THE HUNTINGDON GLOBE, A DEMOCRATIC FAMILY JOURNAL, DEVOTED TO LOCAL AND GENERAL NEWS, &C.
THE GLOBE.
Circulation—the largest in the county.
LEIIMMIMDOEL, 22.
Wednesday, Ja.unary 14, 1857„
To Delinquents!---Pay up
All those' indebted for the - Globe, adver-
tieing and job Work, are requested to settle
their accounts at the earliest moment conve
nient—at least between this time and, the first
day of April, .1857. This notice is particu
larly intended for those whose accounts have
been standing for two years and upwards.—
There are few, if any of those, who could not
pay their accounts at a moment's notice, with
out any difficulty; and we hope they will not
wait for another, asking. We, - as a general
thing, are not in the habit of dunning, but
justice to others iequires this to be done.—
We;
,Paycash:regularly to our operators, as
well as for typo, paper, ink, and so on, and
cannot recognize as friends, those persons
who are 'so negligent as to leave their accounts
=run for several years, when they are abun
dantly able to pay. We like to do busines,s
in a busineser way,' and hope to be seconded
by our friends.
United States Senator
XpEY. &swig CAMERON, 'IDE( but a year ago,
if , half what the opposition then said of him
wa.4 true, was the greatest political scamp
living—was on yesterday elevated by them
to the office of United States Senator, for the
term of six years. He received the united
vote of the Republicans and Americans of
both Houses, and with the assistance of three
Democrats—at least elected as such—two
from 'Schuylkill, and one from York—was
elected on the first ballot by one majority over
John W. 'Forney, the Democratic caucus can
didate, and the scattering votes. Some few
of the opposition are jubilant over this result,
- but we cannot believe that the right thinking
portion of that party will endorse the con
duct of their representatives. The three
traitors who assisted the opposition, will go
down, down, and be spit upon by every true
Democrat, and then: in turn, be elevated by
the opposition to posts of honor, over the
heads of old, tried, and honorable members
of their party.
The vote on the first ballot stood—Cameron
67, Forney 58, Foster 7 and Wilkins 1.
agoirivaram.- giriftworaw.
LEBO' and. WAGONSELLER,.of
(~,,~ t ~ .
~':~'et
fare
and MENEAR, of York,
lam the names of the Democratic
TRAITORS who Voted. for &ion Cameron.
These base creatures were in the Democratic
Paucus that nominated John W. Forney.
Speaking of this matter, a cotemporary re
marks—"We cannot find words strong enough
teexpiess our indignation against the trait ors
who profess to be Democrats, who voted for
the man Cameron. They 'have sold them
solved for sordid gold, and. sunk so deep in
the estimation of all honorable men that no
thing will rescue them from their degraded
position; they have fallen so low that nothing
short of perdition will stop them. The trai
tors' names should be shrouded in black
through all. futurity.
We recommond our friends throughout the
State to hold indignation meetings, and burn
the wretches in effigy."
ItEII.FORRES'i'ER'S PLAYMATE-A Magazine
for Boys and Girls—begins its sixth volume
in January, 1857. It is edited by MARK Fox-
RESTER, the well-known writer for the young,
who, the reading community will bear in
mind, is connected with no other
_periodical.
The PLAYMATE has been denominated by an
eminent write?, as "the BEST YOUTHS' MAGA
ZINE PUBLISEIED." The publishers mean to
keep it so. Its embellishments are new, and
the reading matter almost wholly original.
An entiie number might be filled with the
commendatory notices of the press. The Fam
ily Gazette says :--" No parent who cares a
button for his children's welfare, can spend
a dollar more profitably than in subscribing
for the PLAYMATE."
But we prefer to let the Magazine tell its
own story.. Those parents who have any
choice about what-their children read, should
subscribe for it. If it does not sustain-itself,
after a trial, no recommendation of others
would be of any benefit.
TERMS. The Playmate is published month
ly, at One Dollar a .year, in advance. To
clubs, 75 cents per copy. Letters enclosing
money may ho sent at the Publishers' risk, if
directed to WILLIAM GUILD & CO" 156 Wash
ington street,- Boston, Mass. zerSubscrip
tions for the PLAYMATE Will be received at
this office.
LOVE AFTER MARRIAGE; and thirteen
other choice Nouvellettes of the Heart ; by
Mrs. CAROIXNE LEE HEITTE," author of "Lin
da," "Rena," ',Planter's Northern Bride,"
"Marcus Wash - tud," "Robert Graham," etc.,
Cothp'tete in-one largo duodecimo volume;
neatly bound in . Cloth, for one dollar and
twenty-five cents; or in two volumes, paper
cover, for one dollar.
This work is now in press, and will be is
sued on Saturday, January 31st, and will be
sent to any part of the United States, free of
postage, on remitting the price of the edition
they may wish, to the publisher, in a letter.
Published and for sale at the Cheap Book
and Publishing Establishment of T. B. PE
TERSON, No. 102 Chestnut St., Philadelphia.
ittefbAttention 'is invited to the advertise
ment of our County Superintendent.
The Governor's Message.
On our outside to-day will be found the
message of JAmns PoLLocx, at length.' Of
the Governor and his message, the able editor
of the Pennsylvanian remarks
For a long time past the question, "have
we a Governor among us," might well have
been asked, if any active demonstration of
the existence of
. such an individual had been
necessary to establish that fact. Two years
ago Mr. POLLOCK was borne into power by a,
large majority, obtained through his pledged
devotion to, two fanaticisms—Know Nothing
ism and Abolitionism. After a short career
of madness and folly, in which he rendered
himself as ridiculous as circumstances could
by any possibility permit, he retreated into
obscurity to watch the contest Waging between
the rival wings which had supported him,—
' As the contest waxed fierce between FILLMORE
and FREMONT, his trepidation was extremely
great. On the one hand he had sworn alle
giance to SAM, • according ,to the most strin
gent obligations and most binding oaths, ex
acted by the Once powerful American order.
On the other hand, he had piteously whined
About, the repeal of the Missouri Compromise,
and bound himself hand and foot to WILMOT - ,
JOHNSTON, and the Abolitionists of Pennsyl
vania. Like the ass betweenthe two bundles
of hay, he gazed wistfully, yet fearfully at
both—now inclining to the one and anon to
the other--until at last. the happy eipedient
was devised, specially for the benefit of POL
LOCK and other "half-and-half" peliticianscf
the same,school, of voting for them both! and
thus supporting at the same time, and by the
same vote, both a national and a sectional
Presidential candidate I
When POLLOCK was elected, great were the
anticipations of his deluded supporters, in
reference to the overwhelming influence his
mighty intellect would exercise over the Na
tional Councils. The terrible danger of a
full dominion of the Pope over the people of
Pennsylvania, a re-establishment of all the
terrors of the Inquisition, and the destruction
of Protestantism, were only to be averted by
the election of the mighty champion of anti-
Catholicism, the immaculate POLLOCK I The
Angel Gabriel was a great man in that day,
and sounded his horn of alarm through the
nation, but he merely prepared the way for
his potent follower and fellow demagogue,
the illustrious POLLOCK!' Then, too, the Nat
uralization Laws-were to be re-modeled, and
no "foreigners" were to be appointed to office.
A mighty impulse was to be given to genu
ine "Americanism," and the heroic parts of
WASHINGTON, JEFFERSON, FRANKLIN, ADAMS,
MARION and SUMPTER, were to be re
played On the political stage by the Wonder
ful patriots to he ealled in the field by the .
great Polancx! "Foreign influence" was no
longer to rule, but sonie vast and beneficent
polidy,—far ilifferent froin anything Demo
cratic administrations bad ever 'attempted,—
which was to revolutionize 'the_ history of the
State and gild with new glories the future of
the nation, was to be inaugurated by the pa
triotic Poranexl The "slave-power" was to
be' "Checked," the Missouri Compromise to
be restored, the "Star Spangled Banner" of
freedom to wave over all the Territories of
the United States, and the people of the South
to shrink back in awe from the contemplation
of airy new "aggressions," iLt the mere wave
of the wand of the mighty PoLLocri.
The immaculate, the illustrious, the great,
the patriotic, the mighty PorAecx, whose con
,
' fiding supporters were taught to form of his
Administration these mighty expectations,
has now been in power two years. What ex
traordinary results has he achieved ? The
politico-religious clamor against a proscribed
sect, has died away, and all sensible men
laugh at the idle fears which were evoked to
strengthen Pounex; but what influence has
he exerted to secure that result ? The phan
tom conjured up to frighten weak-minded
people, has been exercised it is true, not by
any act of POLLOCK.''S, but simply by the re
ascendancy of common sense. It is probably
true that in the distribution of his patronage
he has preferred to commit moral perjury, by
violating his oath to support the Constitution,
which forbids the establishment of religious
tests for office, rather than to violate that
Know Nothing oath by which he swore to
establish such .a test, and that hence no Cath
olics, and no adopted citizens, have received
appointments from him: But how much ad
vantage has • been realized to the people of
the State, and to the interests of the State,
by his adherence to such a policy? How
much'has he added to the welfare' and pres
_perky Of Pennsylvania, by giving 'a few pet
ty places - to - one class of men instead of giv
ing them to another ?
Then, as to the restoration of the Missouri
Compromise restriction, which was the great
practicil feature of POLLOCK'S national poli
cy on the slavery question, so far as it had
any feature at all, how much has he contribu
ted to that end ? The utter filly and absur
dity of such a movement, is universally ac
knowledged at this moment. The sense of
the - nation is emphatically against it. Not
only did the Democratic platform condemn
such a restoration, but the National Know
Nothing platform, and FILLMORE himself,
were equally emphatic against a restoration.'
of the Missouri restriction, so that two-thirds
of the American people have pronounced
against POLLOCK'S policy, and he himself cast
half a vote against it by voting for the half
FILLMORE, half FREMONT, union electoral tiekL
et.
Notwithstanding the ludicrousness of the
Governor's former exploits in Nittionnl poli
tics, he favors the nation with his views en
national affairs in his present message. As
the great prototype of the Governor, "the An
gel. Gabriel, after figuring among us for a
tine, by inciting' riots in our cities and at
teraptiiig to kindle into consuming Fires the
flames of bigotry, finally ended his career by
going to a West India Island and rousing ill
blood among the negroes and urging them
on to devastation—so POLLOCK has at last ap
parently turned his back almost entirely upon
poor SAM, and directed all his mighty ener
gies into the channels of Black Republican
ism. The religious proscriptive - feature of
Know-Nothingism, he entirely ignores. He
is heartily ashamed of any such annnconsti
tutional crtisade againstthe most sacred rights
of a portion of the American people, but in
some nine or ten lines of his message, he
gingerly announces the only vestige of the
mighty creed of Know Nothingism that he
is not utterly ashamed. to avow! TO Black
Republicanism. he deVotes . several long para
graphs, (which are a weak rehash of old ed
itorials of the New York Tribune, and a sen
tence or two of StiimEn's speech,) that would
have been ,much more appropriate, and well
timed-six months ago than now.
The valiant Governor, not to be Outdone in
bravery by any Knight who' ever aimed his
lance at a wind-mill, has had the wonderful
courage to announce that he is decidedly op
posed to the re-establishinent of the Slave
Trade. Considering that the „ - whole Ameri
can preis of all parties, and of all. sections,
with only. some , half. dozen
,exceptions, and
that Congress, by. a vote almost unanimous;
have declared against this proposition, and
that there-is in all probability not a single
individual in the United' States who deems
the revival of the Slave Trade as even a pos
sible contingency, it is deeply, interesting and
highly important to the State Legislature and
the people of Pennsylvania to know that our
sagacious Governor is also opposed to that
proposition.
On questions of State policy the Governor
favors us with very few novel, staking, or
important ideas. He dismisses the Bank
question in a short paragraph, which will
leave the fate of any or all of the applications
in doubt.
The - financial condition of the State is,, on
the whole, decidedly encouraging. The Gov
ernor has called his arithmetical powers. into
requisition, and after an "unerring calcula
tion," arrives at the conclusion that if 'the
present rates of taxation are not diniinisbed,
and our future expenditures do not exceed the
ordinary expenditures of last yeaf,liy 4§79,
twenty-three years hence, we will be enabled
to pay our *hole State debt : This mewl is
really gratifying, and we• • cordially endorse
the recommendation of . the message urging
the practice of - strict economy, the . avoidance
of new schemes of internal improvemeh . e by
the State, 'and a rigid accountability of the
receiving -and disbursing agents of the; State.
We do not see so much wisdom in 'selling
the public works, particularly- if-it is to be
done at a sacrifice, as.
.former propoltions
have contemplated. The Governor, in his
Message, seems anxious to give the most ;un
favorable account of the value of these works.
If they are to be sold, we are not aware, that
the interests of the State are particularly
well served by announcing in advance that
they are worthless. The amount received for
them. would not be apt to be much increased
by the dissemination of such ideas. It must
bo recollected, however, that a large amount
has been expended in new improvements du
ring the past year. The receipts from the
public works during the year wore $2,006;-
015. 66—the ordinary expenditures $1,135,_
004 00—making the net revenue over ordi
nary expenditures, $871,011 66, which, at
five per cent., represents a capital of over
$17,500,000. Under such circumstances, we
do not perceive how the State would be much
benefitted, financially, by selling these im
provements for some eight or ten millions of
dollars ; but, as the Governor is great at mak
ing calculations, perhaps he can figure out
the problem satisfactorily.
Hon. A. G. Brown, of Mississippi
The recent speech delivered by the able
Senator from Mississippi, on the "President's
Message," which we have already noticed, is,
without exception, the most able and unan
swerable in argument, in construction, in
diction, in constitutional reasoning, in power
of language and noble sentiments ; and while
he sustains the rights of the South, under the
Constitution, and as co-equal States, having
common privileges in common Territories,
still his speech contains not one harsh ex
pression that the most fastidious construction
ist could take offence. His language is se : .
vere but courteous. It can only sting those
Who recognize a higher law—and must make
a strong appeal to the sober judgment of all
our people. Always recognizing Mr. Brown
as one of our,most able Statesmen, we have
yet to add that his last speech is pre-eminent
ly superior to any previously made by him.
We regret our columns will not permit us
to . publish his speech in full, and reluctantly
have to content ourselves by giving a short
extract from a portion of it, in which he
elearly removes every vestige of the charge
that the Democratic party was ever sectional,
and completely answers all the charges of
such a nature:
There are -other points in the Senator's
speech. to • which will reply briefly. Ile
and others have denied that there was any
thing of sectionalism in the late contest ; and
their denial is • based, if .1 understand them
correctly, on the ground that the mere fact
of their candidates, for President and Vice
being from the same' section of the Union did
not establish sectionalism in the ticket. The
Senator cited the fact that Mr. Calhoun was
upon the same ticket with Gen. Jackson, and
yet he said; there was no charge of sectional
ism then. Let me say, to the Senator, none
but the feeblest mind could ever have pre
tended that the mere fact of both candidates
being from the same section afforded evidence
of sectionalism.
I can select a ticket from Vermont and
Massachusetts to-day—and surely it would
be as hard to get it there as anywhere else—
which would be purely national; and so I
could select one from the South which would
be purely sectional as against the South. Why,
sir, suppose Cassius M. Clay, of Kentucky,
were nominated for the presidency, and
Francis P. Blair, of Maryland, for the vice
presidency, does any one doubt that such a
ticket would be a sectional ticket? It would
be a ticket hostile to the South, although
both the nominees reside in slaveholding
States. Surely I need not say to the Sena
tor, that it is the sentiment of the party, and
of its candidates, that constitute its sectional
ity, and not the residence of one or both_ of
its nominees.
.
Are your sentiments national? Were not
the sentiments which you avowed in the late
canvass confined exclusively to the favor of
one section ? Were they not hostility to the
other ? Does not the country so recognize
them?" The Senator himself; in the progress
of his speech, and while uttering his complaint
that we of the South did not tolerate speak
ers who entertain his opinion, gave us the
best evidence of the sectionalism of his party.
"Why" said he, "did we not have advocates
in the South?" "Because," he answered,
"you would not let the friends of our ticket
speak there."" , -:Why did we not let them
.speak?. Was it because they were national
in their sentiments? Was it because they
came to advocate sentiments equally accepta
ble to the North and to the South, equally
favorable to the one section as to the other?
No, sir, the Senator knows this was not the
reason. The Senator knew perfectly well
that the reason why orators of his party . were
not allowed to speak in the South was simply
this: that they came to speak against our in
stitutions, against our domestic safety—at
least against• what we believe to be our do
mestic peace, safety, and quietude ; and of
this we simply claimed to be the best judges.
The charge that we have stifled debate or at
tacked the freedom of speech is not true, and
those who make it know it is not true.
But, sir, the object of the Senator in intro
ducing this point was to complain of the
want of liberality in the South. " Why"
said he, "your Southern people will not per
mit Northern men to go there and express
their honest sentiments. When they do go,
you get up mobs and drive them out." Let
me say to the Senator, that when he or his
friends come to the South to utter national
sentiments they will be heard with attention
and listened to with deference. But when
they come to preach such sentiments as a
Senator on this floor has been heard to utter
within the last week they may deem it fortu
nate if they escape the fury of an outraged
p , eople. When . any man, whether he be a
benateir or a private citizen, comes to tell our
slaves "that they have a right to murder their
masters,
and that he will not advise theme
not to do' it," we consider it no breach of
hospitality, no violation of the freedom of
speech; to say . that such sentiments shall not
be expressed in our .midst.- If the Senator
shall ever come to Mississippi and say there
what I understand he has said recently in
this . city he will be ejected, if, indeed, no
severer punishment shall be inflicted on
him.
Mr. Wilson.—Do I understand the Senator
from Mississippi to' state that I have said in
this city anything of that kind; that I would
advise the slaves to cut their masters' throats,
or in any way whatever commit any vio
lence ?
Mr. Brown.—.l undertake to say, not what
the Senator has said, but what I understand
he has said from gentlemen who come to me
avouched as men of character—namely, that
he did say, in a public hotel in this city, in
the last five days, that the slaves had a right
to kill their masters and that he would not
advise them not to cut their master's throats:
Mr. Wilson.—Mr. President, I desire to
say here now, that in this city or out of this
city I never harbored a thought of that char
acter, and never gave it utterance—never at
any time, or upon any occasion. If I could
speak to the slaves of the South, I would utter
no voice of that character; I would advise no
violence whatever. Ido not believe in it ;
I would not advise it; on the contrary, I be
lieve that any insurrections, any acts of vio
lence on their part, can only end in one way,
and that is in their own injury.
Mr. Brown.—Mr. President, I certainly
shall make no question as to the - veracity of
the Senator. I have repeated what I have
heard. I have repeated - what I have in
writing from a man whom gentlemen of the
very highest character assure me is a man of
respectability and honor. Ile told me that
he heard the Senator say so; and he asserts
likewise, that there were other witnesses
present, whose names he gaye me. If the
senator denies the charge, of course his
denial ends the controversy. I am not to
stand up in the face of the Senate and on any
proof insist that a Senator hal. spoken falsely.
It is' notmy duty to do so. I will have no
question of that sort with the Senator from
Massachuietts or any one else; but if he
desires to know upon what authority I made
the statement, I am prepared here, or upon
a private call, to produce the evidence. _
Mark, how courteous yet properly Mr.
Brown answers the denial of Mr.- Wilson,
and how thelatter does not accept. the chal
lenge and request him to produce the witness
es. - Mr. Brown, has since 'then', published
letters &OM the gentlemen who were present
When the remarks attributed to Mr. Wilson
were made, and he has not yet replied to
them.—Erening , Argus.
SUPREME COURT.--A Democratic exchange
says: "A candidate for Judge of the Su
preme Court is to be nominated by the next
State Convention—Chief Justice Lewis' term
expiring next fall. If the Judge desires to
remain on the Bench, we think the Conven
tion would do well to re-nominate him. His
great ability and experience are undoubted,
and we think the Supreme Court would be
likely to lose more than it would gain, in
character and reputation, by the withdrawal
of Judge Lewis from the Bench."
We cordially endorse this commendation
of Judge Lewis. It is doubtful whether any
Judge in the whole Country displays more
untiring industry, energy and devotion to
Judicial duties ; and he has deservedly won
endowing fa* as a Jurist, by his high talents
and brilliant qualities.
From the Pittsbilrgh Union'
Switzerland.
In the broad desert of European despotism
Switzerland rises as a bright and beautiful
oasis—green and fresh in the midst of bar
renness and decay—a pleasing relief and a
grateful resting place for the wandering lover
of liberty. Long ages the germ of freedom
was planted in her deep valleys, and her high
hills sheltered it from the dread sirocco of
tyranny. The seed took fast hold upon her
rocks, and sprouted, strengthened, grew and
flourished, until it stood up proudly defying
the fury of the angry storm. Monarchs
writhed and chafed to see the young Republic
prosper, but it was encircled by a barrier
that protected it from their rage. Almost
under the very shadow of thrones and scep
tres, the brave Swiss built up and preserved
the temple of liberty, and cherished its hal
lowed principles. Amidst their wild gorges
and craggy hills they worship the spirit that
animated the heroic TELL, and made his great
name and his noble deeds immortal. Amer
icans always look upon Switzerland with a
keen and peculiar sympathy. Amongst all
the races of men there is none so drawn to
our hearts by feelings of mutuality and love.
We feel as if they are our brethren, posses
singthe same glorious institutions, guided
by the same holy purposes, and working out
the same high destiny. We alyays feel a
deep interest in the prosperity and welfare
of the Swiss Republic; knowing that what
ever weakens it, clouds the hopes of oppress
ed humanity. And just now, when it is
threatened by a combination of monarchies,
our hearts should throb with anxious solici
tude, for to us alone can Switzerland look for
encouragement and sympathy.
The Canton of Neufchatel had for many
yearsmaintained an independentgovernment,
administered by a Diet of its own. When
the reigning family of Neufchatel became
extinct, the Diet met to choose the successor,
and from a number of candidates, the Grand
Duke of Prussia was chosen. Thus the King
of Prussia came to hold a kind of nominal
jurisdiction, without any absolute authority,
until driven out by the power of Napoleon
in 1814, when he gave it as a fief to one of
his marshals. But that same year the Can
ton, claiming its independence, applied and
was admitted to the Swiss confederacy. In
1848 Neufchatel openly repudiated the claims
of those who professed to have some right by
feudal tenure. From that time she proclaim
ed and exercised the right of self sovereign
ty in spite of the frowns and mutterings of
Prussia. But now after this lapse of time,
Prussia seems to be marshaling her forces for
an attack upon Switzerland—to wrest from
her the Canton of Neufchatel, and destroy
the magic of her unity, and, if possible, crush
the spirit of freedom which nestles in her
mountainous retreats. This is the cause of
the quarrel; a brave and gallant people re
fuse to bow the knee and acknowledge the
sway of royalty—refuse to surrender their
inborn rights to the keeping of a king. It
remains to be seen what course the other
powers of Europe will take—whether Eno--
land will make an offering of her sense ° of
justice upon the altar of her ambition, and
will hush the promptings of her better nature
by a matrimonial alliance of expediency with
Prussia's young Prince—whether she will
add another libel to her hollow professions,
or nobly rebuke the movements and •designs
of Prussia.
-• But whether-aided or compelled to stand
up single handed *against all their foes, the
Swiss will, prove the strength that slumbers
in the arms of Freemen. The world knows
no better soldiers upon any battle field. But
when called to defend the liberty of their na
tive land it will awaken tenfold more zeal,
and nerve them with the power of furies.—
The old potentates who sit on their easy
thrones and buy up or force men into their
armies to fight their battles, have no concep
tion of the indomitable character of a free
people, who spontaneously and cheerfully
rush to the standard of their country swear
ing, that it shall wave in triumph, or become
their shrouds. Then soldiers feel that the
cause is their own, that they strike for their
homesteads and their families, and not mere
ly to gratify the whim or serve the selfish
purposes of a tyrant ruler. In such a cause,
war is a holy thing and soldiers are true
priests.' It is far nobler and grander than a
conflict between thousands of hired butchers,
who riot in blood to earn their pittance and
serve their owners. If war must come to
Switzerland and for. this cause, it will be a
glorious thing to seo her passes all Thor
mopylws and her sons all Spartans. It will
carry - us back to the memorable, the immor
tal struggle of '76, when for a like cause our
fathers suffered and bled, and died, but left
us the priceless heritage, which we and the
Swiss enjoy, and which God will not suffer
Prussia, or all Europe to violate.
It is rumored that Germany will interfere
in behalf of Prussia. Soon then Europe will
be again the theatre of war's dark drama.—
It is probable that England and Prussia may
form alliances against Russia and Persia,
with France, perhaps, on the side of the lat
ter powers. Then why may not Hungary
waken from her sleep of agony ? Why may
not Italy rise from her lethargy? Why, may
not Poland leap from her grave; and even
Ireland shout the dawn of her jubilee?—
While•the great nations are thus struggling
with each other for the mastery, these long
oppressed people may throw ' • "
and be free again. Kossuth,
er still live to .lead on the
Countrymen.
But however this may b
every friend of freedom and
ascend for Switzerland. Up'
the beacon of liberty blazes
hope and of a safe asylum to the ship wreck
ed and tempest tossed on the sea of revolu
tiMi. Let that fire be never quenched! But
as hei heroic and patriotic sons gather around
to defend and preserve it, let them feel that
their sister Republic looks to them with fer
vent hope and earnest sympathy.
tet'CONFESSION AND ABSOLUTION IN THE
LUTHERAN CHURCH.-At the last Protestant
Conference at Dresden—in which the Prot
estant communions of Saxony, Bavaria, Wur
temburg, and many other German States
were represented—the necessity of re-estab
-lishing private confession and absolution was
agreed upon. The decisions of the Confer
ence are contained in twenty-three articles,
among which are the following:—" To en
sure success in re-establishing the use of
regular confession and absolution, a com
mencement must be made by the introduction
of private absolution and the restoration of
the practice of refusing absolution." A stat
ed form of confession and absolution has
been agreed upon—the latter being pronoun
ced as follows: "Almighty God have mercy
upon you, and by the authority of our Lord
Jesus Christ I absolve you from all your sins,
in the name of the Father, and of the Son,
and of the Holy Ghost. Amen."
A New "Infernal Machine" for War Pier-
It having been stated. that Walker 'as sup
plied with a new "Infernal Machine i " for de
stroying his foes; a correspondent of the New
York Journal of Commaree, ma;kes known
some of its peculiarities as folloWs:
A writer in your paper of the. 21st inst.,
who signs himself " An ti-Walker," wishes to
be informed about the "Infernal Machine"
which Gen. Walker's friends have recently
. purchased for his army in Nicaragua. For
his and the information of others; I will ex
plain its efficiency and deadly instrainentali.
ty. In form it resembles a small grind-stone,
turned by a crank, - and will discharge 300
one-ounce balls every minute, attended by
only two men. Every machine is calculated
to destroy three regiments of soldiers in the
same space of time. It can be directed with
the same ease as a cOmmon rifle is handled,
The inventor, a Yankee; is now in England i
experimenting before the . Aduidralty; and a
great many old Generals, of all countrids,
who evince much interest, and have written
him letters expressive of their wonder and
astonishment. One distinguished P,olish Gen
eral expresses himself to the inventor,. 'that
as soon as this deadly weapon becOmes in use ;
wars and rumors of war must cease." The;
gun, or machine, discharges without report,•_
and sends a ball three times the distance of
the ordinary rifle or cannon; as the case may
be. The British Government has offered the
inventor £200,000 sterling, if he can enlarge
his machine to discharge a 64 pound shot.—
This he is now doing, and informs his agent
here he shall accomplish it. The Russian
Minister at London is anxious for the patent,
and has offered him his price ; but he says to
his friends, "I mean no other nation shall
have it but England and my own country."
Previous to his going to Europe, he offered
the right to the American Government at
Washington. Experiments were made with
one ounce and seven pound carronades, be
fore our Naval and other officers, by order of
the Secretary of State, which proves all I
have related above and to the entire satisfac
tion of those present. One of these "infer
nal machines," placed upon the deck of is
vessel, one of the Commodores remarked,.
"would sink a frigate in three minutes."—
Such a constant discharge of balls, just as.
fast as they can be handled and rolled in,
with the accuracy they can be directed, must
inevitably destroy all before it, besides the
great advantange of being at a distance and
out of danger of the enemy's gun.
Another English and Russian War.
If the policy of her majesty's ministers is
really settled and consistent, Herat cannot
be suffered to remain in the hands of its pres
ent conquerors. It is well if we do not find
ourselves in a few months once more at war,
not alone with the Shah, but with the Shah's
patron, the czar of Russia.. There is no doubt
that the recent movements of Russian troops
towards the south have reference to the proba
ble collision which• the Persian expedition
may result in. The principal journal of War
saw recently announced that the two corps
tr armee were actually in motion along the
line of the Caspian,. and that their destina
tion was Persia. There is nothing new in
the ,rumor. that the government of St. Peters
burg is . determined not to see the Shah pres
sed by a British force, and that the present
occasion is considered most opportune for
carrying out a design long since conceived by
Russia—we should rather say for giving ef
feet to a policy which has been pursued with
more or less success for a quarter of a centu
ry. We are, it would seem, therefore, as
they say, in for it. How far the reliance we
have placed in Post Mahomed may be justi
fied remains to be seen. All we know is,
that we have sent a large force upon a ser
vice the nature of which all well informed
persons agree in representing as desperate.—
That we are nominally about to fight the nu
merous army of the Shah, but, in reality, to
encounter that insidious power against which
we have so recently measured our strength
at a tolerable cost. England is not accus
tomed to be baffled in any undertaking, and
we have no fears that she will be in this, but
we do fear that success in the present instance
will only be purchased at a sacrifice which it
is not agreeable to contemplate.
HORRID MURDER—A SELL.—On Sunday
before last our quiet borough was thrown into
a high state of excitement, in consequence of
the discovery of a newly . made grave near
the College, which from indications evident
ly contained the remains of an infant, and
all doubts that a foul murder had been com
mitted, were removed when it was announced
that the "smell" was very strong. Our wor
thy friend, the coroner, was summoned to the
spot to ascertain "how and by -what means
the person lying . here dead came to his or her
death." All being in readiness to view the
body, the work of disinterment commenced,
a highly excited crowd standing around dis
cussing the probabilities as to who was the
murderer, all agreeing that the victim was
some illegitimat offspring.. After consider
able labor the person who was digging came
upon a box winch contained the object of the
search. By this time, it is said, (for we were
not present,) the stench became so offensive
to sonic of the by-standers that they were
compelled to cover their noses with their
' -,erchiefs. The box was however re
. from the grave and opened with great
and the remains, which-were well wrap
. cloths, taken out. The excitement had
)ecome intense, and the spectators were
itruggling to .see the corpse uncovered.
work was at last accomplished, but in
stead of the persons- present discovering the
body of a human being, the search brought
forth a book, the property of one of the Pro
fessors of the College, for the study of which
some of the students had no particular liking,
which they had purloined from the Profes
sor's room, and very carefully buried outside
the campus. The sell was complete, and
those - present who had been caught in the
trap slipped away as quick as possible.—Car
lisle. Democrat.
gell - TheNewburyportHeraldsays a doublo
marriage of one couple took place . iro that city
on Christmas day. The gentleman was a.
Catholic, and the lady an Episcopalian.—
They were first united according to the forms
of the Episcopal Church, and afterwards ac.-
.
cording to the Catholic usage.
te'lneredulity is not wisdom, But the
worst kind of folly. It is folly, because it
causes ignorance and- mistake, with all the
consequents of these ; and it is very ball, as
being accompanied witn disingenuity, obsti
nacy, rudeness, uncharitableness, and the
like bad dispositions ; from which credulity
itself, the other extreme sort of folly, is ex
em pt.—Barrow.
poses:
From tho Lonlon Shipping Gazette, Dec. 12.