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[WRITTEN 'FOIL TUE GLOBE.] THE WISH or .4. FRIEND. AFFECTIONATELY INSCRIBED TO Dlr. o,rid. Mrs. Geo. W. Owens, Or BIRMLSOILAN Through pleasure's green fields, may your feet ever stray, And may happiness always attend, May love's cheering influence gladen your way, And joy give ker brightest and cheeriest ray, To dispel the gloom, sorro - 7,would send. May your pathway through life, be pleasant and fair, 4 0 And strewn with perennial flowers, May no wave of trouble, or cloud of care come, To envelope thy path in darkness and gloom ; But, may your's be bright, sunny hours. T'were vain if for you, such a wish I would frame, No such pleasure, the earth-born may know; Should God grant to you, that such should be given, Earth would be too fair, you'd think not of heaven, For it would be a heaven below. But this is the wish , I would fain breath for thee, Gushing warm from the fount of the heart, As you sail over life's tempestuous sea lklay Religion's bright star thy guide, ever be, And her graces, ne'er from you depart. idly you make the treasures of Heaven, your choice, _ For the treasures of earth, fade away; May an angel's hand, and the spirit's sweet voice trphold you, and bid you forever rejoice, E'cn though time's fleeting joys should decay And may yon on earth, begin the sweet song To be confined in Ileav'n above, When with an angel's harp, and a golden crown, You join with the white-robed, angelic throng, Who're now singing, "Our God is love." Front the Harrisburg Daily Telegraph. Jan 19. INAUGURATION OF GOV. PACKER Grand Military and Civic Procession—Pick Pockets Arrested—Large Amounts Lost— Incidents of the Day--The Inaugural Ad dress. THE NIGHT PREVIQUS The premonitory symptoms of an unusual ly thronged and excited crowd were witness ed all of yesterday and throughout the night. The din of preparation—the ceaseless sewn . ' of music, from thrilling horns, the " ear piercing fife and soul-stirring drum"—the cheer of welcome, and the excited voice of boisterous pleasure, from sun-down until day light, broke upon the ear, dispelling sleep, and arousing visions of the gala scenes of the morrow. THE DAY. Never did there dawn upon a festive occa sion a more propitious morn—a brighter pro mise. As if conscious of the thousand hopes of enjoyment centred in the day, it awoke with a smiling look, and shed its sunshine in no stinted rays to cheer the approaching spec tacle. At an early hour the streets were alive with a dense and animated throng—and still each hour added to its accumulating swell. Every avenue leading to the Capital contributed to the human tide, and on it roll ed,. until there was such an accumulated sea of human forms as never before gave life to these wonted occurrences. THE RECEPTIONS. The National Guard, of our city, - were un tiring in their office of receiving the military visitors, and, although the post required tire some labor, they did the honors with becalm' lag grace—passing the entire morning, and indeed most of the previous afternoon and night, in receiving; and escorting to their quarters, the companies from abroad. In this duty they were most efficiently aided by the Barracks Band, of Carlisle, whose services were generously tendered by the command ant, COI. ORITTEIkiDEN. THE NOTE OF PREPARATION At an early hour everything was on the qie i vice in preparation of the ceremonies incident to the day. The committees and command ants were busy, in their several spheres, or ganizing the processions. Throughout the city, at the different quarters of the military, the note of preparation was sounded ; and there unceasingly broke upon the ear such an universal swell of music, that there seem ed to be one continuous echo of harmony whichever way the car was turned. The dif ferent companies formed, and separately marched throughout our streets, resembling the march and countermarch of an -army, after which they proceeded to the place desig nated for forming the procession. FLAGS AND DECORATION'S At an early hour, in different sections of the city, from streets, windows and house-tops waved the proud banner of our country— " the stars and stripes." In front of OMIT'S Hotel, the evergreen arch leading to the Cap ita grounds was decorated by the national flag. Among the places thus decorated, we noticed Morgan's Exchange, Col. Wagner's Franklin House, Mr. Barr's, Coverly's Hotel, Brant's Hall, Messrs. Keller's and Reed's, isnd a streamer suspended from Brady's hotel - across State street. SPECTACLE ON THE CAPITOL GROUNDS. The spectacle on the Capitol grounds was gay one. The dome of the Capitol was a living throng=-.windows and balconies crowd- $1 .50 WILLIAM LEWIS, VOL XIII. ed with ladies—steps swarming, and the grounds immediately in front of the State House densely packed. Long before the pro cession had moved, there was a constant stream pouring towards the Capitol, and al though there were thousands, there appeared to be little or no diminution of the multitude in the various avenues of the city. The only thing which was wanting to render the scene here what the occasion demanded, was a na tional banner floating from the noble dome of the Capitol buildings. The lack of this must have been'an oversight in the hurried and ex citing arrangements for the day. The procession was formed at before 11 o'clock, in the following order : Maj. General Keim and Staff, consisting of Maj. S. L. Young, Maj. A. Jordan Swartz, Maj. W. A. Sands, Maj. J. G. Heir, Maj. James Freelarid, Col. Geo. A. C. Seiler, and Surgeon Dr. Reid. Pennsylvania Dragoons. Band. Lancaster Fencibles. Barracks Band. National Guards. Band. Lebanon Artillery. 4 Martial Music. Logan Guards. - • - Brig. Gen. Williams and Staff, consisting of Maj. W. A. Delaney, Maj. P. K. Boley, Espy. Brigade Jas. R. Espy. Brigade Inspector, .Maj. Jno. Wright. Harmony Band, Phila. Black Hussars, as escort of Governor elect. 1. Governor and Governor elect, with the Chairman of Joint Committee of Arrange ments of the Senate and the House. 2. The two Secretaries of the Common wealth, with the Chairman of the Joint Com mittee of the Senate and House, to wait on Heads of Departments. 3. The two Attorney Generals, with two of the Joint Committee of Arrangements. 4. The two Deputy Secretaries of the Com monwealth with two of the joint committee to wait on Heads of Departments. 5. Auditor General and State Treasurer with two of joint committee of Arrangement. 6. Surveyor General and Superintendent of Common Schools with two of joint committee to‘wait on Heads of Departments. 7. Canal Commissioners and State Libra rian. Gen. Seiler, Chief Marshal, and Aids Adjutant Eyster. Band. Newport Artillery. Band. Fisherville Guards. City Band, Reading. Reading Bifles. Valley Infantry. ROUTE OF PROCESSION. Out Market street to Front, (at the Jones House Gov. Pollock and suite will be taken up,) up Front to Walnut, out Walnut to Fourth, (at Omit's Hotel, the Governor elect and suite, with Heads of Departments, Super intendent of Common Schools and Librarian will be taken up,) down Fourth to Market, up Market to Third, down Third to Chestnut, out Chestnut to Front, up Front to Market, in Market to Second, up Second to Pine, out Pine to Front, up Front to State, and thence to the Capitol. After the Inauguration the procession will move. down Third to Locust ; out Locust to Second ; down Second to Walnut ; up Wal nut to the State Capitol Hotel. IN-t.tiGUIZAL CEREMONIES. At precisely twenty-five minutes past 12 o'clock the Governor elect, retiring Governor Pollock, the Heads of Departments, and the Committee of Arrangements, arrived in front of the Capitol, where a large stand with suf ficient seats for the members of both Houses, the Heads of Departments and tho Commit tees, had been erected. The assembly was called to_ order by the Speaker of the Senate, Mr. WELSH. A most solemn and impressive prayer was then offered to the Throne of Grace by. the Rev. Dr. DE WIT; of this city. - Whereupon, the Speaker of the Senate ad ministered the following oath of office to WM. F. PACKER, the Governor elect : "You do swear that you will support the Constitution of the United States. " You do also swear that you will support the Constitution of the State of Pennsylvania, and that you will discharge your duties as Governor of this Commonwealth with fidel ity." After the oath had been duly administered, the Governor delivered the following address : FELLOW CITIZENS :—ln appearing before you to enter upon my duties as Governor of the Commonwealth, I consult my own incli nations in conforming to the usage which de mands a popular address ; and, in the first place, I gladly embrace this opportunity tg return my profound and grateful thanks to the people of Pennsylvania, for honoring me with the Chief Executive office in their gov ernment. Their kindness will never be for gotten, nor will the confidence they have re posed in me ever be intentionally betrayed. Duty to them and to myself will require that the obligation which I Wive just taken to dis charge my public duties with fidelity shall be faithfully observed, and thus justify, as far as possible, the popular decision. Doubtless I may commit errors in a position involving so much of responsibility; but I will hope that none of them will be of a grave charac ter, or productive of vital injury to the pub lic interests. I crave in advance a charita ble judgment upun my official conduct—that TII E PROCESSION .4'. 14 . ..;,.;.:: ', • +1... ',1.., • : ',.- '1;7: • .'. " '.44'; . ...'41.1 HUNTINGDON, PA., JANUARY 27, 1858. it shall be construed with kindness and tol eration so long as it shall appear to be prompt ed by sincere and honest motives—and I hero engage, in this public and formal manner, to regard the will of the people, the public good, and the commands of the Constitution, as the guiding lights by which my course is to be directed. With these aims constantly in view, I shall indulge the pleasing hope of do ing some good in the high station to which I have been called by the public voice, and of repressing some evils which may threaten the public welfare, or the individual rights'of the people. Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of .Representatives :--11 will be my ardent desire to cultivate with you, as Representatives of the people, the most amicable relations, and to unite with you in the adoption of all such measures as the public good may require.— The different branches of the government, although charged with distinct duties, are to be regarded as parts of one harmonious whole; and it is well when all these parts move on ward without jar, interference, or collision. Nevertheless, the distinct duties of the Exec utive, -when duly and honestly performed, may occasion differences with the Legislature ; but, in such case, it will be expedient to cul tivate a spirit of compromise and conciliation for the disposal of such differences, or, at least, for mitigating the feelings of alienation to which they tend. It is • one of the duties of the Executive from time to time, to give to the Genral As sembly information of the state of the Com monwealth and recommend to their consider ation such measures as he shall judge expe dient; and under usage this is done by mea sures in writing which are entered among the public records and remain a part of the official history of the State. Ido not under stand this as a power of dictating to the Gen eral Assembly the measures they shall adopt, nor even as a power of initiating laws, but as an informing and suggesting power, in no respect trenching upon the just and proper jurisdiction of the legislative department of a free State. In short, it was never intended to give a legal control over the proceedings of the Representatives of the people in the enactment of laws. It is, therefore, a right of communication with them, which, while prudently and reasonably exercised, can give no just occasion for jealousy, objection, or complaint. The Executive, when exercising this right, is but performing a plain duty, and can apprehend no difficulty in speaking with a respectful freedom even upon ques tions where an entire agreement of senti ment cannot be expected. But, there is an other and more delicate power which per tains to the relations between the Legislative and Executive departments. By the twenty third and twenty fourth sections of the first article of the Constitution, all bills passed-by the General Assembly, and most of the or ders, resolutions and votes in which they may concur, are submitted to the Executive, and if disapproved by him can only be made valid by a vote of two thirds of each House. This power of disapproval is among the most important duties of the Executive, and is constantly becoming more so, from the oper ation of obvious and natural causes. In my opinion it is the clear and binding duty of the Executive to return for re-consideration every bill, order, resolution or vote, present ed to him which he cannot approve—in other words, that the assent of his judgment and conscience shall be actually given to any measure before he permits it to take effect; unles's, indeed, it be passed against his objec tion by a two thirds vote. The words of the Constitution are "if he approve he shall si iln it, but if he shall not approve, he shall re turn it with his objections, to the House in which it shall have originated." Words could not convey a power, and prescribe a duty in a more clear and definite form. It is manifestly the intention of the Consti tution that the deliberate and conscientious approval of the Governor shall be given to a bill before it becomes a law, in addition to the approval of the two Houses that have previously passed it ; unlesss the majorities afterwards given to it upon re-consideration in each House, shall be so decisive as to , clearly indicate the wisdom of the measure. It is true that upon things trivial or indiffer ent, where no great interests are involved, nor constitutional principles in question, nor private rights assailed, considerations of ex pediency may be taken into account by the Executive; but certainly no substantial ob jection, whether of policy or of principle, -can be waived by him in view of his oath to support the Constitution. Ten days (Sundays excluded,) are allowed the Executive to con sider a bill, and to approve or veto it, after which it will become a law without his sig nature, if not previously returned. The prac tice of my predecessors has been occasionally to permit bills to become laws by this limita tion .of time. They have taken effect in the entire absence of Executive action. But I believe this has only occurred where the Ex ecutive has found it impossible to form a positive opinion upon the measure—where, though not unobjectionable, it was trivial— or, where it was manifest that a veto would not cause its defeat. This Executive practice ought not to be extended, and the practice it self is open to question. For if the provision that bills neither signed nor returned within ten days, shall become laws, was intended as a guard against Executive abuse, in holding theta an undue period, and not as a mode by which the Executive might cause them to take effect, without the responsibility of act ing upon them, it would seem clear that the practice of holding them over for such pur pose cannot be defended. But the Legislature by its adjournment within ten days after the passage of a bill, may deprive the Executive of due time for considering it, and hence it is provided that in such case it shall become a law unless sent back within three days after the next meet ing. In modern practiee a large number of bills are usually sent to the Governor within a few days of the adjournment of the Legis lature, which it is impossible for him to con sider duly before the adjournment takes place. In fact, many itre sent to him in the very closing hours of the session. But it -PERSEVEILE.- would seem plain that the Executive could reasonably ask in such case only the full constitutional period of ten days for forming his opinion, and that all'bills he believes it his duty to approve shall be actually signed within that period. By the exercise of rea sonable industry this can in all cases be ac complished. Then, such bills as he disap proves will be held over to be returned to the proper branch of the General Assembly with in three days after their next meeting, ac cording to the constitutional provision. This will properly dispose of all bills in his hands at the adjournment, unless, indeed, it be al lowable to hold over bills and permit them to become laws without his action. The propriety of signing bills by the Gov ernor between the sessions of the Legislature has been questioned. It does not accord with the old practice ; and is certainly liable to abuse. During my term it will be strictly confined to the first ten days after an ad journment, and all bills not then approved, may be considered as awaiting the next meeting of the General Assembly, to be re turned with the Executive disapproval. The Executive should not be subjected for long periods of time to the solicitations of those interested in bills, nor should he be subject to the imputations of indecision, or favorit ism, almost unavoidable in such cases. Nor is it right that he should have in his hands the means of influence which the holding open of his decision upon bills during a re cess would confer. Besides, a great wrong may be done to those interested in legisla tion, by continuing them for an undue peri od in uncertainty as to the fate of bills in which their rights, their property, or their businesS may be involved. These are evils which an Executive may obviate, by settling his policy firmly in the outset of his admin istration. It would be well, also, for the Le gislature to so shape its action as to avoid the necessity of sending many important bills to the Governor in the closing days or hours of a session. Fellow Citizens:—Although it will not be expected that I should at this time discuss, in detail, the particular questions which will probably come before the government during my term, I desire briefly to give expression to the general views of public policy to which I hold, in their application to practical issues now pending. The currency of the State is in such a disordered condition, that a gener al and wholesome public opinion demands its reform, and the establishment of effectual barriers against future convulsions. This is a subject which will test the intelligence, the firmness, and the patriotism of the represent atives of the people in the legislative depart ment, and may impose grave responsibilities upon the Executive. My views are decidedly hostile to the emission and circulation of small notes as a currency; to the indrease of banking capital under present arrangements; and to the issue of .bank paper upon securi ties inadequate for their redemption. The want of uniformity in the legal provisions under which existing banks operate, is objec tionable. In the revulsion and amendment of our banking system, the public interests, in my opinion, demand the extension of the specie basis upon which the issues are made; the suppression of the smaller denomination of notes heretofore allowed; thorough reports of the condition and business of banks with their frequent publication; additional securi ty,' (other than specie,) to consist of the bonds of this State or of the United States, for the redemption of circulating notes, in cluding in all cases proper individual liabili ty of stockholders and directors, fitted for convenient and actual• enforcement ; with a supervisory and controlling power in some proper officer or department of the Govern ment, to restrain or suspend the action of banks in case of their violation or evasion of the law. When a specie currency shall be secured to the people by prohibiting the circulation of bills of a small denomination, it will be highly desirable that the fiscal affairs of the State governments shall be wholly separated from those of the banks: in other words, that the money transactions of the govern ment, both in its collections and disburse ments, shall be in the legal coin of the coun try. Whenever a practicable, convenient and efficient scheme for the operations of the Treasury upon such a basis can be presented to me, by the representatives of the people, it will meet with, a cheerful approval. There are difficulties in the case, however, far great er than those surmounted by the general gov ernment, in the establishment of its Indepen dent Treasury system; but the object being one of the first magnitude, and calculated to exercise a most salutary influence upon the action of the government, and upon the busi ness of the banks and the people, it is well worthy of earnest consideration. In reforming the currency, a single State can accomplish but a moderate amount of good, however sincere, intelligent and earnest it may be, without the co-operation of other States, and especially of those which adjoin it. Bank notes are not stopped in their flow by imaginary State lines, nor does it seem possible for a State altogether to prevent for eign notes from circulating within her bor ders, even by the most stringent enactments. •We must, therefore, invoke our sister States to join with us in the repression of small pa per, and in such other particulars of . reform as require for complete success their co-oper ation. Meantime, to the extent of our power, let us exert ourselves to furnish our citizens with a safe and stable currency ; to prevent future financial revulsions similar to that un der which the community has for some time been struggling ; and to relieve the Govern ment in its fiscal action, from the danger of depreciated or worthless paper, and the em barrassments arising from dependence upon corporations of her own creation. The people of Pennsylvania, by the recent adoption of an amendinbnt to the Constitution on the subject of Public Indebtedness, have imposed an imperative obligation upon their servants to practice economy, to limit expen ditures, and to give their best efforts to the gradual but eventual extinguishment of the existing public debt. After eight years of experience under the sinking fund act of • . • - . . r;.••• _ . 1849, we find our public indebtedness but slightly diminished. The constitutional a mendment just adopted demands the estab lishment of an effective sinking fund for its payment, and I shall consider it one of the leading duties of my administration to see that that amendment is carried out both in its letter and spirit. I cannot regard the re duction of the three mill tax on property, made at the last regular session of the Legis= lature, otherwise than as inopportune ; and doubtless existing financial embarrassments will for a time reduce the amount derived from other sources of revenue. Nor will any very large amount of the purchase money of the main line of the public works be realized by the Treasury for a considerable period.— It will, therefore, be necessary for the State to husband her resources, and to increase her revenues as far as is possible, without op pression to any interest, in order to meet her current and necessary outlays, the demands of her creditors, and the positive obligation of the constitutional amendment. There is a great lack of consistency and principle in the laws passed during some years in relation to incorporations. They have been created upon no settled, uniform plan ; are excessive in number ; and many of them unnecessary to the accomplishment of any legitimate purpose. They have doubtless en couraged speculation, and in various - ways contributed to the recent financial convulsion. - Various and inconsistent provisions appear in acts establishing or extending the powers of corporate bodies of the same class and general character. The tax laws relating to them are in some confusion, and consequently taxes paid by them unequal, while some wholly escape any share of the public bur dens. In brief, our system of incorporations has become so vast, diversified and difficult of comprehension, that no reasonable indus try can master the whole subject, and under stand precisely where we are and whither we are drifting. A thorough revision of our laws on this subject, and the establishment of general, uniform, regulations for each class of corporate bodies, with the avoidance, as far as possible, of special provisions for particular corporations, are reforms imperi-, ously demanded by the public interests in which I shall heartily co-operate. I have no hostility to express against incorporations for proper objects beyond the power of individ ual means and skill: nor generally agianst legislative facilities for the application of labor and capital to the creation of wealth, where individual unprompted action will not go. But no one can assert that we have lim ited ourselves to such a policy, nor that our laws on this subject have been careful, con sistent and just. But, notwithstanding all topics of regret or criticism in our public career, (and which should bear their proper fruit in amendment and reform,) we may well be proud of this Pennsylvania of ours--of her people, her in stitutions and her laws. She has become great, prosperous and powerful ; ranking among the first of the States ; and her condi tion at home and character abroad bear tes timony to her merits, and promise for her a distinguished future. Besides her agricultu ral' resources, which are great and first in importance, she is capable of producing in untold quantities, those two articles of prime necessity and universal use—lron and Coal. Even in times of wide-spread financial calam ity, when speculation and extravagance have done their worst to cripple the operations of capital and stay the hand of labor in its use ful toil, the leading interests of our State may be counted among the first to revive and to furnish a strong and reliable basis for the resumption of activity in all the channels of employment, and in all the operations of trade. That government would be unwise and blind which would administer the public affairs of this State, otherwise than in a spirit of kind ness and protection to these great and capital interests. From the earliest period of our history, it has been the policy of Pennsylvania to ediv cate all her citizens; and at this time our in stitutions of learning and educational facili ties are equal to those of any country. Our Common School system is justly distinguish ed as one of the most practical and efficient in the Union. Let us then cherish this tra ditional policy, coming down to us from the fathers of the Common trealh, and by every means in our power foster and strengthen the measures now successfully producing the results so ardently desired by the patriotic men who have gone before us. While our domestics affairs and policy na turally will occupy most of the attention of our Government and our people, it is not to be forgotten that Pennsylvania bears very interesting relations to the other States of the confederacy, and looks with an anxious eye to the proceedings and policy of the Gen eral Government. It is both our duty and our interest to cultivate the most friendly re lations with our . sister States, and to frown upon all attempts to sow among them feel ings of alienation. We should exert our whole influence to keep the government of the Union in its true position, as the common agent of the States and th© people, exercis ing high powers in trust of their advantage and welfare, and deriving all its powers from the written constitution which called is into being. At this time we have strong reason to confide in that Government, as we know that its administration is in safe, able and patriotic hands ; and that it may be trusted to deal justly with all sections of the country. Insubordination—an utter disregard and contempt of just and lawful authority—has heretofore produced difficulties in the Terri tories of Kansas and Utah, and, in the case of the latter, has now precipitated a state of armed hostility between the inhabitants and the General Government. In the former, the peaceful American remedy for the redress of political grievances, real or imaginary—the ballot box—has been for a long time abjured by a considerable portion of the population, and a struggle between legal authority and. unlawful and irregular combinations contin ue down to the present period. Meantime, contributions of money and aid from the States, have kept up excitement and turbu lence iu the Territory, and enabled design- Editor and Proprietor. NO, 32. ing men there to inflame passions ; which otherwise would long since have subsided.— The judgment and opinion of the country cannot be too strongly consolidated in favor of the laws, and ktainst all who rise up to oppose them by unaiithorized means. Nor can the excuse for resistance to the Territo rial laws; and for failing to perform the du ties of citizenship under them, that wrongs and frauds were perpetrated. at elections ; bo admitted as a justification. Where elections are so frequent and the right of suffrage so liberal, as in this country, it is peculiarly the duty of a good citizen to obey existing au thorities, and even objectionable laws, know ing that the former can be changed and the latter modified or repealed within a tery brief period. And as to disputed elections, they must be decided by the proper legal au thority, and not by individual citizens, or ir regular self-constituted assemblages. Insubordination to necessary and rightful authority, instigated and encouraged by un worthy men in the organized States, who de sired that discord should continue. ; and were willing to contribute to that object, is the prolific fountain from which the troubles in Kansas have heretofore proceeded. It was natural, perhaps inevitable, that this conduct by a party in the territory should provoke an opposite party to many unjustifiable acts, and to much imprudent and unreasonable conduct. Thus extremes net and re-act upon each other, and when the laws are defied and individual action let loose, wrong, outrage and violence are necessary results, The last phase of the Kansas question, which is upon the constitution framed by a Territorial Convention, is peculiarly for the judgment of Congress, to which the power of admitting new States is confided by the con stitution of the Union, The representatives of the people and of the States in Congress assembled, will meet that question under all the responsibilities which they owe to their constituents, and which are imposed upon them by their oaths of office; and with full information upon matters of fact important to the formation of a final judgment. Events are constantly occurring in the territory which will afford matter for Congressional debate, and may effect the ultimate decision. To the people of Pennsylvania the admis sion of a new State into the Union—into that confederacy of which she is a member—must be at all times a subject of high interest.— And I believe I express their sentiments as well as my own, in declaring that all the qualified electors of a Territory should have a full and fair opportunity to participate in selecting delegates to form a Constitution pre paratory to admission as a State, and, if de sired by them, they should also be allowed an unqualified right to vote upon such Con stitution after it is framed. Of course those who then fail to vote, in either case, cannot complain that the proceeding goes on with out, their participation. It is to be hoped that Congress will make such provision for other Territories that the present difficulty will have no repetition in the future. In conclusion, permit me - to observe, that all experience and reflection prove that the moral virtues form the only firm foundation of public order as well as individual charac ter, and their support should therefore en gage the profound attention of Government, and the eo-operation of all good men. Frail indeed will be any structure reared for the regulation of society, and the promotion of man's true and substantial happiness, unless it stand upon a foundation more permanent than paper arrangements, or the fleeting im pulses of the hour ! The recognition of a Great Supreme Power, which rules the affairs of nations and of men, is the only support of those virtues which can make a people dis tinguished and prosperous, and give to Gov ernment duration and success. Sincerely imploring the Divine guidance in the perfor mance of duty, I assume the post assigned me by the people, indulging the hope that at the termination of my service I shall enjoy the approval of my own conscience, and be hold Pennsylvania advanced and secure in her position as one of the great communities of the New World—her standard aloft, and proudly bearing, untarnished, her motto of "Virtue, Liberty and Independence." WM. F. PACKER. After the conclusion of the ceremonies both Houses returned to their respective Halls and then adjourned. TILE SCENE. At the different points along which the procession passed, every eligible place from which to witness the cavalcade, was throng ed, and the windows, roof-tops and balconies crowded with ladies, whose smiling faces ad ded much to grace the scene, and whose wa ving 'kerchiefs could not fail to thrill the heart of the new Governor with the fervor of the welcome received. INCIDENTS OF THE DAP The Washington Hose Company had their house and hose beautifully decorated in hon or of the occasion; and rung a peal of wel come as the procession passed. Some half dozen pickpockets were arres ted, and many others are known to be a mongst us, still at large. Among the gentlemen who suffered from these adventurers, we have heard of Mr. CAL • noni', of the House, - whose pocket was picked of some $225. Mr. Drake, Reporter, also had his pocket picked of a large portmonnaie and some $lO, his pocket having been ripped. in accomplishing the theft. Col. G. T. Hum mel lost a pocket book containing $BO and some valuable papers. Altogether the day was an unusually quiet one, considering the occasion, and the crowd in attendance. The Governor reviewed the troops in the afternoon, who made a fine display of evolu tions and military-exercise, after which they were dismissed. Later in the evening, there were - different independent parades, by the companies. The inaugural ceremonies will close with the ball to night, at which Gov. PACKER and other distinguished gentlemen will be pres ent. The whole affair went off with great eclat, and much credit is due to the Committees of the two Houses, the Chairmen especially, for their indefatigable labors and admirable man agement. A conflict between the military and civic portions of the procession was at one time threatened, on account of some. Misun derstanding, which, however was happily rec onciled by the good management of the Committees.