The globe. (Huntingdon, Pa.) 1856-1877, October 06, 1858, Image 2

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    THE HUNTINGDON GLOBE, A DEMOCRATIC FAMILY JOERNAL, DEVOTED TO LOCAL AND GENERAL NEWS, &C.
THE GLOBE.
Circulation—the largest in the county
EATITTIPADORL
Wednesday, October 6, 1858
DEMOCRATIC NOMINATIONS
FOR RIDGE OF SUPREME COURT,
Will. A. PORTER, of Philadelphia.
l'Olt CANAL CO9IMISSIONER,
W.F.STLEVY FROST, of Fayette Co.
olr 01 6 )-0 , 141 4 0111 Itzil 4 riatilik 1111 4 091 ale
CONGRESS,
CYRUS L. PERSHING, of Cambria co
• a - 0 -
ASSEMBLY,
DANIEL HOUTZ, of Alexandria
COUNTY COM3IISSIONER,
JAMES HENDERSON, of Cassville.
DIRECTOR OF TIIE POOR,
JOHN MIERLY, of Spiingfiold
CORONER.,
THOMAS P. LOVE, of Huntingdon
AUDITOR,
WILLIAM SPECK, of Juniata
EXTRA PREMIUMS
It will be observed that the County Society—for very
good reasons we suppose—have omitted in their list, pre
miums for the best specimens of printing. Printing is an
art—the art of arts—in the improvement of which, busi
ness men ut least, take some interest. We take as much
pleasure, and pride , in executing a job of work as it should
be,as other men o in their calling, and we can see no
good reason why a printer should not contest for au honor.
We, therefore, propose the following premiums:
For the best and greatest variety of Fancy Curd
printing $5 00
For the hest and greatest variety of Plain Card
printing 5 00
For the best and greatest variety of Blank: printing, 5 00
For the best and graatest variety of handbill and
Circular printing
For the best and greatest variety of l'riuting
" " Job Office in the county
The contest to be confined to the printers of the county
and no part of any Card, Blank, Bill, Circular, &c., to be
executed out of the county.
All customer work, only, and Blanks regularly kept on
hand for sale, to be entered for the premiums.
Each Office contesting for the premiums, to place in the
hands of a Committee like sums as above, the whole to be
given to the Office receiving the awards.
The Committee to be appointed by the Offices entering
for the premiums—one by each Office, and the Committee
to appoint one.
The Committee to visit and examine work at the Offices
entering, on the second day of the County Fair.
New Advertisements.
.-The Continental Vocalists are coining.
IM.. See Card of J. Simpson Africa—Practical Surveyor.
.13a. Valentine Crouse, of Mill Creek, offers a Canal Boat
for sale.
~List of Letters remaining in the Huntingdon and
Alexandria Post Offices.
ea— W. F. Shaw advertises Candles—all in want of the
article, should give him a call.
Read the mercantile advertisements—they are too
numerous to mention separately.
N. Cresswell has been appointed Agent for the
Ly
coming County Mutual Fire Insurance Company.
Two Administrator Notices—estates of William and
Samuel Porter—by Samuel Stewart and G. W. Porter.
ALWAYS D. ORDER.—We received from
Mrs. ECLAIVIS THOMAS, a large taste of his
cious peaches, for which she has our thanks.
A Riau ENTERTAINMENT EXPECTED.—THE
CONTINENTAL VOCALISTS COMING—This unri
audetdintaflagtligtVll ur EV
•evening
next.
=
NUMEROUS—chicken thieres.—Some scamp
entered our stable on Saturday night last,
and took away seven of our flock. We will
give $25 for any information that will lead
to the conviction of the scamp—or for any
other one that may disturb our fluck here
after.
Tnr MILITARY.—We are informed that
four companies of military, will be in town
to-morrow--from Huntingdon Furnace, Pe
tersburg, Broad Top and Shirleysburg. The
indications are that Huntingdon will be full
and running over, as almost everybody and
the rest of mankind will be in town.
Democratic Meetings.
A Democratic meeting will be held in this
borough, this Wednesday evening. Mr. PER
SHING will address the people.
A Democratic meeting will also be held at
Coalmont, to-morrow afternoon (Thursday,)
at one o'clock. Mr. PErtsranco will be one of
the speakers.
We hope the voters of all parties will at
tend and hear our candidate.
NEW GOODS.—By reference to our advertis
ing columns it will be seen that our mer
chants are all prepared for an active business.
D. P. GWIN, H. ROMAN, FISHER & MCMIIR
TRIE, BENT. JACOBS, JAS. A. BROWN MOSES
&ROCS, LONG & MILLER, and LEVI WEST
-33g00x, have each on hand a fine assortment
of goods in their respective lines of business.
Give them a call and examine their goods.—
We must not forget Mr. BRICKER up town—
ha has on hand an extensive assortment of
goods. See advertisements for particulars.
Ofii Premiums.
The Fair is at hand, and our propositions
for a display of workmanship in the art of
printing, has not been accepted by any of
the printers of the county. We did expect
that Mr. BREWSTER, of the "Tourn,al" office,
.would have had spunk enough to back up
his opinionS of his work, but it appears, from
the fact of his backing down, that he is not
willing to risk a few dollars upon the de
cision of persons, likely to be better judges
of work than himself. The premiums we
offer, we will have to pocket ourself, and be
satisfied with the general opinion of the pub
lic, that the "GLOBE JOB OFFICE" has no op
position in the county, in the art of printing.
After the Fair is over—and the election
shall be got through with, we will be ready
to accommodate our friends with any kind
and quantity of plain and fancy printing,
but until then, we do not wish to be crowded
as we have been for some months past. Or
ders from adjoining counties, or any part of
the State, accompanied with the cash, will
receive our attention. Specimens of cus
tomer work, can be seen at our office.
PERSHING'S PLATFORM.
PERSHING ON THE TARIFF.
" If I am elected, I WILL AD
VOCATE AN INCREASE OF
DUTIES UPON COAL AND
IRON--that as other States have
their peculiar Tariff policies, I
am in favor of a PENNSYLVA
NIA POLICY. When the ques
tion comes up in Congress, I am
in favor of the mutual interests
of all the States, if such can be
effected without detriment to our
own ; but if such a desideratum
cannot be realized, then I AM
FOR PENNSYLVANIA
AGAINST THE UNION."
PERSHING ON KANSAS
" Upon this question I have no
opinions to conceal. Should. Ibe
elected to a seat in the National
Congress, I will vote for the ad
mission of Kansas, the moment
she presents a legal Constitution,
which has been submitted to the
people and ratified by them. I
will do so let the consequences be
what they may ; and I do not
fear the consequences."
5 00
5 00
25 00
BLAIR'S PLATFORM.
kEr" We intend, for our part, to give Mr.
Blair, the REPUBLICAN candidate for Con
gress, our hearty and earnest support ; he is
a young man of fine talents, and will RE
PRESENT the REPUBLICAN PARTY to
the best of his ability."—Hunt. Journal.
Aen." The Globe has discovered that Mr.
Blair, in a recent speech, advocated the doc
trine that 'Congress has the power to prevent
the introduction of slavery into the Territo
ries.' WELL, WHAT IF lIE DID ?"
Huntingdon Journal.
As we do not intend to vote for Mr. BL.ur,
we do not care what he may be in favor of,
or what he may be opposed to. But we feel
it our duty, as a public journalist, to let our
readers know upon what platform Mr. BLAIR
stands. He asks for the votes of the -Ameri
cans, who are as strenuous in their advocacy
of popular sovereignty as are the Democrats
and their candidate, Mr. PERSHING. Fie asks
for and expects the votes of Republicans, who
are with the Americans and.Demograts on
tie popular soveretyncy quesuon.—And yet
the Journal, with a boldness unusual in that
quarter, tells the popular sovereignty voters
of the American and Republican parties that
Mr. BLAIR is not with them on that ques
tion:—That if elected, Mr. BLAIR. will stand
upon the REPUBLICAN platform, which denies
the people of the Territories the right to se
lect their own domestic institutions.
The Americans and popular sovereignty
Republicans cannot "go it blind" for Mr.
BLAIR—be is "the REPUBLICAN candidate,"
and "will represent the REpußLicAs party to
the best of his ability"—if elected. The
Journal knows its man, and if any stronger
evidence is cranted to prove the black Repub
licanism of Mr. Brant, the voters can see it
in the political characters of the men who
are most anxious for his election.
What are the Republican Leaders, in
this Congressional District, contend
ing for ? .;
Mr. PERSHING is in favor of the doctrine
of Popular Sovereignty—that the people of
the territories shall be left free to form their
own institutions in their own way.
The Huntingdon Journal, the mouth-piece
of Mr. BL AIR, in this county, declares that
he contends that Congress has a right to le
gislate for the people of the territories—and
if elected, will deny the people of the terri
tories the right to legislate for themselves,
but will ask that Congress shall make laws
for them, even those which might be repug
nant to the inhabitants.
The Journal hopes to strengthen the posi
tion of BLAIR, by asking the following ques
tions:
"Did the glorious old Whig and Democratic parties,
deny the power of Congress over the territories? Did
any party even pretend to question this right till DouoL
and other- unholy a,pirants, betrayed the rights and inter
ests of free labor?"
It will be remembered, that during the
last session of Congress, the Republican and
American members voted with DOUGLAS, and
their conduct was lauded by the Opposition
press, generally, but the Journal denounces
them now, as unholy aspirants, and would
read out of its party, all who think with
DOUGLAS upon the popular sovereignty ques
tion. The success of Mr. BLAIR, will, there
fore, be considered a victory in this district,
over the people who believe in the doctrine
of Popular Sovereignty. Will the Ameri
cans and the independent Popular Sover
eignty voters, in the "People's party," assist
Mr. BLAIR, in obtaining a victory over them?
If they give him the victory, they and their
principles will be sold to the radical modern
Republican party. Will they sloop to con
quer?—will they agree to be swallowed up
by their secret enemy? We shall see.
re— For a beautiful likeness of yourself
or friends, call one door West of Pr. Dorsey's
residence.
Can the Americans Support Blair ?
It has not been denied by a single Ameri
can in the district, that BLAIR'S nomination
was brought about by deception and bold
and corrupting influences. We give below,
extracts from the editorials of the Johnstown
Tribune and Altoona Tribune, both Ameri
can, to show by what means BLAIR'S nomi
nation was secured, and how it has been re
ceived by the Americans.
The Johnstown Tribune, speaking of the
Convention which nominated SAMUEL STEEL
BLAIR, Esq., says:—
" Let the final result be what it may, that
Convention was the embodiment of corrup
tion and foul play, so far as the Congres
sional question was concerned, and we never
will be satisfied with its decision thereupon.
Bowman says "ditto to that," and we know
hundreds who not only say "ditto," but ac
tually swear "ditto" every day.
One word more. We have all—Ameri
cans, Republicans, Whigs and respectable
Democrats—been loud and earnest in our de
nunciations of the frauds perpetrated in
Kansas, and why should we now, at this late
day, permit similar frauds to transpire un
der our very noses without raising our voices
against them? Why look idly on and suffer
a few Ishmaelites to swallow up our inheri
tance ? We wont do it. If the Union party
of this district is good for nothing but to ad
vance the interests of political tricksters and
office-seekers, we are done with it, and forth
with take our stand as independent journal
ists."
The Altoona Tribune, after the American
delegates had sold out their interest in . the
Congressional Conference to Republican dele
gates who were instructed for BLUR, says:
"In another column of to-day's paper,
will be found a communication which will
throw a little more light on the subject
broached by the same writer in our last
week's issue. It places one of the candidates
for the Congressional nomination, and two of
the American Conferees, in no very enviable
position. The "satisfactory arrangement"
and selling out of the American party, pre
viously referred to, will now be fully under
stood. By what authority, we would ask,
have those two American Conferees entered
into this "satisfactory arrangement." Were
they delegated the power thus to meet in se
cret council with the Conferees of a different
party, and enter into an "arrangement,"
known to be contrary to the will of the
American party of this county, and in viola
tion of the published instructions of
„My
.reit of the seventy delegates who elected
them, and that, too, without giving any in
formation of their intentions to their party?
There is something "rotten in Denmark,"
and it is time that the Americans in Blair,
were waking up to the fact. That an at
tempt has been made to sell them out, is I
now certain, but it is for them to say whether
they will ratify the bargain. Can it be ex
pected that such men express the sentiments
of the American party of Blair, and that it
will be governed by their actions? No, sir.
Let not the friends of the Congressional can
didate referred to, expect that by such means
I they can drive the American party of this
county into his support. However it might
-3\ -•
purs - ueu an honest, straightforward course,
and obtained the nomination, his tampering
with the American Conferees to secure their
influence in violation of their instructions,
has raised a. barrier, over which he will not
I be able to climb."
The Americans of Huntingdon county
have their eyes open to the tricks of the
trading politicians, who have managed to
control the "People's" Conventions in every
county in the district—yet a
• f;io submit-to
the yoke, and will assist in the effort to sell
out to a minority and sectional party.
The vote for Congress, on the 2d Tuesday
of October, will show whether there will be
enough Americans left for seed for another
season
Americanism versus Republicanism
It has always appeared to us a strong
proof of want of stability and honesty in the
Republican and American leaders, that they
could coalesce for the purpose of a disgrace
ful victory.
The Democracy is not more distinctly op
posed to modorn Republicanism or Disunion
ism, than American platforms, to those put
forth by Republican Conventions and lead
ers.
Republicanism, as the party is at present
constituted, means a war upon one-half of the
Confedercy, a violation of the Constitution
and States rights, a disregard of solemn com
pacts, and an insult to sovereign States.—
The American party claims to be actuated by
the loftiest patriotism, a profound regard for
constitutional requirements, a deep and abid
ing love for the union of the States. It is
a national party, has active and energetic
leaders in every Southern State, and counts
among its numbers, statesmen who occupy
broad national grounds. But the Republi
cans are found in only one section, and have
never been anything else than sectionalists.
The only effect of its organization must be to
array in deadly antagonism the two great
sections of this country.
- How can Americans, and Republicans,
then, coalesce, until the one party loses its
patriotism, or the other becomes imbued with
a reverence. for the Constitution and Union,
which we have received from our fathers?
It is impoggible that the Americans should
continue in the Republican ranks without
losing their nationality—they can no more
harmonize, than oil and water. It may be
said we are interested, but how can we avoid
an anxious desire to see the Republicans na
tionalized, rather than the Americans section
alized ? And the latter surely must result,
if the American leaders at this time permit
themselves to be hugged to death in the em
brace of GREELEY and SEWARD.
See advertisement of Pr. Sanford's
Liver Invigorator in another column.
ifo3" - See advertisement of Prof. Wood's
_Hair Restorative in another column.
Returning Prosperity
There is evidence, on all sides of us, of re
turning prosperity in the business world, and
we hope ere long the life-blood of trade will
be coursing through every artery. We may
safely say to our readers that the worst is
over and gone, and that better times may
now be looked for. The states of activity
that prevailed before the crash of 1857, can
not be expected to be witnessed immediately,
but it will gradually return, and after a
while, all the business relations of the coun
try will resume their accustomed activity and
prosperity. We have evidence of this, from
the resumption of work in manufacturing
establishments in various parts of the coun
try, some of which have lain idle since the
monetary crisis came upon us. Below we
publish from our exchanges, several para
graphs upon this - point, and the same evi
dence of returning prosperity presents itself
every day. The resumption of work in these
establishments appears to be good evidence
to us, that the tariff was not, as the Republi
cans charge, the cause of their stoppage ; for
if the duties were too low in 1857 for them to
continue work, the same cause should pre
vent them starting the mills again in 1858.
We will repeat what we have said heretofore,
that over trading and speculation produced
the crisis of 1857, and that business men hav
ing in some measure recovered from it, they
are prepared to commence operations again
upon a safe basis.
The Allentown Register says :—" We are
informed that the Catasauqua and lloquen
daqua Iron Companies have recently made
heavy contracts for the manufacture of iron
waterpipes for the city of Boston. The con
tract of the Catasaqua Company is said to
amount to 4,000 tons, and that of the Hoqu
endaqua to 2,000, which at $l9 50 per ton—
the contract price—will yield to the Cata.sau
qua Company the handsome sum of $78,000,
and to the Iloquendaqua Company, $39,000.
The nail factory of Mr. Pratt, near Fair
view, Cumberland county, Penna., went into
operation on Monday the 13th inst. It gives
employment to over one hundred hands. For
two or three years the factory has been lying
idle, and it is a cheering sign of the improve
ment of the times that it will be soon again
in the full tide of successful operation.
ResumPtion of a rolling Mill at Reading.—
The rolling mill of Messrs. Bertolet & Co.,
on the canal, at the foot of Washington Street,
which has been lying idle for a month or two
past, recommenced work this week, under a
new firm, consisting of Messrs. Isaac Berto
let,genry Cunnard, Sr., and Samuel Bertolet.
This mill has been in operation about thir
teen years, and during that time has turned
out a large amount of iron. We are glad to
learn that it begins business again with a
sufficient number of orders ahead to warrant
the belief that it may be kept constantly em
ployed hereafter.—Readiny Gazette, (Septem
ber 11.
The Newark Advertiser speaks as follows
of the revival of business in that city :-
-The manufacturini , busiws.
78 in a comparatively
flourishing condition, with a fair prospect of
continuing so during the winter, unless some
general revulsion should take place, such as
proved so disastrous to the working interests
last year. Many of our establishments are
now abundantly furnished with orders, and
in jewelry and other branches of business,
which are among the first to decline, and the
last to recover there is considerable doing, in
these branches; a large fi)rtion of our me
chanics being at work, and earning fair wages.
Several establishments are filling orders from
abroad, and others are engaged on Southern
and Western work.
Look on this Picture---then on that !
The charge of Abolitionism has been made
against S. S. Blair, Esq., which he flatly de
nied, and tried to repudiate anything of the
kind. lie might just as well try to repudi
ate his Republicanism itself, fur whatever the
mass of ate Republican party is, the leaders
are abolitionists, and deserve no other name.
It avails nothing for a man to make assertions,
if, by his actions, he is continually contra
dicting them—for "actions speak louder than
words." But let us look at the men with
whom Mr. Blair, has been acting—let us see
who his friends really are, and inquire how
they—the leaders of his party—stand in re
gard to Abolitionism.
First, we presume, no one doubts the Re
publicanism of JosnuA R. GIDDINGS—he has
won laurels as such—be was the master spirit
of the convention
,Nvhich nominated Fremont,
and took the stump to advocate Republican
doctrines. Giddings has said :
" I look forward to the day when there
shall be a servile insurrection in the South,
when the black man, armed with British bay
onets, and led on by British officers, shall as
sert his freedom, and wage a war of exter
mination against his master; when the torch
of the incendiary shall light up the towns
and cities of the South, and blot out the last
vestige of slavery. And though I may not
mock at their calamity, nor laugh when their
fear corneal, yet, I will hail it as the dawn of
a political millennium."
Yet Mr. Blair was on the stump at the same
time, for the sante candidate for whom Gid
dings was speaking.
Then there is Wm. 11. Seward—the ac
knowledged leader of the Republican party
in the U. S. Senate, and the head and front
of the Fremont party in New York. He
says :
" There is a higher law than the constitu
tion which regulates our authority over the
domain.
* * * It (slavery) can be and
must be abolished, and you and I, must do
it."
Yet, Mr. Blair acts with Seward and sup
ports his public career.
Benj. F. Wade, the Republican senator
from Ohio, and a gallant champion for Fre
mont and Dayton, declares that :
"Ile thought there was but one issue before
the people, and that was the question of
American slavery. lie said the Whig party
was not only dead, but stinks. It shows
signs occasionally of convulsive spasms, as
is sometimes exhibited in the dead snake's
tail, after the head and body had been buried.
" There is really no union now between
the North and the South, and he believed that
no two nations on the earth entertained feel
ings of more bitter rancour towards each
other than these two nations of the Repub
lic."
Mr. N. P. Banks, for whom the opposition
fought so bitterly in the election of Speaker of
the House, once declared that—
"Although I am not one of the class of
men who cry for the perpetuation of the
Union, though I am willing in a certain state
of circumstances to let it slide, I have no
fears for its perpetuation. But let me say,
if the chief object of the people of this coun
try, be to maintain and propagate chattlo
property in man—in other words, human
slavery—this Union cannot and ought not to
stand."
Then there is Charles Summer, over whose
woes the Republicans almost dissolved—that
martyr in the cause—who once said
The good citizen as he reads the require
ments of this act—the fugitive slave law—is
filled with horror. Here the
path of duty is clear. lAM BOUND TO DISO
BEY TUIS ACT.
" Sir, I will not dishonor the home of the
Pilgrims and of the revolution by admitting
—nay, I cannot believe—that this bill will be
executed here."
And Blair belongs to the same party, and
were he in Congress we might take their ac-
Lions as his
James Watson Webb, said, in the very
convention which nominated Fremont, (and
if we mistake not Mr. Blair was in the con
vention)—
"On the action of this convention, depends
the fate of the country ; if the Republicans
fail at the ballot box we will he forced to
drive back the slaveocracy with fire and the
sword." [Cheers.]
And, after all this, Mr. Blair denies being
an Abolitionist. Before doing so again, will
lie or his friends please prove that the men
above referred to, are not leaders of the same
party with which he acts ?—./bil/iday.!thrtry
Standard.
The Democrats of the County,
Have before them a ticket, in every re
spect worthy a'united support. It is not ne
cessary now,. to say anything in favor of the
gentlemen, whose names appear upon the
ticket. If they fail to receive a majority of
the votes cast in the county, on Tuesday
next, it will not be because they are not
honest, capable and worthy. The Demo
crats, in each and every district, should use
all honorable means, to give the ticket a full
support, so, that at another time, a ticket
composed of other names, may expect a simi
lar reception. We shall look for a full vote
and cheering news, from every district in the
county.
CORRESPONDENCJ OF TI-IN GLOBE.
MR. EDITOR :—Having been present at the
late Examination and Exhibition of Milli
wood Academy, Shade Gap, Pa., on last
Wednesday, I desire, with your permission,
to furnish some account to your numerous
readers, of the exercises of the occasion.
The examination of the pupils—some for
ty or fifty in number—took place during the
day, in the school room, and was largely at
tended by the public. Classes in geography
and grammar, arithmetic, the higher mathe
matics and the classics, were thoroughly ex
amined, and evinced most commendable pro
gress. Particular attention seemed to have
been given to a proper understanding of the
principles of the subject taught, so that the
pupils were at no loss to render the why and
wherefore, when necessary ; and the clear
impression was made on the audience, that
the manner of teaching, at the Institution,
was effective and thorough in its nature.
The interlude between the examination of
each class, was improved with delightful in
strumental music, by twelve performers from
Newton Hamilton, who had been engaged
for the purpose, and who did honor to the
divine art. The exhibitional exercises com
menced at half past six o'clock, P. M., in
Academy Hall, which was gorgeously fes
tooned, and beautifully illuminated for the
occasion. And although the Hall is capable
of accommodating some four or five hundred
persons, it became evident, early in the eve
ning, owing to the crowd that came pouring
in from all directions, that its capacity would
be insufficient; and so it proved. Two or
three hundred of that assembly were unable
to get in, notwithstanding the very dense
packing.
Music and prayer opened the performances,
and the Salutatory was spoken by Maj. 31.
Neely. It was a production of no common
order, and betokened very high powers on
the part of the speaker. Then followed se
lect and original orations, comic speeches
and dialogues, by young gentlemen, pupils
of the school, also, the reading of composi
tions, by the young ladies, together with the
enlivening strains of music, at proper inter
vals ; and the whole was concluded with the
Valedictory, by Mr. Ephraim Baker, of which
it is enough to say, it compared favorably
with the Salutatory.
It was gratifying to the friends of the
school, present, and highly creditable to the
accomplished and worthy principal, Mr.
Woods, that the occasion proved so propi
tious. Certainly, this Institution has had no
ordinary embarrassments to contend with ;
and its present prosperity, and promising
future, must be referred to the indomitable
energy and unbending integrity of its pre
sent principal, who has proved himself worthy
of public patronage.
The next session of the school commences,
as I understand, on the first Wednesday of
November, and, as a large school is expect
ed, those wishing desirable rooms and ac
commodations, would do well to apply soon.
Many are already registered as pupils for
the winter term—both male and female.
Respectfully, VISITOR
October Ist, 1858.
Remarks of C. L. Pershing,
At the Ebensburg Democratic Meeting, Sep
tember 19th, 1858.
[From the Johnstown Echo.]
We will not attempt to give anything but
a faint—a very faint—outline of Mr. Per
shing's remarks. Even in this, we cannot
do justice, for the reason that we only write
from memory, and must, necessarily, confine
ourself to a meagre synopsis of what he said.
Mr. Pershing opened with the declaration
that, having been honored by a nomination
for Congress, he conceived it to be his duty,
as it was his pleasure, to define his position
on the issues of the day, and to make an
avowal of the continued firmness of his faith,
in the time-honored, well-tried, and firmly
planted principles of the Democratic party.
In the first place, Mr. P. grappled with
the question of Slavery, in connection with
its prohibition in the Territories. He stated
that, on this subject,_ he entertained no opin
ion which he wished to conceal. He took a
manly and bold stand on the National Demo
cratic Platform, as laid down by the Na
tional Convention, at Cincinnati. He depre
cated the doctrine of the RepubliCans, "that
IN CONGRESS - was centralized the power to
regulate Slavery in the Territories, and that•
the People were bound to receive it or reject
it, as the ukase might go forth from Wash
ington." He triumphantlyvindicated the
principle of Popular Sovereignty, which es
chews the dogma that marked the Federal
party, in the earlier days of the Republic,
and which has been a distinguishing feature
of the offsprings of that party, under their
various assumetl names, for more than. half
a century. The dogma to which we refer is,
that of a wide, latitudinarian construction of
the Constitution, one of the objects of which
is, to filch power from the People, and con
centrate it in the Federal Government.
Mr. P. was explicit and undisguised in the
explanation of his views in reference to the
admission of Kansas into the Union, as a
sovereign State. He denied, most emphati
cally, that the much to be regretted troubles,
rapine and murders, which unfortunately
had occured in that Territory, were to be
laid at the door of the Democratic party:—
While lie, by no means, exculpated those
outsiders who hail wantonly interfered in
the elections in the Territory, he showed
most plainly that they were not confined to
any particular party. It was evident, that
the fanatical Abolitionist of the North, as
well as the ranting Pro-Slavery man of the
South, vied with each other in his efForts to
ingraft his peculiar notions upon the politi
cal institutions of Kansas. The cure fur all
the evils arising from this contest, was to lie
found in the Democratic doctrine of P o pula r
Sovereignty, by which the People of Kansas
shall have the privilege, nay, ate absolute
right, of declaring what shall and what shall
not lie the character of their State institu
tions.
Mr. P. openly avowed his views and his
desires as to the future of Kansas. His
wishes always had been, the People of Kan
sas would elect to be a free State. Let their
choice, however, be as it might, he held it to
be obligatory on Congress to admit her,
"with or without Slavery," as her People
might decide. As to himself, Mr. P., with
out any evasion, declared that if elected to a
seat in the National Legislature, he would
vote for the admission of Kansas, whenever
she presented herself with a Constitution,
which had been fairly ratified by a majority
of her People, and which was of such a char
acter as required by the Constitution of the
United States.
On this question, our nominee for Congress
has taken a firm and inflexible stand. His
views have not been formed for the occasion
—they are those which have met, and do
meet, the approbation of his well-matured
judgment. By them, he is willing to either
fall or stand.
On the subject of a Tariff, Mr. Pershing
was equally undisguised in the declaration
of his opinions. He stated and proved that
this was, by no means, a party question—.
that it was one on which members of the
same party, in different localities, had, at
different times, entertained different views.
He showed, from the history of the country,
that, at one time, Massachusetts, with her
great God-like Statesman, Daniel Webster,
was the advocate of Free Trade, in the long
est and broadest sense of that term, while
South Carolina, with her astute and clear
headed John C. Calhoun, was as enthusinsti
cally the champion of Protection. Circum
stances had changed, and men bad changed
with them. It had become the interest of
Massachusetts to advocate protection for her
Cotton and Woolen Ilfamractures, (but not
for Pennsylvania Coal and Iron,) while it
hail become equally the interest of South
Carolina to send her Cotton to England, to
be brought back in a manufactured state,
free of duty. Then, said Mr. P., each sec
tion of the Union has'its own tariff policy,
and that policy. is determined by its own tom/
interest. There is a Cotton-growing, Sugar
growing, Salt-making, Woolen and Cotton
manufacturing, and Iron and Coal policy,
each having its peculiar application to its
own locality. These several interests are, in
most cases, antagonist ; but as fur me, said
Mr. P., "I am from first to last, for that poli
cy which is the interest of Pennsylvania. I
will, if elected to a seat in Congress, go for a
remodeling of the Republican Tariff of 1857,
that Henry Clay was the author of the Com
promise bill of 1832, by which the duties, in
ten years, were :educed to the. low standard
of 20 per cent.—that, during the existence
of the Tariff of 1842, Henry Clay, in his
Merriweather letter, said that ho was sorry
that his Compromise bill had ever been dis
turbed.
After having enlarged on the foregoing
Mr. P. came to the enactment of the Tariff of
1840. It was here that he gave the home
thrusts to S. S. Blair, Esq. He showed that,
of the whole Pennsylvania delegation in the
House of Representatives, not one voted for
the repeal of the Tariff of 1842, and the en
actment of the . Tariff of 1846, but the Hon.
David Wilmot. Pennsylvania was a unit on
this question, in the House, outside of the
Hon. would-be-Republican Governor of Penn
sylvania. Now, what did these peculiar
friends of the protection of the Iron and Coal
interests of Pennsylvania do in 1857? Why,
they nominated this same David Wilmot as
their standard-bearer in the campaign 'of that
year. Yes ; they did this, in the face of his
open declaration, "that he was then as good a
Democrat as he had ever been"—held the same
views—had not changed in the least.
Now, what more do they do in 1857 ? Why
they present, for the suffrages of those inter
ested in the disemboweling of Iron and Coal
from our hills, John M. Read, as their candi
date for Judge of the Supreme Court. And
pray who is John M. Read ? Why, he is the
very identical man, who, in 1846, when
George M. Dallas, as President of the Senate,
gave the casting vote in favor of the Tariff of