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THE WANDERERS GRAVE.
AY LEROR
Far from the scones of childhood;
Far from the loved one's side,
In Sierra Nevada's wild-wood,
The youthful wanderer died.
No sister smoothed his pillow;
No mother's voice was there,
To cheer through life's last billow,
To hear his dying prayer.
While round his heart congealing,
Life's current ceased to flow ;
Around his bedside kneeling,
No friends proclaimed their woe
Beneath the snow capped mountain ;
Beside tho ocean wave;
Close by a murmuring fountain,
They dug the wanderer's grave.
And there at eve they laid him,
While broad Pacific's surge, •
Rolled by the hand who made him,
Pronounced the funeral dire.
No monument erected,
Marks out the sacred spot;
But hearts at home dejected,
Mourn for him who is not.
And oft the tear comes stealing,
From yon sad maiden's eyes,
ner hopeless grief revealing,
The cause of all her sighs.
And when the breeze comes sighing,
Across the western plain,
She loves the thought of dying,
To meet in heaven again.
Votititat.
P - 11011;v*%1
OP THE DEMOCRATIC STATE COM
MITTEE.
To the Citizens of Pennsylvania:
It has been usual for the State Committee,
'representing the Democratic party of Penn
sylvania, to address the people of the State
pending important elections. In conformity
with this usage, which may be regarded as
settled and. salutary, we submit the follow
ing address ;
The Democratic State Convention upon
the second day of March last, and at its re
assembling in June, made nominations for
the offices of Governor, Canal Commissioner
and Judge of the Supreme Court.
For Governor, Gon. Packer, of Lycoming,
was named, after a spirited. contest, and his
nomination was then unanimously and right
fully confirmed. lie has been long well
known throughout the State ; has filled a
number of responsible and important posi
tions in the State government, and has estab
lished a public character which strongly re
commends him to the popular confidence.—
We conceive it to be a material qualification
for this high office, that the incumbent shall
be well acquainted with the practical work
ings of the government—with the course
and character of legislation—the details of
business in the several executive departments
—and with the public men of the Common
wealth, who have filled, or may fill, the vari
ous positions created by the Constitution and
laws. The contrast, in this respect, between
our candidate and. the candidates of the op
position, is too strongly marked to escape
general notice, and it is bat necessary to
allude to it to show the vantage ground held
by our party in the present canvass. It may
be asserted. that the Convention have named
" the right man for the right place," and
that their nomination deserves popular en
dorsement if regard. is had to qualifications
and experience.
It is agreeable to add, that our candidate
has a solid and reputable character in pri
vate life, and that his estimable qualities
have endeared him to a large circle of friends
- who can enter upon his support with feelings
of enthusiasm as well as with convictions of
duty. We do not desire to draw strongly
the contrast which it is possible to draw, be
tween our candidate and his leading oppo
nent. Judge 'Wilmot has had a career as a
public man which has given him notoriety
without inspiring confidence. Imperfectly
acquainted with the practical action of the
State government; without experience either
in the legislative or executive departments;
with but a limited. knowledge of public men
and State affairs beyond his immediate locali
ty,—he is presented. upon a comparatively
remote national issue, and as the candidate
of a bitter sectional party which received. a
merited defeat at the recent Presidential
election. It is not believed that his career
in Congress exhibited any high capacity to
promote the interests of the people of Penn
sylvania, and it is certain that his recent
course in the office he now holds, has been
calculated to lower the judicial character by
connecting it with extreme and violent par
tisan disputes.
Nimrod Strickland, of Chester county,
was named. by the Convention for Canal
Commissioner. He needs no recommenda
tion at our hands, for his integrity, firmness
and capacity are not disputed. and are widely
recognized. It will be a pleasure for those
who belong to our party, and for all who de
sire to consult fitness and. merit in bestowing,
their suffrages, to give him their cordial sup
port.
By reason of the declination, by Chief
Justice Lewis, of the re-nomination tendered
liim by the Convention, and the calling of
Judge Black to the post of Attorney General
in the National Administration, the Conven
tion, upon its re-assembling in June, found
the duty devolved upon it of naming two
candidates for the Supreme Bench. Wm.
Strong, of Berko County, a distinguished.
member of the bar, and formerly a Member
of Congress, and James Thompson, of Erie,
also a former Member of Congress, once a
President Judge of the Common
.Pleas, an
ex-Member of the Legislature, and a pro
found. and successful lawyer, were selected.
by the Convention. Their locations are suit
able, giving both to the East and West a
representation upon the ticket, and their
learning and integrity well qualify them to
$1 50
. 75
WILLIAM LEWIS,
VOL. XIII.
discharge the arduous and responsible duties
of the highest judicial position under our
Constitution.
Such is the ticket formed by the delegates
representing the Democratic party, and sup 7
port of it is confidently asked in view of the
character of the nominations. But confi
dence and support is also invited upon the
general grounds of policy and principle
upon which our party stand. Ours, is• no
new, untried, vindictive, sectional, or suspi
cious organization. It has been tried; it is
bold and open in conduct ; it is magnani
mous, patriotic and national. Founded more
than half a century ago by the author of
the Declaration of Independence, it has had
a distinguished history, has ordinarily given
direction to the administration of public af
fairs, and planting itself early, and through
out its whole career, upon a strict construc
tion of the Constitution, and a sparing use
of the powers of Government, has preserved
our American system from degeneracy and
failure.
The usefulness of organized parties is
sometimes denied and oftener doubted. But
in view of historical facts it cannot well be
questioned that they are incident to free gov
ernments, and arise of necessity under their
operation. An inquiry, however, into the
nature of political parties and the causes
which produce them, can scarcely be expect
ed to constitute the subject of a fugitive ad
dress. It will be sufficient for present pur
poses to assert the necessity of our party to
check the evil and dangerous influences to
which our political system is liable, and
against which it is impossible that written
constitutions can sufficiently guard. Doubt
less our constitutions exhibit the wisdom of
those who framed them, and the amendments
to which they have been subjected have ren
dered them more complete and perfect than
they were at first. But a constitution can
only be an outline for the action of govern
ment, (besides providing for its establish
ment,) and by construction it may be made
to mean almost anything the political au
thorities for the time being may choose. It
is a chart given to direct the vessel of state,
which can have little effect upon the voyage
unless those in command choose to faithfully
interpret and observe its counsel. A party
organization, therefore, founded upon right
principles of constitutional construction and
powerfully and constantly influencing official
action, may be regarded as necessary. It is,
in short, absolutely required to give a just
and consistent direction to government, both
in cases dependent upon construction of the
constitution and in cases where the constitu
tion is silent. Besides, the instability of po
litical action in republics is a reproach to
which they have been often subjected, and is
the objection to them which has had greatest
weight with profound and independent think
ers in the old world and new. But this in
stability, which arises principally from indi
vidual ambition, the selfishness of classes,
and the fluctuations of opinion, is to a great
extent checked and prevented by the pre
dominance of a party founded upon clear
and sound principles of public policy, and
acting constantly with reference to them.
Now, the Democratic party is simply the
representative of a school of opinion, and its
creed is given it by those who founded and
have subsequently supported it. The great
men who have spoken and acted for it, and
whose names will remain stamped prominent
ly upon the history of the country, have been
men of strong, clear and sound views of our
system of government, and of the rules upon
which its administration should proceed.—
Our party is the product of their efforts; the
instrument for accomplishing the ends they
proposed, and it remains a monument of their
sagacity, foresight and patriotism.
They held that over-action in government
was a great evil—the most difficult to be
guarded against, and therefore the most dan
gerous—and that both within and without
the Constitution powerful guards against it
were required. Proverbial language conveys
the idea in declaring that "the world is gov
erned too much," and " that government is
best which governs least;" and philosophical
reasoning attains the same result, in conclu
ding, that government, being the creature of
necessity, is limited by the necessities which
create it, and is not to be extended beyond
them. The Democratic party has therefore
held, and holds, that Constitutions shall receive
a strict construction; that government shall
exercise no powers not clearly delegated to it
and that in cases of doubt as to the policy of
a; particularmeasure, the conclusion shall be
against it. In short, that public power shall
not be exerted except where a clear warrant
and manifest utility authorize and justify
it.
The powerful (and we think salutary) oper
ation of this doctrine appears throughout the
history of the National and State govern
ments, and the occasional departures from it
stand as beacons to warn, and not as exam
ples to follow.
To illustrate our remarks, we will refer
briefly to a number of measures of public pol
icy heretofore proposed to the general or State
Government, and upon which divisions of
opinion have existed among public men and
parties. They will afford data for judging
the value of the Democratic doctrine on the
subject of Government powers and policy, of
which we have spoken.
.First---A bank created by the General Gov
ernment, owned, in part by it, and intended
for the regulation of the currency, and to af
ford facilities to commerce and business.—
This measure was resisted, and all recent at
temps to reestablish such an institution have
been put down, upon the very grounds above
stated.
Second—lnternal Improvements to be con
structed at the charge of the national treas
ury, to facilitate internal trade, and assist in
developing the material resources of particu
lar sections. No clear authority for outlays
of this description appearing, and the mani
fest dangers to which they lead being appar
ent, the action of our Federal Government on
this subject has been rightfully and wisely ar
rested..
Third—Excessive duties upon imports, to
the extent of prohibition, or to the production
of revenue beyond the legitimate wants of
government. The federal power of imposing
duties being for the expressed object of Gov
ernment support and the liquidation of pub
lic indebtedness, its exercise for an entirely
different object would seem unwarranted, and
would be unjust to interests, or individuals
against whom a discrimination is thus pro
duced. Therefore it is, that against much
misconception and the opposition of powerful
interests, the doctrine of limited and reason
able duties has been sternly, and, upon the
whole successfully upheld.
Fourth—The distribution of moneys from
the national treasury among the States, be
lieved to be equally unwarranted with the
preceding measures, and inevitably tending,
to the production of speculation and extrava
gance in the States, has also been resisted,
and except upon a single occasion, preven
ted.
Fifth—A bankrupt act, dissolving the re
lations of debtor and creditor in a manner
and to an extent unauthorized by the Con
stitution, disastrous to private rights, injuri
ous to morals, and to the encouragement,
mainly, of one of the least meritorious classes
of society—the speculator and spendthrift.—
With hot haste and under the lash of public
opinion, the very authors of such an act in
1842 were coerced into its repeal.
Sixth—Appropriations of public moneys
or lands, to objects of doubtful constitution
ality or utility ; connected with which, may
be mentioned the allowance of claims, insuffi
ciently established or unjust. The Demo
cratic principle strikes as decisively at all
projects for assailing the treasury, for au in
dividual, a class, or a section, in the absence
of clear light to justify the demand, as it
does at other unwarranted or doubtful -meas
ures.
Seventh—The exercise of jurisdiction by
the General Government over slavery in the
territories, to the exclusion of local decision
thereon. Legislation by 'Congress upon sla
very beyond the express requirement as to re
turn of fugitives, is to be doubted, and if re
gard is had to high judicial decision, express
ly denied, as a valid exercise of power. And
its inexpediency is yet more plainly manifest,
in view of the dangerous disputes which such
action inevitably produces. Most clearly,
therefore, is it to be deprecated and opposed,
upon the general doctrine of non-action by
government in doubtful cases.
Eighth—The establishment of corporations,
either excessive as to number or vested with
inordinate powers or privileges; and espe
cially for pursuits or business within the
reach of individual means and skill. Under
which head is to be particularly noted, the
chartering of banks beyond the business
wants of the community, locating them at
points without adequate commerce or ex
changes to afford legitimate occupation, and
failing to impose upon them such guards
against abuse and fraud as are demanded by
experience. The recent resolution on this
subject by our State Convention, but indicates
the well considered position of our party and
its policy for the future.
Niva.—The authorizing of municipal sub
scriptions to railroads and other corporate
bodies to the encourag,ement of speculations,
corruption and the accumulation of public
debts. The proposition now before the peo
ple for the amendment of the Constitution to
prevent this in future, is but in Iftirmance of
the principle we have been considering ; for
the decision of a divided Court in favor of
legislative power to authorize such subscrip
tions has not removed all doubts, and has
left the powerful objections to the system,
upon grounds of expediency, untouched and
irresistable.
Tenth.—The sale or surrender by . Govern
ment, in whole or in part, of any of its con
stitutional powers confided to it by the peo
ple. The attempt to do this in the late act
for the sale of the Main Line of the Public
Works ; an attempt which was denounced by
the State Convention, and has since been pro
nounced unconstitutional by the Supreme
Court, may be cited under this head, and de
served that reprobation which it has gener
ally received.
Eleventh.— Sumptuary laws, by which
dress, food, drink, equipage, or other like
concern of use, habit or fashion, is codrcecl.
The interference of law in such cases would
seem to be unusoful, and is of doubtful au
thority.
Twelfth.—Finally, measures directed against
a class or sect, and intended to degrade them
or limit their civil privileges. It is affirmed
that neither religious belief nor birth place
will furnish grounds for ostracism or a denial
of common right.
Such are some of the leading measures
upon which political divisions have taken
place, and on their careful examination it
will be seen, that they can all be resolved
into the general question whether the powers
and action of government shall be extensive
or. limited. And if we should pursue the
subject further, this view of the fundamental
ground of difference between public men and
parties would be but confirmed and strength
ened.
We are left then to choose sides in the
struggle between power and liberty—between
a government that meddles and one that ab
stains—between political New Engla,ndism
and the Virginia doctrines of 1798. Neu
trality is not possible, for almost every pub
lic question that arises compels us to a choice
between contending parties, and the schools
of opinion which they respectively represent.
It has been fashionable for apostates from
our party to claim that they retained their
principles unchanged, and even opposing
parties occasionally advance pretensions to
the faith and doctrines of Jefferson. How
unfounded such pretensions are, whether ad
vanced by apostate or party, will appear from
considering the measures of public policy
they propose and support. If we find them
favoring new projects of doubtful right or ex
pediency, contending for extensive jurisdic
tion for government, and scoffing at constitu
tional scruples as "abstractions," we may be
sure they are no disciples of the philanthro
pist, philosopher and statesman who founded
our party, and who wrote to Edward Livings
ton as late as 1824, to endorse the sentiment,
-PERSETERE.---"
HUNTINGDON, PA., AUGUST 5, 1857,
that "if we have u. doubt relative to any
power, we ought not to exercise it." Much
more may we deny their discipleship, if we
find their measures connected with intolerance
in religion, proscription of adopted citizens,
or aggressions upon territorial or state rights,
- which is manifestly a true description, at this
moment, of the parties opposed to us;
The (so-called) Republican party makes
high pretensions and challenges their exam
ination—but there can be little difficulty in
determining their character and value, and
assigning the party which holds them its
true position before the public. Especially
will it be a work of ease, to explode its pre
tension to sound opinions as held by former
Republican Presidents, and to bring it within
the condemnation which they directed against
the heretical movements of the times in which
they lived.
The resistance made about 1820, to the ad
mission of Missouri into the Union, was sim
ilar to the recent conduct of those who mis
describe themselves as Republicans. In both
cases the proposition was, that Congress should
prohibit slavery in territories (or cause it to
be prohibited) prior to their admission as
States. The argument against this was sta
ted by Mr. Madison, in the Walsh letters,
under all the high sanctions which his abili
ties and his position as the leading author of
the Constitution, could confer upon it. And
it is as well established as any historical fact
can be, that Mr. Jefferson was opposed to the
Missouri agitation throughout, and to prohi
bitions of slavery by Congressional coercion
as then proposed. His celebrated letter to
John Holmes, dated 22d. April, 1820, fur
nishes conclusive proof of this, and confirma
tion of the fact will be found in other parts
of his published correspondence. In his let
ter to John Adams, of December 10, 1810,
he says, that, "from the battle of Bunker
Hill to the treaty of Paris, we never had so
ominous a question; it even damps the joy
with which I hear of your high health and
welcomes to me the want of it. I thank God,
I shall not live to witness its issue." In a
letter to the same, April 22, 1821, he says—
" what does the Holy Alliance in and out of
Congress intend to do with us on the Mis
souri question ? And this, by the way, is but
the name of the case ; it is only the John Doe
or Richard Roe of the ejectment. The real
question, as seen in the States afflicted with
this unfortunate population, is, are our slaves
to be presented with freedom and a dagger."
He says to Mr. Monroe, March 3,1820—" the
Missouri question is the most portentious one
which ever yet threatened our Union. In
the gloomiest moment of the :Revolutionary
wa„ I never had any apprehension equal to
that which I felt from this source." To Mr.
Short, April 13, 1820, he writes—" Although
I had. laid down as law to myself never to
write, talk, or even think of politics; to know
nothing of public affairs ; and had therefore
ceased to read newspapers; yet the Missouri
question aroused and filled me with alarm.—
The old schism of Federal and Republican
threatened nothing, because it existed in ev
ery State, and united them together by the
fraternism of party. But the coincidence of
a marked principle, moral and political, with
a geographical line, once conceived, I feared
would never more be obliterated from the
mind ; that it would be recurring on every
occasion, and receiving irritations, until it
would kindle such mutual and mortal hatred
as to render separation preferable to eternal
discord." He says to Joseph C. Cabcll, Jan
uary 31, 1821—" How many of our youths,
she (Harvard College) now has learning the
lessons of Anti-Missouri-ism, I know not; but
a gentleman lately from Princeton, told me
he saw a list of students at that place, and
that more than half were Virginians. These
will return home no doubt deeply impressed
with the sacred principles of the Holy Alliance
of Restrictionists!" And to Con. Brecken
ridge, he writes, February 11, IS2I. " The
line of division lately marked out between
different portions of our confederacy is such
as will not soon, I fear, be obliterated ; and
we are now trusting to those who are against
us inposition and principle, to fashion to their
own form the minds and affections of cur
youth. If, as has been estimated, we send
three hundred thousand dollars a year to the
northern seminaries for the instruction of our
own sons, then we must have five hundred of
our sons imbibing opinions and principles in
discord with those of their own country. This
canker is eating on -the vitals of our exis
tence, and, if not arrested at once, will be
beyond remedy." In a letter to Mr. Madi
son, in reference to the Missouri question, he
declared that Rufus King, (a distinguished
federalist) was "ready to risk the Union for
any chance of restoring his party to power,
and wriggling himself to the head of it."—
On another occasion, he declared the question
to be a mere party trick, "that the leaders of
federalism defeated in their schemes of ob
taining power * * have changed their tact
and thrown out another barrel to the whale.
They are taking advantage of the virtuous
feeling of the people to ejreet a division of
parties by a geographical line, expecting that
this will insure them, upon local principles,
the majority they could never obtain on prin
ciples of federalism." And, finally, his let
ter to Gen. La Fayette, dated November 4,
1823, contains his judgment of the whole
movement, expressed with his usual direct
ness and vigor.. He says :—" The Hartford
Convention, the victory of Orleans, and the
peace of Ghent, prostrated the name of fed
eralism. Its votaries abandoned it through
shame and mortification, AND NOW CALL THEM
SELVES REPUELICANS. But the name alone is
changed, the principles are the same." x *
"On the eclipse of federalism with us, though
not its extinction, its leaders got up the _Mis
souri question, under the jhlse front of lessen
ing the measure of slavery, BUT WITH THE
REAL VIEW OF PRODUCING A GEO
GRAPHICAL DIVISION OF PARTIES,
WHICH MIGHT ENSURE THEM THE
NEXT PRESIDENT. The people of the
North went blindfold into the snare, followed
their leaders for a while with a zeal truly
moral and laudable, until they became sensi
ble that they were injuring instead of aiding
the real interests of the slaves, THAT THEY HAD
BEEN USED 3IERELY AS TOOLS FOR ELECTIONEER-
Ina "PURPOSES, AND THAT TRICK OF HY
POCRISY then fell as quickly as it had been
got up."
This is an admirable description of the
Republican party of the present day—of the
causes which led to it, and the objects of its
founders. The picture is drawn by the hand
of a master, and represents the feature of the
subject with fidelity and exactness. Repub
licanism, being but a reproduction of Mis
souri agitation, bears precisely the same des
cription, and is obnoxious to precisely the
same censure. And it is to be remarked,
that like its predecessor—it invokes the leg-.
islation of Congress in a case of rank inex
pediency and doubtful power, and hence falls
within the condemnation of the general prin
ciple as to limited action by Government,
which has been a topic of this address.
But a view of modern Republicanism would
be incomplete without some particular notice
of the features of its career. Withouttracing
its early movements in the organization of
Abolition societies, the circulation of incen
diary matter through the mails, agitation by
petitions to Congress,
clamorous opposition
to the annexation of Texas, and to the pros
ecution of the Mexican war, and. the acquisi
tion of territory to which it led ; it will be
sufficient to notice somewhat the Wilmot pro
viso which preceded, and. the Kansas dispute
which accompanied, the organization of the
Republican party in its present form.
The Wilmot Proviso was offered in Con
gress in 18 , 16, as an amendment to a war bill,
and was (briefly described) a proposition to
prohibit slavery in Mexican territory to be
acquired. It created contention which con
tinued some four years. The national har
mony was disturbed and the public business
impeded by it, until it became necessary for
patriotic men, in Congress and out of it, to
unite their utmost efforts to restore peace and
secure such legislation as was absolutely ne
cessary for the territory in question. The
Compromise Measures were therefore passed.
in 1850, and eventually received the general
approval of the people. In fact, in 1852,
both the great parties of the country endor
sed them in their platforms, and their wis
dom and propriety are not now a subject of
..eneral dispute.
The Territory we acquired from Mexico by
the treaty of peace--the treaty of Gaudaloupe
liidalgo—\vas comprised of nearly the whole
now included in the State of California and
the Territories of Utah and New Mexico, and
the Proviso, if it had been adopted, would
therefore have had application solely to them.
But the Proviso was never adopted. or applied
by Congress to either. California was ad
mitted into the Union as a State with the
Constitution she formed for her Self without
any decision by Congress on the subject of
slavery within her limits. That was adjus
ted by herself in her Constitution,
and by
her own act therefore she entered the Union
as a free State. In the acts for the organi
zation of Utah and New Mexico as Territo
ries, there were no provisions prohibiting or
authorizing slavery, but it was expressly pro
vided that they should eventually come into
the Union with or without slavery, as the
people of each should decide, in forming Con
stitutions preparatory to admission. Seven
years have elapsed since these Territorial acts
were passed, and no complaint is heard against
them, nor has slavery been established in
either territory. It is, therefore,
_proved that
the Wilmot Proviso was wholly unnecessary
to the exclusion of slavery, and that the agi
tation from 1846 to 1850 to secure its enact
ment, was a thing of arrant folly as well as
of real evil.
There stand the facts ! no longer to be per
verted or denied, and they exhibit the Proviso
agitation in its true character. Not adopted,
it seen to have been unnecessary. Pro
ductive of great mischief to the country in
the contention and alienation it caused, it
was a mere abstraction, a thing neither prac
tical nor useful.
A desperate attempt was made last year to
carry the Presidential election upon a Kansas
agitation, in which the same class of actors
appeared that did in the Missouri agitation
of 1820—men " ready to risk the Union for
any chance" of establishing their party, "and
wriggling themselves to the head of it."--
But, a just judgment was pronounced upon
these people and their project, in the election
of Mr. Buchanan, and they will soon be
obliged to select some other topic upon which
to disturb the public tranquility, and strug
,,le for the attainment of power. Their spas
modic attempts to keep up excitement with
out any practical or useful object in view, but
simply that they may thrive upon discord and
passion, are even now received by the public
with a feeling bordering very nearly upon
contempt.
The American people are practical and sa
gacious. They will require some practical
good to appear in any movement to which
they are invited; and - when due time has
elapsed for reflection, they will try parties
and party measures by the standard of prin
ciple and not of professions. The - Wilmot
Proviso was utterly extinguished by Webster
on the 7th of March, 1850, in the demonstra
tion of its inutility, and was thenceforth de
livered over to history as an imposture; and
approval of the Kansas-Nebraska act of 1554,
has been growing more and more general as
its conformity to sound principles has been
examined and established. That unnecessa
ry things shall not be done, and that the cit
izens of each political division of the country
shall determine their local institutions, are,
in fact, propositions so reasonable and just
that it is surprising they should ever have
been questioned.
Three years ago, the Democratic party of
this State chose defeat before dishonor. It
stood up for toleration and equal rights, against
the passions and prejudices of the time, be
cause constitutional and just principles de
manded it. And now, with a new antago
nist—the Republican party—it still stands in
the path of duty, with its past course vindi
cated, and with the highest claims to public
confidence and favor. While it is not insen
sible to ideas of progress and improvement,
and will seek to apply those that are practi
cable and. just, its duty as a great conserva
tive organization to preserve the principles
Editor and Proprietor.
NO, 7.
of the government and the institutions of the
country from degeneracy, will not be neglee
ted. In brief, if trusted it will be true, and
from its administration of public affairs, the
people will receive, as heretofore, the "peace 7.
able fruits" of good government and honest
rule. C. R. BUCKALEW, Chairman.
Jr:o. N. lltyrcLussozz' Secretaries.
• B. J. HALDEMAN,
cAuttrtsting
ORANGE PEEL.—The especial attention of
parents and others is called to the following
facts :
The New York Journal of Commerce learns
that a little son of Robert Olive, of that city,
about five years of age, is now lying in a
very critical condition from the effects of eat
ing orange peel. Parents cannot be too cau
tious in keeping orange peel from their child=
ren, as it contains an active poisonous oil,
which iu many instances has caused the
death of persons who indiscreetly made use
of them. Life is jeopardized every time the
rind is taken into the stomach.
POISONED BY s SPIDER.—A gentleman of
this city, who visited the West with the great
railroad excursion, had his pleasure spoiled
by the bite of a spider. After passing a
night in Cincinnati on his way out, he rose
from his bed, noticing a slight red spot be
tween the joints of the thumb and. index
etfin
er of his right hand. It was about as large
as a sixpence, and encircled with a white rim
not unlike the sting of a mosquito. He took
no special notice of it at first, but four hourik,
after he rose the sore spot had swollen and
grown insufferably painful. He then went
to the physician, who told him there were
but two creatures in the western country
which could produce the effect, and thought
the gentleman had been bittev. by a rattle-•
snake or a black spider. The excurtionist
knowing that he had not slept with a rattle
snake concluded that the spider must have
been the offenden, and he had probably slip
ped into the bed and distilled his venom du
the hours of slumber.
The doctor rubbed the wound with ammo
nia, and the sufferer, undergoing extreme tor
ture, left for St. Louis on the same day. His
hand and arm sonic distance above the wrist
had swelled to double their usual size, while
the chill, dreadful, unintermitting pain, which
had extended beyond the swelling to the arm
pit, reminded him of the jumping of fifty
tooth aches. In consequence of his sufferings,
he was obliged for some days to remain in
bed, trying 1 / a lley's Pain Extractor to bring
the mysterious swelling to a head, but it ac
ted too quickly. After suppuration, a large
amount of festering matter was brought out
by the lancet. But another ulcer, accompa
nied with less painful swelling, at once form
ed, and with his hand bandaged for this, the
suffering excursionist returned to New York.
His hand, still disabled, presents a shocking
ly inflamed appearance, but since his arrival
lancing has done something to relieve the sec
ond afflictive visitor.
Such are the symptoms as described by the
patient, who could hardly sleep for ten days
in consequence of his suiferings.—N. F. Ev,
Post.
'WOMAN'S DEVOTION.—One of the most
striking incidents in tho fearful tragedy near
Quebec, was the conduct of Mrs. BLoompuLD,
in saving two children. She held to a rope
with, one hand, keeping the head of one child
above the -water with the other, and holding
the other up by fastening bertee th in its dress.
Se heavy was the load that two of her teeth
gave way and were lost, yet she still retained
her hold. At last a boat came towards her,
and men were screaming all around her to be
taken on board. She could not scream, but
a man seeing her situation brought a boat to
her, telling them she needed help most
her strength gave way at the prospect
of relief and safety, and she came near drown. ,
ing before she could be lifted into the boat.—
She was a slight, delicate woman in appear
ance, and one wonders how she was ever able
to endure so much. Our readers will exclaim
what will not a mother do l But these chil
dren were not her own. Ono of them, aged
eighteen mouths, is named JENNIE, as .I‘..trs.
BLOOMFIELD heard it called on board by its
parents, who were from Glasgow, and were
both lost.
A QUEBIL RESULT.—The Know Nothings
when in a large majority in our State Legis
lature two years since, passed a law that no
devise or bequest made by a testator to a re
ligious, charitable or benevolent institution,
should be valid, unless the last will and tes
tament containing the devise or bequest had
been made and executed at least thirty days
before the death of the testator. The charge
had been made that Roman Catholic Priests
surrounded the death beds of the members
of their church, and extorted from the dying,
legacies for their Churches and other reli
gious institutions. Of course, the law was
general, but the Know Nothings put it on
the statute book to meet the cases of the
Catholic Church. Strange enough that the
very first place this law takes_efreet is in this
county, and in the case of a, benevolent
Protestant institution of learning—Westtown
School. This establishment belongs to the
Orthodox friends and they there educate
youth having membership, or a birth-right
in their society, at a, merely nominal price.'
A member of the Society of Friends named
Maxwell, recently died, and left by will $60,-
000 to Westtown School. The testator died
before his will was thirty days old, the case
was carried to the Supreme Court and the
decision is that Westtown School loses the
$60,000. One thing is certain, that the .
Know Nothing Legislation has not been of.
much pecuniary value to the Society of
Friends.— West Chester Republican.
'''From what we can learn, M'Kim, who .
is to expiate his crime upon the gallows on
the 21st of August next, looks upon death
with stoic indifference. A prisoner in an ad
joining cell, who is also manacled, often pass
es jocular remarks with McK., such as asking
him "how he likes his jewelry"—alluding to
the chains by which he is surrounded. McK.'
appears to enjoy such jokes, and frequeutly t
although they cannot see one another, jumps:
up, clanking his chains, which gives his next
door neighbor an opportunity of jinising, that
that he is still in possession of his jewelry."
—Blair County Whig.
„ter One of the most eminent British'
. •
phy
sicians has lately published a, work, in which
he falls back on what was substantially . the'
theory of Hippocrates more than two thou.
sand years ago. The theory is that modern
practitioners have been in the habit of giv:
ing too much medicine ; that nature needs
only to be assisted at critical points”; and
cannot be forced, and that; in many cases;
where the disorder has been fatal from the
first, medicine is wholly useless: