THE HUNTINGDON GLOBE, A DEMOCRATIC FAMILY JOURNAL, DEVOTED TO LOCAL AND GENERAL NEWS, &C. true intent and meaning of thin act-not to legislate slave ry hit° any Territory or State, nor to exclude it there from, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way." Under it Kansas, "when admitted as a State," was to "be received into the Union, with or without slavery, as their constitution inay prescribe at the time of their admission." Did .Congress mean by this language that the delegates elected to frame a constitution should have authority fi nally to decide the question of slavery, or did they intend by leaving it tb the people that the people of Kansas them selves should decide this question by a direct veto ? Oh this subject I confess I had never entertained a serious doubt, add, therefore, in my instructions to Goy. Walker of the 28th March last, I merely said that when "a consti tution shall be submitted to the people of the Territory, they must be protected in the exercise of their right of voting for or against that instrument, and the fair expres sion of the popular will must not be interrupted by fraud or violence." In expressing this opinion it was far from my intention to interfere with the decision of the people of Kansas, either for or against slavery. From this I have always carefully abstained. Intrusted with the duty of taking "care that the laws be faithfully executed," my only de sire was that the people of Kansas should furnish to Con gress the cadence required by the organic act, whether for or against slavery; and in this manner smooth their pas sage into the Union. In emerging from the condition of territorial dependence into that of a sovereign State, it was their duty, in my opinion, to make known their will by the votes of the majority, on the direct question whe ther this important domestic institution should or should not continue to exist. Indeed, this was the only possible mode in which their will could be authentically ascer tained. The election of delegates to a convention must necessa rily take place in separate districts. From this cause it may readily happen, as has often been the case, that a ma jority of the people of a State or Territory are on one side of a question ; whilst a majority of the representatives from the several districts into which it is divided may be on the other side. This arises from the fact that in some districts delegates may be elected by small majorities, - whilst in others those of different sentiments may receive majorities sufficiently great not only to overcome the votes given for the former, but to leaven largo majority of the Whole people in direct opposition to a majority of the delegates. Besides, our history proves that influences may be brought to bear on the representative sufficiently powerful to induce him to disregard the will of his con stituents. The truth is, that no other authentic and satis factory mode exists of ascertaining the will of a majority of the people of any State or Territory on an important and exciting question like that of slavery in Kansas, ex cept by leaving it to a direct vote. Bow wise, then, was it for Congress to pass over all subordinate and intermediate agencies, and proceed directly to the source of all legiti mate power under our institutions? How vain would any other principle prove in practice! This may be illustrated in the case of Kansas. Should she bo admitted into the Uniori; with a constitution either maintaining or abolishing slavery, against the sentiment of the people, thin could hare no other effect than to con tinue and to exasperate the exciting agitation during the brief period required to make the constitution conform to the irresistible will of the majority. The friends and supporters of the Nebraska and Kansas act, when struggling on a recent occasion to sustain its wise provisions before the great tribunal of the American people, never differed about its true meaning on this sub ject. Everywhere throughout the Union they publicly pledged their faith and their honor, that they would cheer fully submit the question of slavery to the decision of the bone fide people of Kansas, without any restriction or qualification whatever. All were cordially united upon the great doctrine of popular sovereignty, which is the vi tal principle of our free institutions. Had it then been insinuated from any quarter that it would be a sufficient compliance with the requisitions for the organic law for the members of a convention, thereafter to be elected, to withhold the question of slavery from the people, and to substitute their own will for that of a legally ascertained majority of all *air constituents, this would have been instantly rejectWlT Everywhere they remained true to the resolution adopted on a celebrated occasion recognizing 44 the right of the people of all the Territories—including Kansas and Nebraska—acting through the legally and fairly expressed will of a majority of actual residents, and whether the number of their inhabitants justifies it, to form a constitution, with or without slavery, and be ad mitted into the Union upon terms of perfect equality with the other States." The convention to frame a constitution for Kansas met on the first Monday of Septem ber last. They were called together by virtue of an act of the territorial legislature, -whose lawful existence had been recognized by Con gress in different forms and by different en actments. A large proportion of the citizens of Kansas did not think proper to register their names and to vote at the election, for delegates; but an opportunity to do this hav ing been fairly afforded, their refusal to avail themselves of their right could in no manner affect the legality of the convention. This convention proceeded to frame a con stitution for Kansas, and finally adjourned on the 7th day of November. But little dif ficulty occurred in the convention, except on the 'subject of slavery. The truth is that the general provisions of our recent State con stitutions are so similar—and, I may add, so excellent—that the difference between them is not essential. Under the earlier practice of the Government, no constitution framed by the convention of a Territory preparatory to its admission into the Union as a State_ had been submitted to the people. I trust, however, the example set by the last Con gress, requiring that the 'Constitution of Minnesota " should be subject to the approv al and ratification of the people of the pro posed State," may be followed on future oc casions. I took it for granted that the con ventionef Kansas would act in accordance with this example, founded, as it is, on cor rect principles ; and hence my instructions to Gov. Walker in favor of submitting the con stitution to the people, were expressed in general and unqualified terms. In the Kansas-Nebraska act, however, this requirement, as applicable to the whole con stitution, had not been inserted, and the con vention were not bound by its terms to sub mit any other portion of the instrument to an election, except that which relates to the " domestic institution" of slavery. This will be rendered clear by a simple reference to its language. It was "not to legislate sla very into any Territory or State, nor to ex clude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way." According to the plain construction of the sentence, the words "domestic institutions" have a direct as they have an appropriate reference to slavery. " Domestic institu tions" are limited to the family. The rela tion between master and slave and a few oth ers are "domestic institutions," and are en tirely distinct from institutions of a political character. Besides, there was no question then before Congress, nor indeed has there since been any serious question before the people of Kansas or the country, except that which relates to the " domestic institution" of slavery. The convention, after an angry and exci ted debate, finally determined, by a majority of only two, to submit the question of slav ery to the people, though at the last, forty three of the fifty delegates present affixed their signatures to the constitution. A large majority of the convention were in favor of establishing slavery in Kansas.— They accordingly inserted an article in the Constitution for this purpose similar in form to those which had been adopted by other territorial Conventions. In the schedule, how ever, providing for the transition from a ter ritorial to a State government, the question has been fairly and explicitly referred to the people, whether they will have a constitution with or without slavery." It declares that, before the constitution adopted by the con vention "shall be sent to Congress for admis sion into the Union as a State," an election shall be held to decide this question, at which all the white male inhabitants of the Territory above the age of 21 are entitled to vote. They are vote by ballot; and "the ballots cast at said election shallbe endorsed `constitution with slavery,' and 'constitution with no slavery' " If there be a majority in favor of the "constitution with slavery," then it is to be transmitted to Congress by the President of the Convention in its origi nal form. If, on the contrary, there shall be a majority in favor of the "constitution with no slavery," "then the article providing for slavery shall be stricken from the constitution by the President of this convention ;" and it is expressly declared that "no slavery shall exist in the State of Kansas, except that the right of property in slaves now in the Terri tory shall in no manner be interfered with;" and in that event it is made his duty to have the constitution thus ratified, transmitted to the Congress of the United States for the ad mission of the State into the Union. At this election every citizen will have an opportunity of expressing his opinion by his vote, "whether Kansas shall be received into the Union with or without slavery," and thus this exciting question may be peacefully set tled in the very mode required by the organic law. The election will be held under legiti mate authority, and if any portion of the in habitants shall refuse to vote, a fair opportu nity to do so having been presented, this will be their own voluntary act, and they alone will be responsible for the consequences. Whether Kansas shall be a free or a slave State must eventually, under some authority, be decided by an election ; and the question can never be more clearly or distinctly pre sented to the people than it is at the present moment. Should this opportunity be reject ed,. she may be involved for years in domes tic discord, and possibly in civil war, before she can again make up the issue now so for tunately tendered, and again reach the point she has already. Kansas has for some years occupied too much of the public attention. It is high time this should be directed to far more important objects. When once admitted into the Union, whether with or without slavery, the excite ment beyond her own limits will speedily pass away, and she will then for the first time be left, as she ought have been long since, to manage her own affairs iu her own way. If her constitution on the subject of slavery, or any other subject, be displeasing to a majority of the people, no human power can prevent them from changing it within a brief period. Under these circumstances, it may well be questioned whether the peace and quiet of the whole country are not of greater importance than the mere temporary triumph of either of the political parties in 'Kansas. Should the constitution without slavery be adopted by the votes of the majority, the rights of property in slaves now in the Ter ritory are reserved. The number of these is very small; but if it were greater the pro vision would be equally just and reasonable. These slaves were brought into the Terri tory under the constitution of the United States, and arc now the property of their masters. This point has at length been finally deci ded. by the highest judicial tribunal of the country—and this upon the plain principle that when a confederacy of sovereign States acquire a new territory at their joint expense both equity and justice demands that the citizens of one and all of them shall have the right to take into it whatsoever is recog nized as property by the common constitu tion. To have summarily confiscated the property in slaves already in the Territory, would have been an act of gross injustice, and contrary to the practice of the older States of the Union which have abolished slavery. A territorial government was established for Utah by act of Congress approved the 9th Sept. ISSO, and the constitu tion and laws of the United States were thereby extended over it "so far as the same, or any provisions thereof, may be applicable." This act provided for the appointment by the President, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, of a governor, who was to be ex-officio superin tendento f Indian affitirs, a secretary, three judges of the supreme court, a marshal, and a district attorney. Subse quent acts provided for the appointment of the officers ne cessary to extend our laud and our Indian system over the Territory. Brigham Young was appointed first governor on the 20th September, 1850, and has held the office ever since. Whilst Governor Young has been both governor and su perintendent of Indian ;ttl:tirs throughout this period. he has been at the same time the head of the church called the Latter-day Saints, and professes to govern its members and dispose of their property by direct inspiration and au thority from the Almighty. His power has been, there fore, absolute over both Church and State. The people of Utah, almost exclusively, belong to this church, and believing with a fanatical spirit that he is gov ernor of the Territory by Divine appointment, they obey his commands as if these were direct revelations from Heaven. If, therefore, he chooses that his government shall come into collision with the government of the Uni ted States, the members of the Mormon church will yield implicit obedience to his will. Unfortunately, existing facts leave but little doubt that such is his determination. Without entering upon a minute history of occurrences, it is sufficient to say that all the officers of the United States, judicial and executive, with the single exception of two Indian agents, have found it necessary for their own personal safety to vvithdraw.from the Territory. and there no longer remains any govermnent in Utah but the despo tism of Brigham Young. This being the condition of af third in the Territory. I could not mistake the path of duty. As Chief Executive Magistrate, I was bound to restore the supremacy of the Constitution and laws within its limits. In order to effect this purpose, I appointed a new governor and other federal officers for Utah, and sent with them a mill ary force for their protection, and to aid as a posse comitatus, in case of need. in the execution of the laws. With the religious opinions of the Mormons, as long as they remained mere opinions, however deplorable in them selves and revolting to the moral and religious sentiments of all Christendom, I had no right to interfere. Actions alone, when in violation of the constitution and laws of the United States, become the legitimate subjects for the jurisdiction of the civil magistrate. My instructions to Gov. Cumming have therefore been framed in strict ac cordance with these principles. At their date a hope was indulged that no necessity might exist for employing the military in restoring and maintaining the authority of the law ; but this hope has now vanished. Gov. Young has, by proclamation, declared his determination to maintain his power by force, and has already committed acts of hostil ity against the United States. Unless he should retrace his steps the Territory of Utah will be in a state of open re belliou. Ife has committed these acts of hostility, not , withstanding Major Van Yliet, an officer of the army, sent to Utah by the commanding general to purchase provisions for the troops, had given him the strongest assurances of the peaceful intentions of the government, and that the troops would only be employed as a posse comitatus when called on by the civil authority to aid in the execution of the laws. There is reason to believe that Gov. Young has long con templated this result. Ile knows that the continuance of his despotic power depends upon the exclusion of all set tlers from the Territory except those who will acknowl edge his divine mission and implicitly obey his will; and that an enlightened public opinion there would - soon pros trate institutions at war with the laws both of God and man. lie has therefore for several years, in order to main tain his independence, been industriously employed in collecting and fabricating arms and munitions of war, and in disciplining the Mormons for military service. A s su perintendent of Indian affairs he has had an opportunity of tampering with the Indian tribes, and exciting their hostile feelings against the United States. This, according to our information, ho has accomplished in regard to some of those tribes, while others have remained true to their allegiance, and have communicated his intrigues to our Indian agents. Be has laid in a store of provisions for three years, which, in case of necessity, as he informed Major Van Chet, he will conceal. "and then take to the mountains, and bid defiance to all the powers of the gov ernment." A great portion of this may be idle boasting; but yet no wise government will lightly estimate the efforts which may be inspired by such phrensied fanaticism as exists among the Mormons of Utah. - This is the first rebellion which has existed in our Territories; and humanity itself requires that we should put it down in such a manner that it shall be the last. To trifle with it would be to en courage it and to render it formidable. We ought to go there with such an imposing force as to convince these de luded people that resistance would be vain, and thus spare the effusion of blood. We can in this manner best con vince them that we are their friends, not their enemies.— Iu order to accomplish this object it will be necessary, ac cording to the estimate of the War Department, to raise four additional regiments; and this I earnestly recommend to Congress. At the present moment of depression in the revenues of the country I am sorry to be obliged to recom mend such a measure; but I feel confident of the support of Congress, cost what it may, in suppressing the insurrec tion and in restoring and maintaining the sovereignty of the constitution and laws over the Territory of Utah. I recommend to Congress the establishment of a territo rial government over Arizona, incorporating with it such portions of New Mexico as they may deem expedient. I need scarcely adduce arguments in support of this recom mendation. We are bound to protect the lives and prop erty of our citizens inhabiting Arizona, and these are now without any efficient protection. Their present number is already considerable, and is rapidly increasing, notwith standing the disadvantages tinder which they labor. Be sides, the proposed Territory is believed to be rich in min eral and agricultural resources. especially in silver and copper. The mails of the United States to California are now carried over it throughout its whole extent, and this' route is known to be the nearest, and believed to ho the best to the Pacific. Long experience has deeply convinced me that a strict construction of the powers granted to Congress is the only true, as well as the only safe, theory of the Constitution.— Whilst this principle shall guide my public conduct, Icon sider it clear that under the war-making power Congress may appropriate money for the construction of a military road through the Territories of the United States, when this is absolutely necessary for the defence of any of the States against foreign invasion. The constitution has con ferred upon Congress power "to declare war," "to raise and support armies," "to provide and maintain a navy," and to call thrill the militia to "repel invasions." These high sovereign powers necessarily involve important and responsible public duties, and among them there is none so sacred and so imperative as that of preserving our soil from the invasion of a foreign enemy. The Constitution has, therefore, left nothing on this point to construction, but expressly requires that " the United States shall pro tect each of them [the States] against invasion." Now, if a military road over our own Territories be indispensably necessary to enable us to meet and repel the invader, it follows as a necessary consequence, not only that we pos sess the power, but it is our imperative duty to construct such a road. It would be an absurdity to invest a govern ment with the unlimited power to make and conduct war, and at the same time deny to it the only means of reaching and defeating the enemy at the frontier. Without such a road it is quite evident we cannot " protect "Californiaand our Pacific possessions "against invasion." We cannot by any other means transport men and munitions of war from the Atlantic States in sullicient time successfully to defend these remote and distant portions of the re public. Experience has proved that the routes across the isth mus of Central America are at best but a very uncertain and unreliable mode of communication. But even if this were not the case, they would at once be closed against us in the event of war with a naval power so much stron ger than our own as to enable it to blockade the ports at either end of these routes. After all, therefore, we can only rely upon a military road through our own ter ritories; and ever since the origin of the government Congress has been in the practice of appropriating money from the public treasury for the construction of such roads. The difficulties and the expense of constructing a mili tary railroad to connect our Atlantic and Pacific States have been greatly exaggerated. The distance on 'the Ari zona route near the 32d parallel of north latitude, between the western boundary of Texas on the Rio Grande and the eastern boundary of California on the Colorado, from the best explorations now within our knowledge, does not ex ceed four hundred and seventy miles, and the face of the country is, in the main, favorable. For obvious reasons the government ought not to undertake the work itself by means of its own agents. This ought to be committed to other agencies, which Congress might assist either by grants of land or money, or by both, upon such terms and conditions as they may deem most beneficial for the coun try. Provision might thus be made not only for the safe, rapid, and economical transportation of troops and -muni tions of war, but also of the public mails. The commer cial interests of the whole country, both East and West, would be greatly promoted by such a road; and, above all, it would be a powerful additional bond of union. And al though advantages of this kind, whether postal, commer cial, or political, cannot confer constitutional power, yet they may furnish auxiliary arguments in favor of expedi ting a work which, in my judgment,. is clearly embraced within the war-making power. For these reasons I commend to the friendly considera tion of Congress the subject of the Pacific railroad,. with out finally committing myself to any particular route. The report of the Secretary of the Treasury will furnish a detailed statement of the condition of the public finances and of the respective branches of the public service de volved upon that department of the government. By this report it appears that the amount of revenue received from all sources into the treasury during the fiscal year ending the 30th June, 1857, was sixty-eight million six hundred and thirty-one thousand five hundred and thir teen dollars and sixty-seven cents, ($68,631,513 67,) which amount, with the balance of nineteen million nine hundred and ono thousand three hundred and twenty-five dollars and forty-five cents, (10,901,325 45,) remaining in the treasury at the commencement of the year, made an aggregate for the service of the year of eighty-eight mil lion five hundred and thirty-two thousand eight hundred and thirty-nine dollars and twelve cents, ($88,532,539 12. The public expenditures for the fiscal year ending ,30th June, 1817, amounted to seventy million eight hundred and twenty-two thousand seven hundred and twenty-four dollars and eighty-five cents, ($70,822.724 85,) of which five million nine hundred and forty-three thousand eight hun dred and ninety-six dollars and ninety-one cents, ($5,9.1.3,- 896 91) were applied to the redemption of the public debt, including interest and premium, leaving in the treasury at the commencement of the present fiscal year on the Ist July, 1857, seventeen million seven hundred and ten thou sand one hundred and fourteen dollars and twenty-seven cents, ($17,710,11.1 27.) The receipts into the treasury for the first quarter of the present fiscal year, commencing Ist July, 1857, were twenty million nine hundred and twenty-nine thousand eight hundred and nineteen dollars and eighty-due cents, ($20.929,819 81,) and the estimated receipts of the remain ing three quarters to the 30th June, 1851, are thirty-six million seven hundred and fifty thousand dollars, ($36,- 750,0000 making with the balance before stated.-an aggro gate of seventy-five million three Imndred and eighty-nine thousand nine hundred and thirty-four dollars and eight cents, ($75,389,931 080 for the service of the present fiscal year. Tho actual expenditures during the first quarter of the present fiscal year were twenty-three million seven hun dred and fourteen thousand five hundred and twenty-eight dollars and thirty-seven cents, ($23,714,528 37,) of which three million eight hundred and ninety-five thousand two hundred and thirty-two dollars and thirty-nine cents. ($3,- 895,232 39,) were applied to the redemption of the public debt, including interest and premium. The probable ex penditures of the remaining three quarters, to 30th June, 1858. are fifty-one million two hundred and forty-eight thousand five hundred and thirty dollars and four cults, ($01,248,330 0.1,) including interest on the public debt. making an aggregate of seventy-four million nine hundred and sixty-three thousand fifty-eight dollars and forty-one cents, ($74,963,058 41, leaving au estimated balance in the treaqury at the close of the present fiscal year of four hun dred and twenty-six thousand eight hundred and seventy five dollars and sixty-seven cents, ($426,875 67.) The amount of the public debt at the commencement of the present fiscal year was twenty-nine million sixty thou= sand three hundred and eighty-six dollars and ninety cents, ($29,060,386 90. The amount redeemed since the let of July was three million eight hundred and ninety-five thousand two hun dred and thirty-two dollars and thirty-nine cents, ($3,895,- 232 39)—leaving a balance unredeemed at this time of twenty-five million ono hundred and sixty-five thousand one hundred and fifty-four dollars and fifty-one - cents, ($25,165,354 The amount of estimated expenditures for the remain ing three-guarters of the present fiscal year will, in all probability, be increased from the causes set forth in the report of the Secretary. His suggestion, therefore, that authority should be given to supply any temporary defi ciency by the issue of a limited amount of treasury notes, is approved, and I accordingly recommend the passage of such a law. As stated in the report of the Secretary, the tariff of March 3, ISM, has been in operation for 60 short a period of time, and under circumstances so unfavorable to ajust development of its results as a revenue measure, that I should regard it as inexpedient, at least for the present, to undertake its revision. I transmit herewith the reports made to me by the Sec retaries of War and of the Navy, of the Interior and of the Postmaster General. They all contain valuable and important information and suggestions which I commend to the favorable consideration of Congress. I have already recommended the raising of four addi tional regiments, and the report of the Secretary of War presents strong reasons proving this increase of the army, under existing circumstances, to be indispensable. I would call the special attention of Congress to the re commendation of the Secretary of the Navy in favor of the construction of ten small war steamers of light draught. For some years the government has been obliged on many occasions to hire such steamers from individuals to supply its pressing wants. At the present moment we have no armed vessel in the navy which can penetrate the rivers of China. We have but few which can enter any of the harbors south of Norfolk, although many millions of for eign and domestic commerce annually pass in and out of these harbors. Some of our most valuable interests and most vulnerable points aro thus left exposed. This class of vessels of Mght draught, great speed, and heavy guns, would be formidable in coast defence. The cost of their construction will not be great, and they will require but a comparatively small expenditure to keep them in com mission. In time of peace they will prove as effective as much larger vessels, and often more useful. One of them should be at every station where wo maintain a squadron, and three or four should be constantly employed on our Atlantic and Pacific coasts. Economy, utility and efficien cy combine to recommend them as almost indispensable. Ten of these small vessels would be of incalculable advan tage to the naval service, and the whole construction would not exceed two million three hundred thousand dol iars, or $230,000 each. The report of the Secretary of the Interior is worthy of grave consideration. It treats of the numerous, important, and diversified branches of domestic administration in trusted to him by law. Among these the most prominent are tho public lands and our relations with the Indians. Our system for the disposal of the public lands origina ted with the fathers of the republic, has been improved as experience pointed the way, and gradually adapted to the growth and settlement of our western States and Territo ries. It has worked well in practice. Already thirteen States and seven Territories have been carved out of these lands and still more than a thousand millions of acres re, main unsold. What a boundless prospect this presents to our country of future prosperity and power! We have heretofore disposed of 363,822,461 acres of the public land. Whilst the public lands as a source of revenue are of great importance, their importance is far greater as fur nishing, homes for a hardy and independent race of honest and industrious citizens, who desire to subdue and culti vate the soil. They ought to be administered mainly with a view of promoting this wise and benevolent policy. In appropriating them for any other purpose, we ought to use even greater economy than if they had been converted into money and the proceeds were already in the public treasnry. To squander away this richest and noblest in heritance which any people have ever enjoyed upon objects of doubtful constitutionality or expediency, would be to violate one of the most important trusts ever committed to any people. Whilst Ido not deny to Congress the power, when acting Isma fide as a proprietor, to give away por tions of them for the purpose of increasing the value of the remainder, yet, considering the great temptation to abuse this power, we cannot be too cautious in its exer cise. Actual settlers under existing laws are protected against other purchasers at the public sales, in their right of pre emption, to the extent of a quarter section, or 160 acres of land. The remainder may Ott:mile disposed of at public or entered at private sale in unlimited quantities. Speculation has, of late years, prevailed to a great ex tent in the public lands The consequeece has been that large portions of themllave become the property of indi viduals and companies, and thus the price is greatly en hanced to those who desire to purchase for actual settle ment. In order to limit the area of speculation as much as possible, the extinction of the Indian title and the ex tension of the public surveys ought only to keep pace with the tide of emigration. If Congress should hereafter grant alternate sections to States or companies, as they have done heretofore, I rec ommend that the intermediate sections retained by the government should be subject to pre-emption by actual settlers. It ought ever to be our cardinal policy to reserve the public lazds as much as may be for actual settlers, and this at moderate prices. We shall thus not only best pro mote the prosperity of the new States and Territories, and the power of the Union, but shall secure homes for our posterity for many generations. The extension of our limits has brought within our ju risdiction many additional and populous tribes of Indians, a large proportion of which are wild, untractable, and dif ficult to control. Predatory and warlike in their disposi tion and habits, it is impossible altogether to restrain them from committing aggressions on each other, as well as upon our frontier citizens and those emigrating to our dis tant States and Territories. Thence expensive military ex peditions are frequently necessary to overawe and chastise the snore lawless and hostile. The present system of making them valuable presents to influence them to remain at peace, has proved ineffec tual. It is believed to be the better policy to colonize them in suitable localities, where they can receive the ru diments of education and be gradually induced to adopt habits of industry. So far as the experiment has been tried it has worked well in practice, and it will doubtless prove to be less expensive than the present system. The whole number of Indians within our territorial limits is believed to be, from the best data in the Interior Department, about 325,000. The tribes of Cherokees, Choctaws, Chickasaws, and Creeks, settled in the territory set apart for them west of Arkansas, are rapidly advancing in education and in all the arts of civilization and self-government; and we may indulge the agreeable anticipation that at no very distant day they will be incorporated into the Union as one of the sovereign States. It will be seen from the report of the Postmaster Gen eral that the Post Office Department still continues to de pend on the treasury, as it has been compelled to do for several years past, for an important portion of the means of sustaining and extending its operations. Their rapid growth and expansion are shown by a decennial state ment of the number of post offices, and the length of post roads, commencing with the year 1827. In that year there were 7,000 post offices; in 1837, 11,177; in 1847, 15,- 146; and in 1857 they number 26,586. In this year 1,725 post offices have been established and 704 discontinued, leaving a not increase of 1,021. The postmasters of 368 offices are appointed by the President. The length of post•roads in 1827 was 105,336 miles; in 1837, 141,242 miles; in 1847, 153,818 miles; and in the year 1857 there are 242,601 miles of post road, including 22,530 miles of railroad, on which the mails are trans ported. The expenditures of the department for the fiscal year ending on the 30th of June, 1857, as adjusted by the Audi tor, amounted to $11,507,670. To defray these expenditures there was to the credit of the department on the Ist July, 1856, the sum of $789,599; the gross revenue of the year, including the annual allowr.nces for the transportation of free mail matter, produced $5,053,951; and the remainder was supplied by the appropriation from the treasury of $2,250,000. granted by the act of Congress approved Au gust 18, 1856, and by the appropriation of $666,883 made by the act of March 3, 1857, leaving $252,763 to be carried to the credit of the department in the accounts of the cur rent year. I commend to your consideration the report of the department in relation to the establishment of the overland route from the Mississippi river to San Francisco, California. The route was selected with my full concur rence, as the one, in my judgment, best calculated to at tain the important objects contemplated by Congress. The late disastrous monetary revulsion may have one good effect, should it cause both the government and the people to return to the practice of a wise and judicious economy, both in public and private expenditures. Au overflowing treasury has led to habits of prodigality and extravagance in our legislation. It has induced Con gress to make large appropriations to objects for which they never would have provided had it been necessary to raise the amount of revenue required to meet them by in creased taxation or by loans. We are now compelled to pause in our career, and to scrutinize our expenditures with the utmost vigilance; and in performing this duty, I pledge my co-operation to the extent of my constitutional competency. It ought to be observed at the same time, that true pub lic economy does not consist in withholding the means ne cessary to accomplish important national objects intrusted to us by the constitution, and especially such as may be necessary for the common defence. In the present crisis of the country it is our duty to confine our appropriations to objects of this character, unless in cases where justice to individuals may demand a different course. In all cases care ought to he taken that the money granted by Congress shall be faithfully and economically applied. Under the federal constitution, "every bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Senate shall, before it becomes a law," be approved and signed by the President; and, if not approved, "he shall return it with his objections to that house in which it originated." In order to perform this high and responsible duty, suffi cient time must be allowed the President to read and ex amine every bill presented to him for approval. Unless this be afforded, the constitution becomes a dead letter in this particular; and even worse, it becomes a means of de ception. Our constituents, seeing the President's approval and signature attached to each act of Congress, arc induced to believe that he has actually performed this duty, when, in truth, nothing is, in many cases, more unfounded. - - - From the practice of Congress, such an examination of each bill as the constitution requires, has been rendered impossible. The most important business of each session is generally crowded into its last hours, and the alternative presented to the President is either to violate the constitu tional duty which he owes to the people, and approve bills which, for Nvant of time, it is impossible he should have examined, or, by his refusal to do this, subject the country and individuals to great loss and inconvenience. Besides, a practice has grown up of late years to legis late in appropriation bills, at the last hours of the session, on new and important subjects. This practice constrains the President either to suffer measures to become laws which he does not approve, or to incur the risk of stopping the Avheels of the government by vetoing an appropriation bill. Formerly, such bills were confined to specific appro- Priations for carrying into effect existing laws and the well established policy of the country, and little time was then required by the President for their examination. For my own part, I have deliberately determined that I shall approve no bill which I have ru examined, and it will be a case of extreme and most urgent necessity which shall ever induce me to depart from this rule. I therefore respectfully, but earnestly, recommend that the two houses would allow the President at least two days previ ous to the adjournment of each session within which no new bill shall be presented to him for approval. Under the existing joint rule one day is allowed; but this rule has been hitherto so constantly suspended in practice, that important bills continue to be presented to him up till the very last moments of the session. In a large majority of cases no great public inconvenience can arise from the want of time to examine their provisions, because the constitution has declared that if a bill be presented to the President within the last ten days of the session he is not required to return it, either with an approval or with a veto, "in which case it shall not be a law." It may then lie over, and be taken up and passed at the next session. Great inconvenience would only be experienced in regard to appropriation bills; but fortunately, under the late ex cellent law allowing a salary, instead of a per diem, to members of Congress, the expense and inconvenience of a called session will be greatly reduced. I cannot conclude without commending to your favora ble consideration the interests of the people of this Dis trict. Without a representative on the floor of Congress, they have for this very reason peculiar claims upon our just regard. To this I know, from my long acquaintance with them, they are eminently entitled. JAMES BUCTIANAN. WASILLNGTON, Dec. 8, 1857. ROCLAMATION.—WHEREAS, by a precept to me directed, dated at Huntingdon, the Ist day of November, A. D. 1857, under the hands and seals of the Hon. George Taylor, President of the Court of Common Pleas, Oyer and Terminer, and general jail deliv ery of the 24th Judicial District of Pennsylvania, compo sed of Huntingdon, Blair and Cambria counties; and the lions. Benjamin F. Patton and John Brewster, his associ ates, Judges of the county of Huhtingdon, justices as signed, appointed to hear, try and determine all and every indictments made or taken for or concerning all crimes, which by the laws of the State are made capital, or felon ies of death, and other offences, crimes and misdemeanors, which have been or shall hereafter becommitted or perpe trated, for crimes aforesaid—l am commanded to make public proclamation throughout my whole bailiwick, that a Court of Oyer and Terminer, of Common 'Pleas and Quarter Sessions, will bo held at the Court Home in the borough of Huntingdon, on the•second Monday (and 11th day) of January next, and those who will prosecute the said prisoners, be then and there to prosecute them as it shall be just, and that all Justices of the Peace, Coroner and Constables within said county, be then and there in their proper persons at 10 o'clock , a. m. of said day, with their records, inquisitions, examinations and remembran ces, to do those things which to their offices respectively appertain. Dated at Huntingdon the 14th of December, in the year of our Lord ono tigtusand eight hundred and fifty-seven, and the Slat year of American Independence. GRAFFUS MILLER, S7teriff. TJROCLAMATION.—WHEREAS, by a precept to me directed by the Judges of the Com mon Pleas of the county of Huntingdon, bearing test the 21st day of November, 1857, I am commanded to make Public Proclamation throughout my whole bailiwick, that 4 Court of Common Pleas will be hold at the Court House in the borough of Huntingdon, on the 3rd Monday (and 18th day) of January, A. D., 1857, for the trial of all issues in said Court which remain undetermined before the said Judges, when and whore all jurors, witnesses, and suitors, in the trials of all issues are required. Dated at Huntingdon the 14th December, in the year of our Lord 1857, and the 81st year of American Independ ence. GRAFFUS MILLER, Shcreil: SHERIFF'S Orrzcz, ) Huntingdon, Dec. 11. 1557. I SHERIFF'S SALES.—By virtue of sundry writs of test., vend. exp., lev. facias, and 11. fa., to me directed, I will expose to public sale or outcry, at the Court House, in the borough of Huntingdon ; on MON DAY, the 11th day of January, 1858, at 10 o'clock, a. m., the following described real estate, to wit : All defendant's right and interest in and to the following described tract of land situate in Hopewell township, Huntingdon county, bounded on the north by lands of heirs of Peter Shoenberger, decd, on the cast and north east by lands of Jacob Russell, on the south by lands of John B. Weaver, and on the west by lands of Lewis Krugger, and Peter Tries, containing 41 acres, more or less, leaving thereon a large two-story stone house, frame stable, and other out-buildings and improvements, about 20 acres of cleared land, and a valuable iron ore bank which has been opened and worked. Seized and taken in execution and to be sold as the property of William Fisher. Also—All the right, title and interest of defendant, of, in and to the undivided one-fourth part of a certain tract of coal land, situated in Tod township, Hun tingdon county, adjoining the Houck coal bank tract and others, containing in the whole 400 acres, more or less, the same being that part and interest in said tract of land sub scribed by George W. Speer, to the deft. Seized and taken in execution and to be sold as the property of the Cassville Seminary. Ar.so—All that certain messuage and tract of land, situate in Barre° township, on the east branch of Stone creek, bounded and described as follows, viz : begin ning at at a sugar tree; thence by lands of Thomas Kyler's heirs south forty degrees east, two hundred and thirteen perches to a black oak; thence north fifty degrees east, forty-eight perches to a chestnut oak; thence north twenty two degrees east, ninety perches to a black oak ; thence north fifty degrees east, thirty-two perches to a post; thence north forty-eight degrees west, ninety perches to a sugar.tree ; and thence down the east branch of Stone Creek, by the several courses and distances thereof to the place of beginning; containing 153 acres and 128 perches, with the usual allowance. Seized and taken in execution and to be sold as the property of Allen Green, decd, in the hands of John P. Stewart, administrator. ALSO—TWO lots of ground in the borough of Shirleysburg, fronting on Main street 160 feet and ex tending to back street 140 feet, having thereon erected a largo two and a half story brick house 48 feet front and ex tending back 33 feet, with back building 18 by 28, wood house and ice house and all out-buildings. Also; a two ; story frame office and No. in plan of said town, and ad joins lot of M. S. Harrison on the south, and on the north by a street leading to Love's Valley. Also, a lot of ground, being a corner lot of ground 60 feet front, extending back 140 feet to an alley or street having thereon erected a large two story brick store house with a frame warehouse at tached, house is —by and in said borough. Also, an island of land, about 17 acres, more or less, in a good state of cultivation in the township of Shirley, adjoining lands on the west of Isaac Sharrer, and the Aughwick creek on the north east and west. Also, a two acre liet of ground, more or less, in the township of Shirley, bounded by the Poor House land on the north, Win. B. Leas on the east, Etnire on the west, and Mrs. Ramsey on the south, and un der fence. Also—About 25 acres of land, more or less, situate ire Shirley township, and adjoins lands of D. Fraker's heirs on the south, Anghwick creek on the west, Bullet Lane and John Lutz on , the north, and back street on the east, clear ed and under fence. Also—About 3 acres of land, more or less, "situate in Shirley township, bounded on the north by John More, on the east by Peter Meyers, and on the south by Peter Etnire, and on the west by Public Road leading to Germany Val ley, having thereon erected a frame barn 35 by 46 with corn crib and wagon shed, and a young apple orchard.— Seized and taken in execution and to be sold as the prop erty of James G. Lightner. ALSO—The defendant's interest in and to ono lot of ground in the borough of Shirleysburg, Shirley township, having thereon erected a two-story log house and back kitchen fronting on Main street 00 feet, extend ing back to an alley 140 feet, adjoins lots on the north, the Baptist church on the south, and an alley that divides the property of William McNite from said defendant's. Seized and taken in execution and to be sold as the property of G. W. Hudson. ALso-A.All that certain plantation, tract, piece or parcel of land situate iu Shirley township, Hun tingdon county,:east of Drake's Perry, adjoining the Juni ata river, lands of John Sharrer, - licholas and Wm. Sha ver, Andrew Pollock's heirs. and others, containing 176 acres, more or less, on part of which the town of Mount Union is laid out—excepting and excludinr , the ground now in the possession of the Penn'a RailroneCo., and the following town lots in the re<.:orded plan of said town of Mount Union, being numbered respectively Nos. 3,4, 3,6, 17, 12,15, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 24,1, 2,7, 10, 13, 16, 23, 8,9, 14, 17, 33, 74 and the lot of ground in possession of the Methodist Episcopal Church, and on which the church now stands. Seized and taken in execution and to be sold as the property of John Dougherty. Aiso—A tract of land situate in Porter township, Huntingdon county, bounded by lands of Gen. A. P. Wilson on the east, of John S. Isett and William D. Robb's heirs on the north, other lands of defendant on the west. and of Thomas Whittaker, Goo. Lamp and estate of John racCaban, deceased, and other lands of defendant on the south, containing about 358 acres, more or less, being part of the same large tract of land which was conveyed to John Iluyett (father of the defendant) by Patrick Gwin, Esq., Sheriff of said county, as the property of John Tanan, by deed acknowledged thirteenth November, 1818, having thereon a frame bank barn, a log dwelling house one and a half stories high, and about 100 acres cleared. Also—A tract of land in same township of Porter, ad joining the lands of tho heirs of William. D. Robb, dec'd, and other lands of defendant on the north, lands of Jacob G. Huyett's heirs on the south, other lands of defendant on the east, lands of Henry Knode on the south and west, containing about 220 acres, more or less, all cleared and' cultivated, being the tract of laud on which defendant now resides, and which was conveyed by Ludwick lluyctt to John Huyett (Father of Defendant) by deed dated twen ty sixth June, eighteen hundred and nine and duly re corded; Ices about seventeen acres conveyed by defendant to Wm. Robb, having thereon two bank barns, each about forty seven by eighty feet, a large stone dwelling house, three stories high and the usual out-buildings. Also—A tract of land in said township of Porter, ad joining lands of William D. Robb's heirs on the north, other lands of John Huyett on the cast and west, Thomas Whittaker on the south, containing about 102 acres and allowances, greater part of it cleared and cultivated. Also—A. tract of land in same township of Porter, ad joining other lands of .Tolin Huyett on the north, east, anti west, and of Thomas Whittaker ou the south, containing 89 acres, more or less, being the same conveyed by Benja min Elliott and wife to John Huyett, (defendant's father) by deed dated 18th November, 1796, duly recorded. Also—A small tract of unseated land situate in Porter township aforesaid, containing 27 acres and 22 perches and allowance, surveyed upon a warrant to John Ilnyett, da ted 28th August, 1843. Seized and taken in execution and to be sold as the property of John linyett. Ar.so—A tract of land situate in the town ship of Henderson, in the county of Huntingdon, bounded by lands of Orbison & McMurtrie, Robert Allison's devi sees, Dr. William Swoope, Samuel Friedley, and lands of the minor children of Alex. Gain, dee'd, containing two hundred and twenty-six acres and ninety-one perches and allowance, having thereon a log house and barn, with about fifty acres cleared, it being the same tract which was devised by Patrick Gwin, deceased, to his son George Gwin, who, by deed conveyed the same to the said Alex. Gwin, &c., together with the hereditaments and appurte nances. Seized and taken in execution and to be sold as the property of Christian Couts. GRAFFUS MILLER, Sheri,(): Surrm's OFFICE, I Huntingdon, Dec. 16, 1857. 11.EGISTER'S NOTlCE.—Notice is hereby given to all persons interested, that the fol lowing named persons have settled their accounts in the Register's Office, at Huntingdon, and that the said accounts will be presented for confirmation and allowance, at an Orphans' Court, to he held at Huntingdon, in and for the county of Huntingdon, on Wednesday, the 13th day of January next, to wit: 1. Peter F. Kessler, administrator of the estate of Wil liam McCartney, late of Henderson township, dec'd. 2. John Hefner, administrator of the estate of William Wilson, late of Pulaski county, Indiana, deed. 3. John Reed, administrator of the estate of Thomas Reed, late of the borough of Huntingdon, deed. 4. Partial administration account of Dr. Henry Orlady, administrator of Joshua R. Cox, who was administrator of Esther Cox, late of Warriorsmark township, dee'd. 5. William Stewart, administrator of the estate of Jon net Stewart, late of West township, dec'd. 6. John Aurandt and Robt. Tussey, executors of the last will and testament of John Sprankle, late of Morris town- ship, dec'd. 7. Trust account of George W. Speer, acting trustee, ap pointed by the Orphans' Court to make sale of the real es tate of Robert Speer, dec'd. S. Trust account of Henry Lightner, trustee, appointed by tho Orphans' Court, to make sale of the real estate of Henry Lightner, late of West township, dec'd. 9. Trust account of James Saxton, trustee°, appointed by the Orphans' Court, of the estate of George Helfright, late of the borough of Huntingdon, deed. 10. Guardianship account of Henry B. Myton, guardian of Rosetta Stewart, a minor child of Anthony 5. Stewart, late of Morris township, dec'd. 11. Guardianship account of George Sipes, guardian of Richard, Elizabeth, Loretto and Evaline Wharton, minor children of Samuel N. Wharton, late of Cromwell town ship, clec'd. 12. Alfred B. Crewit (now dec'd) administrator of Dr. Jacob 1-Icilfinan, late of the borough of Huntingdon. dec'd, as stated and filed by Jane D. Crewit, executrix of the said A. B. Crewit, dec'd. HENRY GLAZIER, li'egister. REGISTER'S OFFICE, Huntingdon, Dec. 16, 1857. SPECIAL NOTICE.-LOVE & Nc- DIVITT would respectfully inform their numerous customers and the public generally that, notwithstanding the " pressure of the times," they still continue to doal out, at their old stand in Market Square, all kinds of Gro ceries, Confectionaries, Fruits, Tobacco, Segars of every grade from Half Spanish to the genuine Principe, La Na tional, &c., &c., at greatly reduced prices. Having learned from past experience, that the credit system is a dangerous one to all parties, we have determined to reduce our busi ness to cash or Its equivalent, and shall be able to sell on the most reasonable terms, as our stock has been purchas ed at the lowest cash prices. Call and see us, friends, Huntingdon, Dec. 16, 1857, IDIERSONS knowing themselves indebt odx to the undersigned are respectfully requested to call and settle their accounts. LOVE & McDIVITT. Huntingdon. Dec. IG. 1857: LOVE & IitcDIVITT STRAY COW,--Came to the premises of the subscriber; in the borough of Birmingham, riorsmark township, Huntingdon county, on 0. •• the 7th day of December inst., a brindle COW, p‘fq about six years old, with a white face, clark color- i!‘ .l "*. _ ecl star in her face, and a short tail. The owner is request ed to come forward, prove property, pay charges, and take her away, otherwise sho will be disposed of according to law. ANDREW MoCOLLOUGH. Dec.lE, 1857. STRAY HEIFER.—Came to the prem ises of the subscriber, residing in Henderson town s p, about the let of October last, a ICED HEIFER, with a small white spot on each flank, the right ear cropped, ap parently by a dog—supposed to be from 18 months to two years old. The owner is requested to come forward', prove property, pay charges and take her away, or she will bet disposed of as the law directs December 16,1857.0 CASSVILLE SEMINARY. ONLY $l9 50 PER QTJARTEIL, TILE NEW FACULTY. M. MeN. WALSH, Principal, Prof. of Languages and Philosophy. Herr KARL DOCKENHEIM, Prof. of German Langnage and id/era/ire. M EUGENE CHIVANT, Prof. of French and Piano Music. JAMES W. HUGHES, Prof. of Mathematics, etc. Mrs. M. :NUN. WALSH', Preceptress, Grecian Painting, Botany, History, etc. Miss E. FAULKNER, .Monocronzatics, Painting, Drawing, etc, Miss ANNIE M. GAY, Piano Music and .French.• Miss JENNIE M. WALSH, _ . IM.This Institution has lately fallen into new hande, and the present owners are determined to make it a first class school. The majority of the new faculty aro already on hand, and students will be received as soon as they wish. Young ladies and gentlemen intending to go to school will do well to write to us before concluding to go else where. There is no cheaper, and we believe there wiU be no better school nsnv than ours. Both sexes aro received, all branches aro taught, and students can enter at any time. For other information address John D. Walsh, Citasville, iluntingdon county, Pa. December 9,1857. lIOUSE , LOT, and OUTLOT, for sale.. The subscriber, intending to move West in the Spring, offers for sale the house and lot now , 41 occupied by him in the borough of Huntingdon. e The lot fronts 50 feet on Washington street, rnn ning back 200 feet to Mifflin street, on which is a two-story house well finished, a kitchen, wood house, well of water at the door, and a stable. Also, a FOUR ACRE OUT-LOT, on Stone Creek, near the borough, now in timothy. If the above property is not sold before the 28th of De cember inst., it will on that day be offered at public sale. Terms made known on application to the subscriber. December 2, 1857. THOS. L. STATES. ASSIGNEE'S SALE.—The subscriber will offer at Public Sale, at Markleshnrg, Hunting= tion county, at one o'clock, p. m., on SATURDAY, the 19th' of December, 1857, the entire stock anti fixtures in ant:: about the store lately occupied by David IL Campbell. The whole will be sold together. Persons wishing tepv.rehase, can examine the stock in the meantime. Terms of sale will be made known on the day of sale, or previously, on application to the subscriber. .TOHN U. WINTRODE, Assignee of D. H. Campbell. Markieshurg, Dec. 2, 1857. A UDITOR'S NOTICE.-JACOB NU= _,LUNIER'S ESTATE.—The undersigned Auditor, appoint ed to distribute the fund or assets in the hands of A. L. Grim, administrator of Jacob .Numer, late of Huntingdon Borough, decd, will attend at his office in the borough of Huntingdon, on Saturday, the 26th of December, nest, at 10 o'clock, a. ra., for that purpose ; and all persons are re quired to present their claims before such Auditor at that time or be debarred from coming in for a share of such as sets or fund. A. W. BBNEDICT, Auditor.- December 2,1857-4 t. WIIXECUTOR'S NOTlCE.—Estate of 4 MARY GILLILAND, dec'd.—All persons interested are hereby notified that Letters Testamentary have been granted to the undersigned Executor of the last will and testament of MARY GILLILAND, late of Tell township, Huntingdon county, dec'd., and all persons hating claims or demands against said estate will present them without delay, and those indebted to said estate will make imniedi ate payment. JAMES GIF.FORD, Executor. December 9, 1557.* ,ORPHANS' COURT SALE of VAL UABLE REAL ESTATE. By virtue of an alias or der of the Orphans' Court of Huntingdon county, I will offer at Public Sale, on the premises, on WEDNESDAY, 23d day of December, 1857, at 10 o'clock a. m., the follow ing Real Estate, late of John Conrad, Esq., deceased, to wit: ONE LOT OF GROUND, at McAlavy's Fort, in the town ship of Jackson; bounded on the North, West, and South by lands of Robert Mcßurney, and on _the East by lands of the said 3lcßurney, now occupied by 4 , Wm. Hunt, containing , ONE HALF ACRE', more in pi or less, and having thereon erected a TWO-STORY - DWELLING , HOUSE. part of which is now occupied as a Store house; Stable, Wood house and other improvements. TERMS OF SALE.—One third of the purchase money to be paid on confirmation of the sale, and the balance in two equal annual payments with interest from the date of the confirmation; to be secured by the bonds and mortgage of the purchaser. N. B. Possession of the said property will be given on the first day of April next. The rents due or to become due under the lease of the said property to Wm. hunt, aro reserved from the effect of the sale of the said property. JOHN JACKSON, Trustee.• Decomber 17, 1857 AFARM AT PUBLIC SALE.-011, PHAN'S' COURT SALE.—In pursuance of an Order of the Orphans' Court of the county of Huntingdon, I will offer at Public Sale, in the borough of Huntingdon, oh SATURDAY, 26th December, 1857, at 1 o'clock, p. M.. the following described Real Estate of Alexander G win, decd, to wit: A Plantation or Tract of Land, situate in the township Of _Henderson, in the county of Huntingdon, adjoining land of John McCahan's heirs, Christian Coats, Samuel Friedley, John Simpson and Elisha Shoe en. maker, containing 225 acres, or thereabouts, be • ti the same more or less, of which there are about 150 acres cleared, having thereon a large frame bank barn, log dwelling house, apple orchard, a good well of water, Sze. Said tract of land is distant from Huntingdon two miles, a public road leading from Huntingdon to Ennis ville passes through it, and on the east it is bounded by Stone Creek ; said farm is well adapted to raising stock, having a large quantity of meadow thereon. TERMS OF SALE.--bne fourth of the purchase money to be paid on confirmation of the sale, the balance in three equal annual payments with interest, payable annually, to be secured by the bonds and mortgage of the purchaser. JAMES GWIN, Guardian of the minor children of Alexander Gwin, and Charles A. Gwin. December 2, 1857. ORPHANS' COURT SALE of REAL ESTATE.—fIy virtue of an order of the Orphans' Court of Huntingdon county, I will expose to public sale on the premises, on WEDNESDAY the 30th day of DE CEMBER, next, at 11 o'clock in the forenoon, All that certain Farm and Tract of Land, situate in Cromwell township, Huntingdon county, adjoin ing lands of James Colegate on the north, bounded by Big Aughwick creek on the east, lands of Simon Gratz and George Swartz on the south, and lands of Price's 4, heirs on the north, containing 160 ACRES, more or 13 less, about 100 acres of which are cleared, and having there on a log DWELLING HOUSE, log barn, and other improve ments. Said property is about 2% miles from Orbisonia, and about 3 miles from Sbirleysburg. TERMS—One third of the purchase money to be paid on the confirmation of the sale, and the residue in two equal annual payments thereafter, with interest, to be secured by , the bonds and mortgage of the purchaser. Attendance will be given, by DAVID HICKS, Guardian of John Flasher and Jacob Flasher_ December 9, 1857. REAL ESTATE- OF. DAWSON C. SMAWLEY, dec'd.—OßPHAiCS' COURT SALE.--• By virtue of a second alias order of the Orphans' Court of Uuntingdon county, there Will be sold at public vendue or outcry on the premises, on FRIDAY, THE 18TH OF DECEMBER, 1857, between the hours of 10 A. M. and 2 P. 741., a TRACT OP' LAND, situate in Shirley township, Huntingdon county, bounded by Juniata-river on the east; by lands of Swis heart heirs on the north; by Aughwick creek on the north west; by lands of James M. Bell on the south; and by lands of Bell's heirs and Oliver Etnler on the south west, containing about TWO HUNDRED AND FIFTY ACRES, more or loss; about one hundred of which aro cleared and under cultivation, having thereon erected a TWO STORY STONE DWELLING HOUSE, with kitchen attached, a stone bank barn, stone spring house, tenant house, &c., &c. Also, on said premises, is an iron ore bank, orchard, &e.,. being the real estate of Dawson C. Sraawley, dec'd. TERMS OF SALE.—One third of the purchase money to be paid on confirmation of sale; and the residue in two equal annual payments, with interest, to be secured by the bonds and mortgage of the purchaser. Due attendance given on the day of sale by. HENRYBREWSTER, Adner of Dawson C. Smawley, dec'd. Nov., 18, /857-st. 1L UDITOR'S NOTICE.—The under -4 si g ned Auditor, appointed to distribute the fund in. t e hands of Graffias Miller, Esq., Sheriff, arising from the sale of the Real Estate of the Cassville Seminary, will at tend for that purpose at his office in the borough of lium. tingdon, on Thursday, December 24th, 1857, at 10 o'clock, a.. m. All persons are required to present their claims be fore such Auditor at that time or be debarred from coming in for a share of such fund. December 2, 1857 JOID J. DECKER Primary English A. W. BENEDICT, Auditor