. John W. Forney, from the committee
to prepare an address and resolutions, sub
mitted a long and well written address,
which was read by himself at the clerk's
desk. The resolutions are as follows :
RESOLUTIONS.
Resolved, That regarding this Convention
as to all intents and purposes, a Convention
representing the patriotic sentiment of the
Democratic party, and avowing ourselves
members of that party, upon those well
known principles which have constituted its
creed since the beginning of the Government,
we are here to clay to resist every attempt to
weaken or to overthrow that creed, and to
unite for the purpose of restoring, in all their
vigor and purity, the great truths which have
heretofore made the Democracy a conquer
ing.organization, and contributed to the en
during welfare of the States of the Union.
Resolved, That this Convention most sol
emnly declares its warm attachment to the
Union of the States, to maintain which it
pledges all its powers, and that for this end
it is our duty, and the duty of the Democratic
party everywhere, to watch over and oppose
every infraction of those principles which
constitute the only basis of that Union, be
cause a faithful observance of them can
only secure its existence and the public hap
piness.
Resolved, That holding the General Ad- .1,1
ministration responsible for certain grave de
partures from public duty and Democratic
principles, we are bound to regard the Ad
ministration as having forfeited the confi
dence of the people, and to denounee it as
unworthy of the support of the Democratic
party.
Resolved, That when the Democratic party
in 1856 was solemnly committed in National,
State, and County Conventions to the funda
mental principle that the people of the Terri
tories, like those of the States, were to be left
perfectly free to decide for themselves wheth
er slavery should or should not exist within
their limits, subject only to the Constitution
of the United States, we entered into a sol
emn covenant, which, notwithstanding the
conduct of faithless public servants, we hold
ourselves bound to maintain at all hazards,
and to carry out in letter and spirit.
Resolved, That the attempt of the General
Administration to disregard this covenant,
and in its stead to erect a despotic test to com
pel obedience to doctrines subversive of Re
publican liberty, was not the work of the
representatives of the Democratic party, but
of men who had resolved upon the destruc
tion of that organization for their own ambi,
tious purposes ; and that this repudiation of
right and endorsement of wrong was fitly fol
lowed by a remorseless war of Federal power
Upon State Sovereignty, and by an arrogant
proscription of all Democratic organizations
and Democratic champions who would not
follow the shameless example.
Resolved, That we deliberately and hearti,
ly re-assert and re-endorse the great principle
of popular sovereignty and non-intervention ;
as well in the Territories as in the States,
non-intervention by Congress - with slavery in
the Territories, and non-intervention by the
Federal Executive with the franchises of the
people of the States, and that every effort to
force the Democratic party of this country
upon any other platform, should be rebuked
as a preparation for lasting disgrace in the
first place, and for lasting and deserving de
feat in the second.
Resolved, That this principle of popular•
sovereignty and non-intervention, lying as it
does, at the basis of all our free institutions,
enunciated and accepted, North and South,
by Legislatures and Courts, by Congresses
and candidates, substituted in 1850 for an
obsolete Congressional rule, and re-asserted
in 1854, after the repeal of the Missouri
Compromise, is the only principle that will
forever remove the question of slavery from
the halls of the National Legislature, and pre,
vent the triumph of the enemies of the Amer,
ican Union.
Resolved, That we regard with undissem
bled indignation and alarm the attempt of the
Federal Administration, backed by its depen
dents in the North, and the disuniopista of