The globe. (Huntingdon, Pa.) 1856-1877, October 15, 1856, Image 2

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    THE HUNTINGDO‘ GLOBE, A DEMOCRATIC FAMILY JOURNAL, DEVOTED TO LOCAL AND GENERAL NEWS, &C.
THE GLO
Circulation—the largest in the county:
MlTilii'LlETlDOra.
Wedizesday, 06tober 15, 1856•
FOR PRESIbENis,
JAMES. BUCHAN-A-IN - ) tit Y'rinsylvania.
FOR VICE PRESIDENT,
JOHN C. BRECKINRIDGE, of Ky.
* ld There Danger?
We are aware that among the large mass
of the good and patriotic citizens of our land;
there is a strong belief in the indistructibili-
ty of our beloved Unien., The noblest and
the basest motives—the extremes' of patriot=
ism and treason—combine In strengthen this
belief. Those
-Who love the Union, who de
sire to see its blessings perpetuated to all
time, cherish the belief that it will be so—
that it is too deeply planted - in the affections
of the people for any human" power to des
troy it. On the other hand, they who loathe
and abhor:--whO - scorn _ and spit " upon the
Union—are in like' manner 'Zealous for the
spread of this overweening confidence in its
stability. They would lull to rest the watch
ful jealousy of all honest and patriotic peo
ple, that they may the more effectively and
securely work, out their - treason. The hope
to deceive the people whom they know they
cannot corrupt. Time and again have we
warned the people of the treasonable designs
of these mad fanatics ; and many there are
—good, sober-minded men—who have been
aroused to a consciousness of the danger
which is almost upon us ; yet there are many
who meet all appeals to their patriotism, all
ezortations to their vigilance, with the con
stant cry of PEACE - ! PEACE 1 when each day
and each hour brings new proof that there is
no peace; that unless the people 'rise up in
their might and majesty to drive back the
tide of fanaticism and disunion—to scourge
it from the borders of our ' land—there can
never more be peace.
. Let it not be a reason and a reliance that
because we. have escaped more than once,
when the wisest of our statesmen and the
sternest of 'our patriots believed we were on
the verge of dissolution, that we shall escape
now. Those who would thus delude them
selves should remember that we were saved
then only by the mightiest, efforts of those
great and good men. They should likewise
remember that one by one those giant patri
ots have paid the great debt of nature, until
scarce one is left .to raise a protecting arm
around the Constitution • and more than all,
they should remember that the few who re
main of that venerable band, with sad fore
bodinn's and earnest applications are warn
ing their countrymen of the fate which must
inevitably come upon our Union unless the
people arouse themselves to its defence.
Let our old men turn back their recollec
tions to early times, when a dissolution of
the Union was first agitated, and when it
was considered treason. The_dranger and the
crime were so revolting that the instigators
spoke of it in whispers, and scarcely dared
to trust their own thoughts. Let them look
back to the war of 1812, when political and.
sectional intolerance essayed its disloyalty to
the Union, and how sternly it was rebuked
by the insulted majesty of the people. Let
them remember when the subject of disunion
first invaded the halls of Congress as a deba
table idea, and how like treason it was treat
ed. Let them trace how insidiously it gain
ed. a foothold as a political element, and em
boldened partisans to repudiate the idea that
crime attached. to it. Let them see how far
we have departed from the virtue and. patri
otism of our fathers, by turning away from
their pure example like prodigal sons. Let
them see how rank the growth of treason is
throughout the land, and the boldness with
which that name is blotted out, and its prin
ciples claimed and practised as virtues. Let
not the people shut their eyes to the fact that
a great sectional party is struggling for the
presidency, and using every measure that can
provoke sectional prejudices and endanger
the integrity of the. Union. Let them not
blink the fact that thii party avows that it is
better the "Union should slide" than that
their distinctive principles should nottriunaph.
Let them not forget that it has struck from
our national banner fifteen of its glorious and
consecrated stars. Let them look to the rev
orutionary and disorganizing course of this
party during the last regular session of Con
gress, and the called session. Let them mark
how perseveringly they .provoke civil war,
and make it a stalking horse over fields of
blood. in pursuit of party power.
When we contemplate all these overt acts
of disloyalty to the Union, how can any un
prejudiced mind arrive at the conclusion the
Union is safe and beyond the reach of trea
son ?
Shall we refuse to heed the rise and fall of
nations and take no lesson from their teach
ing? Republics in the hands of the people,
were of the number, with no better fates than
despotisms. Our waning patriotism and
growing licentiousness give no encourage
ment to our faith or
. strength to our hopes
that we shall be blessed with long life and
abundant prosperity.
Why is it that the 'monarchies and despo
tisms of the Old World are at this hour chuck
ling at our discord, and felicitating their iron
Urasp on civil' and religious liberty, that our
nion is shaking to its foundations ? The
London Times is exultant, and the London
Chronicle speaks thus:
" We should be sorry . to see Mr. Buchanan
elected, because he is in favor of preserving
the obnoxious institutions as they exist, and
the unity of the States: There is no safety
for European monarchial government if the
progressive spirit of the .Democracy of the
sited States is allowed to succeed. Elect
Fremont and the first bloat towards the sepa
ration of the United States is effected,"
The Paris Moniteur, the organ of the Em;
'pear, says :
"Our sympathies are entirely" with Col.
Fremont. IVe hope to see no extension of the
Democratic principles in the United States.—
It is dangerous to European, governments."
These governments are watching us with
sleepless vigilance, and they know our posi
tion minutely and thoroughly.. They eee our
danger; and if they can move a finger to pro
voke it, it will be done.
In conclusion, we ask the country to wake
up to its true condition, and save the rich
heritage of our fathers from the dangers that
environ it, and be not cheated by those who
cry peace ! peace ! when there is no peace.—
Union.
The October number of the PENNSYL
vANL3/4. SCHOOL Jourver, which has been re
ceived, contains much valuable matter.
What is Tama.
It is true that James 13uchanan is one
,of
the first statesmen in the country, that is
a Democrat of the Jeffersonian and Jackson
school, that he has had an experience in the
gervice of his country in various 7 -6apacities,
for nearly a half a century, and that he is
eminently fitted for the high position of Presi
dent of these United States.
It is true that Millard Fillmore, is and
has _beeri a Know' r -Nothing, and as such, is
in favor of religious proscription.
It is true that John C. Fremont is entirely
irtC . Omp'etent and unfit for the high position
of President. It is true that his own Father
in-law says that he is unfit, and will not vote
for him for that reason, and because he is • a
sectional candidate. ' •
It is true that John C. Fremont.is.a section
al candidate, of a sectional party, and that
all the Abolitionists support hini because of
his sectionalism:.
It is true that John C. Fremont has always
been. an unruly -Character; - that •he was ex
pelliel from College, that he disobeyed the
order's of his superior officer
.tbat, he was Court Marshalled,fortuntin3r,
and disobedience of orders, and expelled froin
the army. _ -
It is true that the Deinocratic party,' is in
favor of leaving the question of Slavery, en=
tirely to the people of the States and Territo
ries, who are immediately interested in the
subject. •
It is true that John C. Fremont, is receiv
ing the support of all the fanatical Abolition
ists, and the great mass of all the Socialists
and Infidels, in the country I
What is, nc,tt True.
It is not true that the Democratic party,
or the Cincinnati Platform, is in favor of ex
tending Slavery.
It is not true that James Buchanan, is in
favor of, or advocates the extension of slav
ery.
It is not true that James Buchanan ever
advocated the reduction of the, wages" of the
laboring man. •
It is not true that James Buchanan advo
cates the acquisition of Cuba through unjus
tifiable means ; neither is it true that the Os
tend Circular adi;ocates its acquisition by any
other means than that of honorable purchase,
or inevitable necessity.
It is not true that James Buchanan, or the
Democratic party ; are the cause of the trou
bles in Kansas.
It is not true that any free territory was
ever made slave territory by the Democratic
party.
it is not true that the Democratic party ei
ther design or wish to make Kansas a slave
state.
It is not true that James Buchanan, was
the choice of the "Fillibuster" politicians,
for the Presidency, either north or south,
nor is it true that he receives their cordial
support.
The Constitutional Congress and. the
Nebraska Bill.
The declaration of rights put forth by the
Continental Congress, October 14, 1774, con
tains an explicit and emphatic declaration of
"Popular Sovereignty" in these words:
"That the people of the several Colonies
are entitled to a free and exclusive power of
legislation in their several provincial Legis
latures, in all cases of internal policy."
The Kansas Nebraska bill .endorses the
same in, the following words :
"It being the true and intent meaning of
this act not to legislate slavery into a State
or Territory, nor to exclude it therefrom,
but to leave the people thereof perfectly free
to form and regulate their domestic institu
tions in their own way."
The same identical principle was asserted
by nearly every Colony when sending Repre
sentatives to the Congress that voted the
Declaration of Independence and framed the
articles of Confederation.
Pennsylvania, when she consented to send
Representatives for the purpose of forming a
confederation, instructed them by the follow
ing resolution :
Reserving to the people of this Colony the
sole and exclusive right of regulating the in
ternal government and police of the same.
And in a subsequent instruction, in refer
ence to suppressing the British authority in
the colonies, Pennsylvania uses the following
emphatic language:
We unanimously declare our willingness
to .concur in the vote of Congress declaring
the 'United Colonies free and Independent
States, providing the forming the govern
ment, and the regulation of the internal po
lice of this Colony, be always reserved to the
people of said Colony.
New Jersey instructed her Representatives
in the following language :
Always observing that whatever plan of
confederacy you enter into, the regulating,
the internal police, that, province"is to be re
served to the Colonial Legislature:
Maryland gave her consent to the Declara
tion of Independence upon the conditions
contained in this proviso:
And that said Colony will hold itself bound
by the resolution of a majority of United
Colonies in the premises, provided the sole
and exclusive right of regulating the internal
government and police of the Colony be re
served to the people thereof.
New Hampshire annexed this proviso to
her instructions to her delegates to her vote
for Independence :
Provided the regulations of our internal
police be under the direction of our own As
sembly.
Connecticut', in authorizing her delegates
to vote for the Declaration of Independence,
attached to it the folldwing condition:
Saving that the administration of the gov
ernment, and the power of forming govern
ments for, and the regulation of the i nternal
concern and police of each Colony, ought to
be left and remain to the respective Colonial
Legislatures.
Virginia annexed the following condition
to her instructions to vote for the Declaration
of Independence :
Provided that the power of ifoiming 'gov
ernments for, and the regulations of the •111-
ternal concerns of the. Colony, be left to the
respective' Colonial Legislatureg,!/,
Sc);', dear was ',this right, tha:right,,of the
people to 'form and regulate their o*,n doi
mastic institutions in 'their o ra way, -that:
our revolutionary fathers Would not surren
der it, no—not even to free themselves from
the tyranny of the mother country.
The tories of the Revolution took the_QPPo‘
site side. They contended that George the
third and. the Parliament of Great Britain,
should control and dictate the legislation of
the Colonies. Our Black' Republican friends
are now espousing, and:movingheaven and
earth to establish precisely the iio - efrine of
- the oldtory.party.—Dayton Empire.
]LETTER. OF HON.. i flO lA.S G., PRAT TI
oan DIARYLAItiD.,
Below we re-publish the truly statesmanlike letter from
Senator Pratt to his fellow-Whigs ot,Maryland. It takes
irrefragrablo positions justifying
.his; and their support at
the coming election of the Democratic nominees.
It states briefly that Mr. Fillmore . abandcined his Whig
friends and went over to the American party, which de
nounced the Whig party; that Mr. Fillmore accepted the
nomination as of the American party; that be did not con
sult his Whig friends, nor :itp — Peal nor ,refer to.them in his
accephineeT that; in fact; he made hiinself a - voluntar,y sep
aration from thew, conseqtiently there cari be no claim by
him to their support. •
That, allowing to Mr.- Eillmote &Very Merit clairatit foi
him, it is clear as noonday that he cannot be elected.
• That it is equally clear, 'that: with-the aid 'of the 'Whigs
the nominees of the Democratic :Contention can certainly
bp elected, and that thus the conspirators, against the
peace, interest, and honor of the South, will be Clefeated.
That the old issues between the parties are obsUlete.
TO THE 'WHIGS OF MARYLAND!,
- In response to the communications received from many
of my brother Whigs, I deem it my privilege, in this man
ner, to counsel with all in relation to the course which pa
tr and duty would seem "-to indicate as proper in the
present political crisis. • , - • • • • •
No lover of bi 6 country whose judgment is unbiased by
party zeal and uncontrolled by Northern or Southern fan
aticism can fail to see and deprecate the iiendingilunger to
the Union:
The first duty. of every man who loves his Country And ,
her institutions is to provide for their safety. The life of
the nation is in danger. It must be saved; then, and.not
till then, will it be permissable to ; ua to discuss our differ
ences of opinion upOnMiner subjects.
I say that the life of the Union is in danger, because, for
the first time in our history, a party has been formed com
posed exclusively of citizens of one section of the country,
bound together by the single bond of an alliance for of
fensive warfare against the other section. That the suc
cess of such a party would imperil the Union has been re
cently demonstrated by an address of Mr. Fillmore, and
will, it is submitted. be apparent to all who will bestow a
moments consideration upon the existing posture of poll;
tic-al afai.s:
• The value of the slave property of the Sorel is not less
than tiro thousand millions of dollars, a sum equal to one
fourth of all the other property in the United States, as
shown by the last census. This property is not only re
cognised, but so far guarantied by the 'Constitution as to
impose upon the Federal Government the duty of restor
ing to his owner the slave who may escape into another
State or Territory of the United States. For years past
this constitutional obligation has been not only repudia
ted by some of the non-slaveholding States, but political
parties have been organized in all with the avowed object
of liberating the slave, and thus not only depriving the
South of this vast amount of property, but subjecting it to
all the horrors which would necessarily result from such a
consummation. In addition to all this, whilst the aboli
tionists on the one hand openly avow their opposition to
the Constitution and their desire to destroy, a Government
which imposes obligations repudiated by them, on'the oth
er hand many Southern men, goaded by.the Incessent at
tacks of their Northern fellow-citizens upon their feelings,
their property, and their constitutional riglita, express the
belief that the interests -Of the South' would be more ef
fectually protected by a . separation of the slave froth the
non-slaveholdhag States, and therefore rather promote
than interpose to prevent a result so calamitous. We
have hitherto disregarded the danger , which such a state
of feeling and such a course of action would indicate as
most imminent, becaukie we have assumed that such senti
ments and action could only be attributed to a small mi
noti-y of our Northern, brethren. Bid now, when this
sectional exasperation has been made available for the in
auguration of a part" calling itself Republics m
_under
whose banner, for the first time in the history otthe coun
try, this sectional opposition to Southern rights and inter
ests have united in nominating, with alleged probabilities
of success, a purely sectional ticket for the Presidency and
Vice Presidency of the United States, we can no longer
shut our eyes to the reality of the threatened danger; we
Cannot but feel that the success of such a party would he
the death knell of the Union. The unpatriotic purposes
of this sectional party arc but too manifest. Many of its
supporters avow their object and purpose to be disuniony
and have even gone so far in the madness of their fanati
cism as to desecrate the flag of our country by obliterating
from its constellation the fifteen stars which represent the
slaveholding States, and displaying as theirparty banrur
that flag with but sixteen of its stars remaining, to-repre
sent the sixteen nou-slaveholding States. - It is manifest
that those who disavow the object are not ignorant of the
inevitable result. -
. The Whigs of Maryland; whom I have the honor to ad
dress, need no proof to convince them that calamitous con-
Sequences would flow from the success of this sectional
party. They each and all know that the election of Mr.
Fremont, and the iulailnistration of the Government by
him upon the principles of hi:s party, would necessarily
occasion a dissolution of the Federal Union, to which they
have been taught to look as the source of national strength
and of individual prosperity and happiness.
I have known only the Whigs of my State too long, I
estimate their patriotism too highly, I have associated with
them too intimately, to suppo'se it necessary for a moment
to offer an argument to them in behalf of their country.
They appreciate, as fully as I could depict, the horrors of
disunion ; they will see the loss of national strength, the
internal dissensions, the fatal check- to civilization and
freedom, the contempt of the world which would be the
consequences of such a calamity. The Whigs of Mary
land, who have followed the lead of, such patriots as Clay
and Webster, "will never keep step to any other music
than that of the Union."
It therefore only remains to inquire what coarse shall
be taken to rebuke sectional fanaticism and preserve our
country from the dangers of its success.
Yon aro aware that this' Republican party, which 'we an
agree must be put down at all hazards, is opposed by two
other party organizations ; the American, headed by Messrs.
Fillmore and Donelson, and the Democratic, led on by
Messrs. Buchanan and Breckinridge. You will recollect
that Mr. Fillmore, prior to his recent visit' to Europe,
abandoned the Whig party and became a member of the
former of these organizations, which boasted that it had
risen upon the downfall of the Whig party, and which
proclaimed that the corruptions of the Whig and Demo
cratic parties constituted the necessity of its existence.—
You know that he and Andrew Jackson Donelson have
been nominated by this party (not . by, the Whig party) for
the Presidency and Nice Presidency, and you will admit
that the principles of proscription because of religions
opinions,
and other reputed tenets of this new party, are
in direct antagonism with the principles of that good old
Whig party to which we are still attached, and which has
been abandoned by Mr. Fillmore. It is not my object in
referring to these facts to deny to the American party;
since the secession of its abolition adherents, a fair claim
to nationality; nor to deny • the patriotism and virtue of
Mr. Fillmore, nor his eminent' qualification for the office of
Chief Magistrate.! But Ido deduce from them the neces
sary conclusion that, as Whigs we owe no party allegi
ance to Messrs. Fillmore and Donelson, members and nom
inees of the American party. I deduce the conclusion
that, as Whigs, we are not only at liberty,,,but that as pa
triots we are bound, by every obligation to our country
and posterity, to throw aside, on the one hand, the feelings
of hostility which Mr. Fillmore'si desertion of our party
would be calculated to engender, and, on the other hand,
to forget" for the time 'our former battles with the Demo
cratic party, and to ask ourselves but one question—which
of the two national organizations offers the best guarantee
of success in e.iushing out of exiatence this new and mon
strous sectional party, which threatens, the life of your
country? Ido not propose to examine the relative claims
of the two national partieS or their nominees to our sup
port. It is not, in my' judgment; permissable in the pres
ent crisis to interpose our individual differences of opin
ion. upon minor questions. It is sufficient for us to know
that the election of either national nominee would secure
the - Union; and the only question permitted by patriot
ism is, whether our support of the one or the other would
more certainly prove successful?
But before I proceed to this inquiry, haviri,g.shovrn that
no political allegiance to Messrs. Fillmore mid Donelson
will interpose to prevent the fair exercise of our judgment
on that side, I propose briefly to inquire whether there, is
anything to prevent our support of the Democratic nomi
nees, if after investigation we shall believe that our - vote
in their favor.would more certainly secure the safety of our
country. It cannot have escaped your observation that the
political Tildes upon yhich the Whig and Democratic
parties hal, •• battled forlhirty years, with varied success,
have been f the mo6t part settled by the fiat of the peo
ple, and that such awS have not been so definitely disposed
of have been eithp.r abandoned by the one or adopted by
the other of tlaoseparties; so that now the representatives
of the people, in the halls of State and Federal legislation
are found indiscriminately' advocating and opposing the
same principles and measures. Not only is there no prin
ciple of political antagonism which should prevent Wbigs
and Democrats acting together for the benefit of their com
mon country, but it is confidently submitted that upon the
only vital question, that which now agitates and endangers
the country, the two parties fully accord. The Whig and
Democratic platforms upon the slavery question in eigh
teen hundred and fifty-two were identical; and, there be
in.-, no Whig nominees before the people, it might be sag
ge7tted :that consistency would rather require than - oppose
the support of the Democratic nominees by Whigs. The
controlling inquiry to the patriot now recnre which of the
two national organizations can by his vote be made most car
tainly successful?
Every Maryland Whig will be bound by every tie of duty
to vote as his judgment shall decide this question.
, It may not be immaterial to observe that neither of the
natiodal nominees will obtain throughout this broad land
any votes which will net be cast by national conservative
citizen_ , • s and it is to be regretted that in this crisis that
vote , shottld be divided between two national candidates,
..Xitlist‘the entire anti-national 'vote Will be - oancentrated -
"upon the sectional nominee. To judge of ' the relative
strength of the two national organizations 'it is unneces
sary to trace minutely the origin of the Almeria - tn. party.
It is sufficient to bring to your recollection tliat•it was
originally composed, North and South, of the dissatisfied
members of the two old parties, and that in the North its
original members were chiefly those who opposed the con
servative principle upon the slavery question avowed in
the platforms of the two old parties: It must not escape
your recollection that upon the nomination of Messrs. Fill
more and Donelson a large majotity of the Northern dele
gates seceded from the convention, declared their intention
not to support these norifinee's, and subsequently united in
the-nomination . of Mr. Frefnont. This separation of the
sectional from the national portion of the American paity
himoccarred - ilvevery Northern State in 'the Confederacy.
deduce from these facts the nationality of the supporters
of Messrsi.Fillmoroand Dcinelson, and I submit the inquiry
for the honest decision ;X those to whom this paper is ad
dressed, what non-slaveholding State can this national
branch of the American party, thus shorn of the larger
portion of its originatstrength,2sromise its nominees I Let
the Whigs of Maryland ponder Upon the view of this sub
ject I have endeavored to present
.to their consideration,
and no one of them will shy that a single non-slaveholding
State.lS certain for Fillmore and - .Donelson; . Time, ./ think,
will develcrpe the fact that Messrs; Fillmore and Donelson
will be left Witliont,an electoral ticket in most of the faro
States; and itis at any rate the deliberate conviction of my
itidgment that they will not carry a single non-slaveholding
State in the Union. If lam right, or even approximate
the truth lii the view I have taken, it will necessarily :fol
low that any Conservative vote for the American nominee's
North will be equivalent to a vote for Mr. Framont, as it
will be a vote takenfrom Mr. Buchanan, his only real com
petitor.
It is clear, then,, that to the South alone can the friends
of Messrs. Fillmore and Donelson look for the probable
chance Of an electoral vote; and it is to the States of Mary
land, Tennessee, Kentucky, and Missouri that they profess
to look with the greatest hope of success. It is manifest
that if this hope were realized, it might indeed prevent the
election of Messrs. Buchanan andDreckinridge by the peo
ple, but it would only throw the election of President into
the present Souse of Representatives, composed as that
House now is. Does not the election of this same House,
after a contest of two months, of a Black Republican
Speaker, admonish us of the danger of such an experiment?
Who can doubt that our'pcilitical fabric would be shaken to
its very ilium - lotions by • this 'election of President-being
thrown upon the present. House of
_Representatives ? On
the other hand, is it not certain, beyond the contingency
of a doubt, that the votes of the States indicated for Mr.
Buchanan, when added to that of the other Southern
States, would secure his election and the consequent safety
of the Union? , It is obviou's that in this condition of the
canvass, the only serious contest is that between Fremont
and Buchanan; that the only possible result that the most
sanguine of the friends of Fillmore and Donelson can hope
to attain is to carry the contest into the House 'of Repre
sentatives. Who can conceive anything more fatal to the
peace of the ,country, more insane in political action, than
such a course ofeonduct leading to such a result ? Suppose
Mr. Fillmore to reach the House of Representatives with
the votes of four or live States, (his utmost possible strength)
no man can seriously contend that he would be elected
President, and assuredly few win be found bold enough to
assert that, under such circumstances, he ought to be. The
only effect, then, of giving the electoral vote of any portion
of the South to Mr. Fillmore 'would be to transfer the con
test between Mr. Buchanan and Fremont from the hustings
to the House of Representatives: and . the danger to otir
country, now sufficiently menacing, would, in that event,
be appalling indeed. 'Who can contemplate the occurrence
of such a contingency, without feeling that he would be a
traitor to his country, if he failed to exert every possible
effort to avert so awful a 'calamity?
I deem it, then, to be niy duty, as well as that of all who
believe with me that the election of Fremont would be the
death-knell of the Union, to unite in the support of Messrs.
Buchanan and Breekinridge ; and I shall sustain their elec
tion to the best of ray ability. _ . .
TILE TRUE ISSUE.—The true issue now be- .
fore the people, says the Erie Observer, is
whether Congress or the people are sovereign.
"This," continues that paper, "is the issue;
this is the point to be decided at the ballot
boy in November l If you vote for John C.
Fremont, you vote to make Congress the su
preme ruler of the people of the Territories
—to give to the representatives of the States,
in whose election the people of the Territo
ries have no voice, a controlling influence
over the political institutions to be formed in
all new Territories, and thus usurp one of
the elementary principles of true republican
ism. If you vote for James Buchanan, you
vote to establish for all time to come the po
litical truth, at the foundation of all true re
publicanism, that the people are sovereign,
whether living in an organized State or in
an organized Territory: that it is their right
and privilege 'to regulate their domestic in
stitutions in their own way, subject only to
the Constitution of the United. States.' This
is the true issue !" Union.
mother Old-Line Whig for Buchanan
- We see by the St. Louis Republican of the
16th, that Hon. H. S. Geyer, Whig United
States Senator from Missouri, has written a
letter declaring his determination to vote for
Buchanan and Breckinridge. He says that
the Whig party, of which he is a member,
"being without organization and without a
candidate," the necessity arises for each mem
ber thereof to choose among the nominees of
the organized political parties now struggling
for the ascendency." And in conclusion a
says
'ln supporting the election of national
and conservative men, of eminent ability, in
tegrity and patriotism, devotedly attached to
the Union, though they are nominees. of the
Democratic party. Ildo but perforni a duty
becoming a Whig-.-the object being to defeat
the dangerous. Sectional' schemes of the un
scrupulous, disloyal agitators who govern
and control the party miscalled Republicans.
ST. LOUIS, SEPT. 15, 1826.
IL S. GEYER."
INTERESTING Booxs.--L-We call attention to
the advertisement of C. L. Derby & Co.,
wholesale' booksellers. They want men to
act as agents, to sell new and popular works.
From $l5 to $2O a week can be made by
every active man who will engage -in the
business.
PREMIUM BREAD.—Mrs. Stewart Corbett,
of Walker township, has 'our thanks for good
sized slices of premium bread. We shall be
satisfied , if we always have as good and
plenty of it.
Blackwood for Sept. is at hand—rich
and. racy as ever. The contents are, The
Scot abroad—The man of Diplomacy, Sketch
es on the way to Stockholm, The Athelings,
Sea-Side Studies, The poetry of Christian
Art, Macauly, &c.—Published by L. Scott &
Co., N: Y.
. An old.lady combatted the idea of the
moon being inhabited by remarking with em
phasis, that the idea was incredible to be
lieve ; "for," said she, "what becomes of the
people in the new moon, when there is noth
ing left of it but a little streak ?"
, WIDE AWARE.—"Patrick Maloney, what
do you say . .to the indictment, are you guilty
or not guilty ?"
"Arrah I inusha, yer worship, how can I
tell till I hear the.evidence."
PRINTING VERSUS PUBLISHING.-A young
lady explained to a printer, the other day,
the distinction between printing and publish
ing, and at the conclusion of her_ remarks,
by way of illustration, "You may print a
kiss on my cheek, but you must not publish
it."
HuritiiigdOzi County' Agricultural Fair.
PREMIUMS AWARDED.
The Judges upon whom devolved the duty
to examine the horses, &c., and to award the
prenfiunis, have awarded the following. They
regret exceedingly that no arrangements were
.provided to test the qualities of draft horses,
and they hope to find at future exhibitions,
evidence of more attention having been paid
to the training of saddle horses.
PREMIUMS:
Stallions.—lst to C. Patterson, $5 00
2nd to Wm. Rupert, 3 00
3rd to Alex. Stewart, 2 00
3 year old colt—to Wm. Dysart, 3 00
2 year old colt—to Jacob Sprankle, . 300
1 year old. colt—to Enoch Isenberg, . 1.00
Family horse-Ist to Dr. R. A. Miller, 200
2nd to Alex. Oaks, 1. 00
Mules--Ist to George Jackson, 4 00
2nd to John C. Crownover, 1 00
Brood Mares—lst to Jacob Sprankle, 300
2nd to Enoch Isenberg, 150
Draft Horses-Ist to Alex. Oaks, 2 00
2nd to S. S. McCahan, 100
Riding norses--Ist to Daniel Kyper, 200
2nd to Jno. S. Isett, 1 00
Matched Horses-Ist to Alex. Oaks, 400
2nd to G. W. Speer, 200
Trotting Horse- 1 4st to Jas. MeMonigal, 2 00
2nd to Daniel Kyper, 100
- The Judges would also recommend that if
possible at subsequent exhibitions, that the
premiums be increased upon all stock, and
that there be three grades of premiums to
each. JOHN COLDER,
JOSIAH CUNNINGHAM,
DAVID RUPERT,
'WILLIAM MCCLURE,
R. F. HAZLETT,
Judges.
The Committee on Neat Stock, report that
they have carefully examined all stock pre
sented, and are highly gratified in being able
to state that a clever -variety of cattle came
under our notice—the offering of sheep and
swine was small. In our opinion the
. Ist best bull, 4/ years old, was owned by
Mr. John Colder, and is entitled to a premium
of $3 00
2nd best bull, 4 years old, owned by Thos.
Whittaker, 2 00
Ist best cow, Jenny, Durham, owned byJ.
Colder, 3 00
2nd best cow, owned byL. 11. Knode, 2 00
2nd best Durham heifer, 18 months old,
owned by John Colder, 2 00
Best calf, 4 months old, owned by Thomas
MeCalan, 1 00
Ist best (and only) boar, owned by James
Watson, 3 00
lst best (and only) sow and pigs, owned by
Fisher & MeMurtrie, 3 00
Ist best (and only) full blooded South Down
buck, owned by David Rupert, 3 00
Ist best full blooded South Down ewe, own
ed by David Rupert, 3 00
Best fine- wool ewe, owned by David Ru
pert, 3 00
We would also recommend a premium to
Thomas Whittaker for a lot of nine calves,
from 1 to 7 months old, of 2 00
Also, a premium to John Colder for two
Devon and Durham calves 4 and 4/ months
old, and a Devon and Durham bull 16 Months
old, 2 00
THOMAS G. PRATT
SAN% 11.
AVAICEFIELD,
JOHN GARNER, Jr.,
JAS. J. GOCD3fAN,
Auu.AuAlt GRUBB.
The Committee on deseretionary premiums,
award to
John Smiley, for 2nd best 3yr. old colt, $1 00
John Wakefield, 2nd best 2yr. old colt, 1 00
Henry Shively, 3d best brood mare, 1 00
William Kyper, 3d best riding horse, 100
Thos. Fisher, 3d best draft horse, 1 00
Kenzie L. Green, best mule colt, 1 00
William Curry, for the best display of woollen
goods, (from his manufactory,) 2 00
A. J. McCoy, for his specimen of flour, 2 00
Theo. H. Creiner, for Hickok's apple and ci-
der mill, 1 00
A. Cornelius, for an apple pearer and slicer,
called "Goodman's patent," 50
J. G. Chaplin, for his superb Paintinm °
in
oil, 3 00
T. G. Strickler, for the best corn brooms, 50
E. B. Hissong, for the best stone ware, 1 00
Mrs. Nathan Greenland, for the best domes
tic linen, 1 00
D. Kyper, plowing, 3 horses, 3 00
Mary E. Hudson, for pair pillow slips, 50
Hawn Brothers, for best bees-was, 50
Respectfully submitted,
GEO. W. SPEER,
J. S. BARR,
J. A. BOYLE,
JAS. HENDERSON,
Judges.
The Committee appointed to award premi
ums for Plowing, report as follows:
Best plowing, two horses, to Elliot Rob
ley, $4 00
Second best, to Isaac Long-, 3 00
Third best, to Wm. Boring, 2 00
Fourth best, to David Hare, 1 00
E. SHOEMAKER,
LINO. DEAN,
SIMEON WRIGHT,
JOHN SHAVER,
M. H. KYPER,
Judges.
We, John S. Isett, George Jackson, Kenzie
L. Green and Isaac Long, Judges of Agri
cultural Implements, do report, that there be
ing very few Agricultural Implements exhib
ited, yet, have the satisfaction of saying, that
those exhibited, are of a good quality, and
in our opinion, very suitable for the purposes
intended, and do therefore award to Cunning
ham & Brother, the premium of $3,00, for
the best plows. To Peter Tippery, the pre
mium of $3,00, on his iron Corn Cultivator.
To C. Gorsuch, the premium of $3,00, for
his Corn planter. There was a hand corn
planter exhibited by G. Miller, agent, Wake
field's patent, that might be useful, we award
a premium of 45,1,00 ; and. to Manny's Com
bined Reaper & Mower, (Wood's improve
ment,) we award a premium of $3,00, which
we consider a very excellent article,—among
the very best in use—none of the other arti
cles exhibited.
The Judges appointed to examine the qual
ity of the Wheat, Rye, Corn, Oats, and Buck
wheat, exhibited at the Huntingdon Agri
cultural Fair, do award the following premi
ums, viz:
Best white wheat, to James Johnston, $4 00
Second best, to John C. Crownover, 3 00
Best red wheat, to John Horning, 4 00
Second best, to Wm. Levingston, 3 00
Best rye, to Richard Chilcoat, 2 00
Best indian corn, to Geo. Miller, 3 00
Second best, to Thos. L. States, 2 00
Best buckwheat, to William Dean, 2 00
Best oats, to Valentine Hoover, 2 00
The committee had great difficulty in ma
king up their minds in regard to the differ
ent lots of Wheat exhibited, there being
about twenty different lots of White Wheat,
all of a very superior quality—they would
have been much better satisfied, if they could
have awarded 'premiums on all, but were lim
ited by the notice published by the officers of
the Society.
The Judges must also notice a sample of
White Hungarian Spring Wheat, grown and
exhibited by Theodore IL Cremer, of a very
superior quality, that they consider the far
mers of the county would do well by cultiva
ting.
THOS. FISHER,
L. G. KESSLER,
JAMES ENTRIKEN,
Trios. F. STEWART,
Judges.
The Committee appointed to examine and
award premiums for Fruit, respectfully re
port, as follows :
For the best and greatest variety of apples,
to Israel Graffius, a premium of $3 00
For_ the second best, and greatest variety
of apples, to David Hare, a premium of 2 00
For the best dozen of Fall apples, to Wil
liam S. Lincoln, a premium of 2 00
For the second best dozen of Fall apples, to
George Jackson, a premium of 1 00
For the best dozen of Winter apples, to
William Pheasant, a premium of 2 00
For the second best dozen of Winter ap
ples, to Andrew Decker, a premium of 1 00
For the best and greatest variety of Grapes,
to Theodore H. Cremer, a premium of 3 00
For the best variety of Native Grapes, to
George C. Bucher, a premium of 2 -00
For the second best variety of Native
Grapes, to J. A. Hall, a. premium of 100
For the best dozen of Peaches, to John An
derson, a premium of 2 00
For the best dozen of Quinces, to Rudolph
Brenneman, a premium of 1 00
For the best Pears, to John Anderson, a
premium of— 2 00
R. BRUCE PETRIE:EII,
WM. SWOOPE,
DAVID HAWN,
JACOB CRESSWELL,
A. B. SANGAREE,
Judges.
The Committee on Vegetables, make the
following report:
For' best potatoes, to Joseph Gartman, 2 00
For second best, to James Morrow, ' 1 00
For Mexican potato, special premium, to
George Jackson, 1 00
For best sweet potatoes, to Samuel Cald
well, 1. 00
For best beets, to Mrs. D. Black 50
For best sweet pumpkin, to Thomas E.
States, 50
For second best, to Mrs. D. Black, 50
For best head of cabbage, to John Morn
ingstar, 50
For second best, to Israel Graffius, Esq., 50
For 'best lima beans, to George Jackson, 50
For best sow beans, to Stewart Corbitt, 50
For best peas, to Jesse Gorsuch, 50
For second best, to T. H. Cremer, 50
For best onions, to Mrs. J. A. Hall, 50
For second best, to Thos. E. States, 50
For best turnips, to Nathan Greenland, 50
For second best, to Mrs. E. Shoemaker, 50
For best red peppers, to Mrs. E. Shoema
ker, 50
For best white sugar beet, to Israel Graf,
us, Esq., 50
For best cucumbers, to John Dixon, 50
For best parsnips, to Margaret Anderson, 50
For best tomatoes, to Mrs. J. A. Hall, 50
Ft,r second best, to Margaret Protsman, 50
6-- -
For best celery, to Henry W.
ISRAEL GRAFFIVS,
DAVID HENDERSON,
ALEXANDER PORT,
Judges.
The committee upon Domestic Manufac
tures, submit the following report:
The large number of articles embraced in
the department allotted to us; and the num
ber of specimens exhibited in many instan
ces, rendered it impossible for us to give as
much time to the examination, as we would
wish to have done. We have endeavored to
discriminate fairly, to the best of our ability,
and as an evidence of the difficulty of so do
ing, may mention that upon many articles,
the committee was as nearly equally divided
as a committee of five could be. We award
as follows:
For best bread, to Hannah McCrack
en, $3 00
For second best, to Mrs. J. Pheasant, 2 00
For third best, to Mrs. Stewart Corhitt, 1 00
Best sponge cake, to Miss Mary B. Mil
ler, 1 00
Second best' do., to Mrs. E. Shoemaker, 50
A very creditable specimen was on exhibi
tion by Mary Stewart, a girl 12 years of age.
Best butter, to Mrs. E. Shoemaker, 3,.00
Second best, to Mrs. J. B. Carothers, 2 00
Third best, to Mrs. Isaac Bowers, 100
There were eighteen specimens of butter,
all very fine, among which we deem worthy
of special notice, the following : Mrs. Valen
tine Hoover's, Mrs. Hannah McCracken's,
Mrs. Mary Long's, Mrs. Martha Anderson's,
Mrs. Mary Oaks', Mrs. Stewart Corbitt's, and
Mrs. M. Colder's.
Best cheese, to. Mrs. E. Shoemaker, 2 00
Second best, to 1 00
There were but few exhibitors of cheese.
Best maple sugar, to Mrs. Phineas
Green, 1 00
A very good article manufactured by the
Hawn brothers, of Walker township, we also
notice.
Best apple butter, to Prudence Jack
son, 1 00
There was very little apple butter exhibi
ted.
Best honey, to Henry Peightal, 1 00
George Hearn, John Anderson, Esq., Mrs.
Mary Warfel, and Mrs. Henry W. Miller, all
had very fine honey.
Best preserves, to Prudence Jackson, 1 00
Second best, to Mrs. E. R. Stewart, 50
Fine apple marmalade, exhibited by Mrs-
E. Dorris, we deem deserving of special no
tice ; and feel sorry that the list of premiums.
did not authorize us to distinguish between.
the different classes of preserves. There was
also some fruit in cans, by Mrs. Henry W.
Miller, to which we would allot premiums, if
in our list.
Best jelly, to Mrs. Rose Gemmill, loa
Second best, to Mrs. E. C. Wilson, 50
There were also jellies of Mrs. E. R. Stew
art, Mrs. J. G. Miles, Mrs. Rachel Gwin, and
Miss Matilda Colder, to which premiums
would have been awarded, had we been au
thorized to
. put jellies of the same kind of
fruit alone, in competition with each other,.
but we were 'restricted to the two premiums.
We would notice wines, made by Mrs. Ju
lia. Miles, from the white sweet water and is
abella grapes, very good, and deserving a
premium.
Best catsup, to Mrs. Rose Gemmill, 100
Best pickles, to Prudence Jackson, 100
Second best, to Mrs. Rachel Gwin, 50
Some spiced fruit and mixed pickles, of
Mrs. Bricker, deserve special notice.
Best candles, to Matilda Colder, 1 00
Second best, to Mrs. Ann Glazier, 50
Mrs. Shoemaker, Martha Anderson, and
1/11