The globe. (Huntingdon, Pa.) 1856-1877, October 01, 1856, Image 1

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Acitninistrators' and Executors' Notices, 75
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Quite a Mistake.
A short time since the B:untingdon Ameri
can published what purported to be a letter
from "Roma RAY, Senr., blacksmith," de
fining his position on the Presidential ques
tion. In that letter Mr. RAY is made to say
"that he has left the Democratic party after
having given his support to it for over forty
years." He has made up his mind, as. a
Union man, to go for FlLLMORE—opposing
FREMONT, because he "is no Statesman," be
cause he "is a Union dissolver," and, because
he "likes mackerel on Friday."—This is all
very fine for the Fillmoreites if it were true
—one Democratic acquisition to their ranks
would be something worth crowing over—
but we have most excellent authority for say
ing that there is not a word of truth in the
story.—Mr. RAY informed a friend of ours
only a few days ago, that he never wrote
such a letter or authorized its publication—
that he has always, heretofore, belonged to
the Whig party, and intends to cast his first
Democratic vote this fall for Bucx and BRECK.
Put that in your pipe, Sam, and smoke it.
A Negro Orator for Fremont !
A Black Republican meeting was held at
Byberry, near Philadelphia, a few days ago,
which was addressed by two white men, a
subject of Queen VICTORIA, and a. negro !
The speakers all advocated a separation of
the Northern and Southern States, and ad
vanced doctrines of the most blasphemous
and damning character. The Daily News
gives the following as a part of the Negro's
speech :
"What are we doing ? WE ARE A NA
HYPOCRITES; we are a nation of slave
holders. We batten and fatten and run riot
in the bones and blood of our fellow-men.
I am, of course, as you know, politically
disfranchised; but still in sentiment, in feel
ing:, in conviction, I am a DISUNION-ABO
think, stronger reasons than my friend here
has given. - Y et I wisu Join CHARLES' FRE
DIONT elected. If I had no other reason, the
simple fact that the South hates him would
be a reason why I should suspect him to be
an honest man, But it is not because the
South hates him ; it is because I believe he
sates slavery. Where do I find him ? There
is a Spanish proverb which is pretty good
test of character : "Tell me the company
you keep and I will tell you what you are."
'He is found in close affinity with the true
friends of freedom. I find him endorsed by
such men as GERRIT SMITH, of world.-wide
philanthropy and benevolence.
I know that some of our friends—Republi
cans, they call themselves—exclaim, "Don't
for the world, connect Fremont or our Club
with this Abolition movement—you will hurt
our cause." Hurt it how? Did truth ever
hurt anybody ? Don't you stand upon a
rock? If John Charles Fremont can be
elected upon principle without concealment
and without compromise, HIS VICTORY
"Some of my friends have intimated that
when I have referred to the slave system,
my expressions have been stronger than my
calmer judgment would warrant. They are
mistaken; my feelings on that subject are
the result of deliberate conviction. I hold
that until a right estimate is made of slave
holders and slaveholding, you need never at
tempt to bring this Union to a recognition of
this class who are the victims of oppression.
I hold that the slaveholder is a man stealer,
I hold that he is a bloody minded man ;
hold that be is a despot—A MONSTER,
Citizens of Pennsylvania. Men who love
the Union I Such is the language of a man
who wants to see JOHN CHARLES FREISONT
elected President of the United States They
are the sentiments of the whole abolition clan
—of the leading white niggers of the North.
Will you lend your influence to aid these
traitors in accomplishing their hellish work
Will you aid then in accomplishing that ob
ject which they claim will bring about the
"ruin of our country ?" Remember, the is
sue is BUCHANAN and the Union 2.)5. FREMONT
and Dissolution.
_passed the Senate, in Washington, declaring
void the obnoxious laws of the Kansas Legis
lature, and giving peace to that distracted Ter
ritory; and that the Black RepublicaUs in the
House refused to vote for it!
.41 5G
... 75
Fremont's Two Faces.
The distinguished mule meat candidate for
the Presidency appears, from good testimony,
to be very easy in his religious opinions, and
not a t all scrupulous about turning them to
his political Advantage. If he were not a
candidate for the Presidency and a "fighting
man," we should pronounce him a dishonest
scoundrel better deserving of a good cow
hiding than the Presidential office. But we
will submit the matter to the judgment of
his friends—that is, to that portion of them
who are not entirely demoralized by grass
hopper pie and Mariposa glitter.
Mr. B. F. COOK, a respectable and well
known merchant of New York, called on
FREMONT to ascertain from himself something
reliable in regard to his religion. What took
place between them Mr. COOn relates as fol
Some friends having desired to enlist the
speaker (Mr. Cook) in. the cause of so-called
Republicanism, he expressed a desire to have
all doubts removed on this mooted question ;
(Col. Fremont's alleged catholicism;) but
said that nothing short of an assurance from
Col. Fremont's own lips would satisfy him.—
An interview was arranged for. The object
of the visit being understood by the Colonel,
he avowed himself ready to answer any ques
tions proposed. Mr. Cook proposed the fol
lowing, and received to each the answer an
nexed, viz :—"Were you married by a Ro
man Catholic priest?" "I was," the Colonel's
lip quivering as he spoke. "Did you at the
time believe in, or profess to - believe in the
Roman Catholic religion?" "I did not."—
"Have you before or since, or at any time
professed the Catholic. religion ?" " Ihave
not." Here Mr. Cook bowed, to signify that
he had no more questions to ask.
Col. Fremont then volunteered some re
marks to the following effect;—that whilst
in California he attended no church, and that
he occupied his Sundays in reading and wri
ting, and attending to such matters of busi
ness as he thought of importance. Mr. Fre
mont further said—"l am frequently inter
rogated by all parties on this subject. I pre
sume the deleg,a,tion now waiting for me up
stairs wish to interrogate me on this point.—
When they do I shall put the most favorable
construction on the matter that I can. I wish
to offend none, but to secure the votes of all.
Only this very morning I have a letter from
Maine. saying that unless I make a personal
denial of Romanism, -- arm tnat - a - inn or nnve
been a Roman Catholic, that State will be
lost to the Republicans ; and another letter
from Indiana, telling me that if I will au
thorize my friends there to say I am a Ro
man Catholic, they can secure me a large
German and Irish vote. I have to frame my
replies so as to secure the votes of all. There
is now a deputation waiting for me, whose
errand I doubt not is the same. It is best to
say as little about this matter as possible,
and we must manage the thing as well as we
can, so as to get the votes of both sides. "
Here the interview terminated.
The Struggle between Truth and False-
The fundamental issue between democracy
and republicanism is a contest between truth
and falsehood. Republicanism was the off
spring of a falsehood, and its whole power
consists in the success with which in the vig
or of its youth and early manhood it main
tained the combat with truth. The final re
sult of the conflict is as certain as that "truth
is mighty and will prevail." It is a mere
question of time when the victory will be
consummated. As to the triumph, sooner or
later, there can be no doubt.
Republicanism owes its origin and its
strength to the assumption that the repeal of
the Missouri restriction by the passage of the
Kansas bill was a measure for the extension
of slavery. This assumption was false in its
original inception, has been false every time
it has been repeated, and is as false now as
it ever was. When first announced, the false
hood found ready credence in the anti-slave
ry feelings and sentiments of northern men,
and every possible device has since been re-
sorted to by unscrupulous demagogues to
keep up the delusion, During . the last two
years no republican speaker or journalist has
discussed the Kansas bill without building
his arguments upon the false assertion that
it was a pro-slavery measure, and without
drawing his conclusions from these false
premises. Trutl- -vas crushed down in the
first conflict with this falsehood, but it was
not subdued, and never can be made to sur
render. It renewed the contest upon the ear
liest opportunity, and has since constantly
maintained itself in the field, gradually but
surely growing in strength, until it brought
its foe to the issue which is now pending, and
which is to prove that "truth crushed to earth
will rise again."
In the present great conflict between truth
and falsehood, the success of the democracy,
depends upon the establishment in the north
ern mind of one single proposition—and that
is, that the friends of the Kansas bill did not
pass it and do not advocate it as a measure
for the extension of slavery, but as a measure
to enable the people of Kansas to decide for
themselves whether it should be free or slave
territory. The moment this proposition is
established, republicanism ceases to have vi
tality and the triumph of truth is complete,
There are, comparatively, few at this day
who dispute the abstract principle that the
people of every political community ought to
exercise the pyivilege of determining the
character of their own local institutions.—
The very fact that there are any who contro
vert this principle only proves that the pro
gress of truth, although pure, is frequently
slow in eradicating falsehood. Because the
democracy were overwhelmed. in 1854, upon
the assumption that they were advocating the
Kansas bill as a pro-slavery measure, it does
not follow that that assumption was truthful.
The time was when it was rank heresy to
maintain that the people have any right to
govern themselves. The advocates of " the
divine right of kings" resorted to every shift,
whether by argument or force, to crush out
the idea of popular self-government—just as
the republicans are now laboring to defeat
the application of the same idea in Kansas.
Truth, however, was finally an overmatch for
falsehood in the former struggle, as it cer
tainly will be in the latter.
What we have said indicates distinctly the
paramount duty of every democrat in the
pending issue—that duty is to undeceive the
northern mind in regard to the true charac
ter and object of the Kansas law. It is not
true that the extension of slavery was the ob
ject of the bill, but it is true that it was in
tended to promote the perfect equality of the
States by securing to the citizens of each and
all the right of settling in the Territory, and,
when thus settled, to determine for themselves
whether slavery should or should not exist.—
This is the truth, the whole truth, and noth
ing but the truth, as to the Kansas issue.—
Whenever, or wherever, or by whomsoever, a
different object is attributed to the bill, the
truth of the case is violated. It is alike true
that the measure was supported by men who
desire to see slavery in Kansas, and by men
who desire to see the Territory a free State ;
it is also alike true that some pro-slavery men
expected the measure to be followed by the
establishment of slavery, and that anti-slave
ry men expected it to be followed by the ex
clusion of slavery ; but these conflicting di
visions and expectations were compromised
by agreeing that the natural law of peaceful
and spontaneous immigration should decide
between them, and that it should be either a
free or a slave State, as this law should de
cide. The fact ought not to be forgotten,
that whilst a majority of the supporters of
the bill were pro-slavery men in Congress,
many of them frankly and expressly declar
ed that they supported it - with the conviction
that the natural law of emigration would
make the Territory free. This conviction
was based upon another fact, which shows
that the compromise was not favorable to the
wishes of the pro-slavery men—that fact is,
that the anti-slavery portion of our popula
tion constitutes a large majority, and of con
sequence the natural law of immigration
would give them a decided advantage in the
decision of the character of the domestic in
stitutions of Kansas. To secure a recogni
tion of the perfect equality of the Southern
States, and to remove an agitating subject
out of Congress, the praslavery men were
willing to concede to the anti-slavery the ad
vantage which the natural law of immigra
tion gave them, and to admit Kansas as a
fre e e or slave State. as that law should decide.
Jibe utter suraity of tne as-sum:pt.
the Kansas bill was a pro-slavery measure
will be apparent upon a simple statement of
the case. The Southern States, being the
minority, claimed to be entitled, under the
constitution, to equal privileges with the Nor
thern States, the majority, in Kansas, which
is common property. To 'settle the dispute,
the minority proposed to the majority that
the question should notbe settledby Congress,
but that the matter should be submitted to
the inhabitants of their respective sections to
go or not to go to Kansas, as they pleased,
and that, when as many as choose to go should
be settled there, a majority of them should
decide either to recognize or to exclude sla
very, as they might deem best, The ques
tion is, was this a pro-slavery proposition?--
It was so far from it that it was a proposi
tion of the minority to abide by a decision
when the probable result would be that that
decision would be on. the side of the majori
ty. There were far more anti-slavery men
than pro-slavery men, and far more of the
former than of the latter, likely, under the
operation of the natural law of emigration,
to settle in Kansas. It is absurd, therefore,
to assume that the Kansas law, which does
no more than carry out this proposition, was
a pro-slavery measure.— Washington
From the Pittsburg Union.
Practio al-Illustration of their Sentiments
A few days since, at a political meeting in
Brookville, Jefferson county, there was given
a practical illustration of the prevailing sen
timent of the Fremonters, which is bluntly
stated in the - words "Down with the foreign
er, and up with the nigger," A German
named Schmidt, a quiet, orderly citizen, in
some remarks made in the crowd, gave of
fence to a big burly negro, who, urged on by
his Fremont friends, fell upon the German
and. beat him terribly. The German's friends,
being overpowered by the superior number
of Abolitionists on hand, were unable to res
cue him until he was much hurt, but remon
strated loudly against the indecency of allow
ing such an outrage to be committed. The
Fremont men, our informant says, justified
the act, and a prominent one among them
boldly declared it as his opinion that "a nig
ger is as good as a Dutchman any day."—
This declaration, we are told, however, had
one good effect--it opened the eyes of a few
Germans in the town who were blinded by
false issues raised against the Democratic
party, and being led away by claptrap phrases
about free labor, were disposed to go with the
Black Republicans. They saw the practical
development of the real sentiments of the op
position, and at once avowed themselves Dem
ocrats, and nothing else, This little circum
stance taught them what estimate they might
expect occasionally to have set upon them by
those who are now asking their votes for
John C. Fremont. The 'Brookville Germans
have applied the lesson given them thus ear
ly; and the number of German votes that
Mr. Fremont will get in that section of coun
try will be very easily counted.
)The Rev. Mr. Nute of Lawrence, ICan
sas, says in a letter to the Springfield Repub
lican, dated Aug, 22:
We are now having war in earnest—four
fights within the last five days, in all of
which the free state men, were the assailants,
and the victors.
Mark this admission—in all these fights,
the free state men were the assailants, says
this Rev. warhawk and Abetter of treason
and bloodshed.
From the N. Y. Daily News
Gen. jaekson and Col. Fremont.
The great contest between the North and
South, growing out of free trade on the one
hand, and a protective tariff on the other,
which threatened for a time the destruction
of the Confederacy, is a subject fresh in the
minds of very many of our citizens, and re
quired the wisdom and patriotism of the best
men in the nation to preserve the Union un
harmed. Such was the excitement in both
sections that angry feelings took the place of
calm reflection, and madness displayed itself
in preparation for mortal combat. The rapid
tread of the soldier warned the friends of lib
erty that an awful future awaited them; dark
ness covered the land, and the friends of self
government at home and abroad were sad.—
Kings upon their thrones hailed with joy the
auspicious moment, and anticipated the spee
dy downfall of a government based upon
equal rights.
Such was the position of America in the
winter of 1832-3, when a Jackson with the
sword in his right hand and the olive branch
in his left, spoke in a voice of thunder to the
troubled sea, and commanded it to be still.—
"Come, let us reason together," was his lan
guage ; "let no brother raise his arm in anger
against his brother;
let us be just and wo
shall be generous; let us meet together as
friends and be brothers still, The sword of
justice must continue uplifted, but the olive
branch is presented for your acceptance."—
Henry Clay—a name dear to America—came
forward with a sacrifice acceptable to all, and
in a moment the winds of strife ceased to
blow, and the troubled sea was at rest.
Such was the dark cloud that hung over us
in 1832, and it is well for us to review the
past, for by it we gain instruction more val
than fine gold. In this trying period
Andrew Jackson occupied the Presidential
chair—a man elected upon a platform cover
ing the whole Union, having received a ma
jority of the electoral votes in the States both
North and South—representing within him
self the interests of each portion of the Union,
knowing no North, no South, no East, no
West—being, in the language of the red man,
the "great father" of us - all.
How will it be with us in 1857, should we
have a President sectional in his feelings, re
presenting and pledged to carry out a princi
ple against the expressed will of a large ma
jority of the citizens of the United States,
voted for by a majority in the sixteen States,
and in direct opposition to the unanimous
wish of the other fifteen State?? Ravinm
the votes which may elect the one with a moi
ety over one-third of the suffrages—under
these circumstances, and - not being a candi
date South, it is possible we may have a Pres
ident elected by not exceeding one=fourth of
the votes cast for that high office in the Uni
ted States, a contingency never contemplated
by the framers of the Constitution,
What will be our position should the great
question which now agitates the country,
overshadowing . all others, be brought before
our Chief Aragistrate for action, as nullifica
tion, for instance, presented itself before Pres
ident Jackson in 1832? Whom can the na
tion look to, in that hour of trial, to quiet the
raging tempest? Will it be the man elected
by a section of the Union, pledged to carry
out measures directly hostile to the opposition
section, pressed on by an army of wild fana
tics crying and hooting for the blood of their
enemies, offering up prayers for more men
and rifles? And what great principle is to
be settled by the war now raging? Is slavery
to be abolished? Not at all—none but the
insane can be found to advance such a doc
trine, being against reason and common
sense. If to oppose the principle, that ques
tion already settled in the mind of every
Northern man. What, then, is the true is
sue between a section North and the South?
It may be answered simply—the people oc
cupying the territories of the United States
have th right of making their own laws, to
decide by ballot for a State Government, with
or without slavery, giving to the Territories
of the United States the same rights now pose
sensed by each sovereign State of the Union,
The great Democratic principle has always
been to leave all power in the hands of the
people in their sovereign capacity, not other=
wise delegated to the General Clovernment,
and in this power is contained the right to
enact laws not inconsistent with the laws of
Congress. Democrats are in favor of Free
Speech, a Free Press and a right to make
their own laws ; opposed to slavery in princi
ple and to its extension,against the will of
the people--in territory now free ; believe in
the compact made in the formation of the
General Government, and are disposed as
honorable men to carry the same out in good
faith, in a manner that shall be in accord
ance with the original contract, and in jnst
ice to both master and slave ; unwilling to
meddle with an institution in the hands of a
Being "who is too wise too err, and too good
to be unkind," havinc , full confidence in the
number, energy and ability of the Northern
citizens to make their way into the Territo
ries of the West, and secure for themselves
and their descendants homes upon free terris
tory if they choose,-believing that if left
alone the institution of slavery will, in such
time as God selects, come to a peaceful end ;
that all the soil and climate unsuited to slave
labor must naturally be free, and that if no
measures had been taken by the North to
force emigrants into Kansas in advance for
the purpose of securing it for freedom, that
Northern settlers - would have gone into the
Territory quietly, peaceably and unmolested,
as in Afichigan, Illinois, Wisconsin and lowa,
and this day peace would have reigned, in
stead of war, bloodshed, and the fire of the
incendiary. So it has been in Nebraska,'so
Se would it have been in Kansas.
,The notorious "Ned Buntline" has
been making Fremont speeches at Williams
port and Jersey shore. All that class of des
perate adventurers have left the sinking ship
of Know Nothingism and taken to the trade
in negro sentimentalism.
Editor and. Proprietor.
Antsvcs ,Ifairs.
Inaugural .Address
Governor of Kansas Territory.
FELLOW CITIZENS:-I appear among you a
stranger to most of you, and for the first time
have the honor to address you as Governor of
the Territory of Kansas. The position was
not sought by me ; but was voluntarily ten
dered by the chief magistrate of the nation.
As an American citizen, deeply conscious of
the blessings which ever flow from our beloved
Union, I did not consider myself at liberty to
shrink from any duties, however delicate and
onerous, required of me by my country.
With a full knowledge of all the circuity-
stances surrounding the executive office, I
have deliberately accepted it, and as God may
give me strength and ability, I will endeavor
faithfully to discharge its varied requirements.
When I received my commission I was sol
emnly sworn to support the Constitution of
the United States, and to discharge my duties
as Gcvernor of Kansas with fidelity. By ref
erence to the act for the organization of this
territory, passed by . Congress on the 30th day
of March, 1854, I find my duties more par
ticularly defined. Among other things, lam
"to take care that the laws be faithfully ex
The Constitution of the United States and
the Organic Law of this Territory will be the
lights by which I will be guided in my exec
utive career.
A careful and dispassionate examination
of our Organic Act will satisfy any reasona
ble person that its provisions are eminently
just and beneficial. If this Act has been dis
torted to unworthy purposes, it is not the
fault of its provisions. The great leading
feature of that Act is the right therein con
ferred upon the actual and bona fide inhabi
' tants of this territory
." in the exercise of
self-government, to determine for themselves
what shall be their own domestic institutions,
subject, only to the Constitution and the laws
duly enacted by Congress, under it." The
people, accustomed to self-government in the
States from whence-they came, and having.
removed to this territory with the bona fide
intention of making it their future residence,
were supposed. to be capable of creating their
own municipal government, and to be the
best judges of their own local necessities and
institutions. This is what is termed " pop
ular sovereisnty." By this phrase we simply
mean the right of the majority of the people
qualified -- electOrch',"ttr ing
mestic concerns, and to make their own mu
nicipal laws. Thus understood, this doctrine
underlies the whole system of republican
government. It is the great right of self
government, for the establishment of which
our ancestors, in the stormy days of the rev
olution, pledged " their lives, their fortunes,
and their sacred honor."
A. doctrine so eminently just should receive
the willing homage of every American citizen.
When legitimately expressed, and duly ascer
tained, the will of the majority must be the
imperative rule of civil action for every law
abiding citizen, This simple, just rule of ac,
tion, has brought order out of chaos, and by
pro g ressa unparalleled in the history of the
world, has made a few feeble infant colonies
a aiant confederated republic,
IsTo man, conversant with the state of affairs
now in Kansas, can close his oyes to the fact
that much civil disturbance has for a long
time past existed in this territory, Various
reasons have been assigned for this unfortu
nate condition of affairs, and numerous rem
edies have been proposed.
The House of Representatives of the Uni,
fed States have ignored the claims of both
gentlemen claiming the legal right to repre
sent the people of this territory in that body.
The Topeka Constitution, recognized by the
House, has been repudiated by the Senate.—
Various measures, each in the opinion of its
respective advocates, suggestive of peace to
Kansas, have been alternately proposed and
rejected, Men outside of the territory, in va
rious sections of the Union, influenced by
reasons best known by themselves, have en
deavoured to stir up internal strife, and to
array brother against brother.
In this conflict of opinion, and for the pro
motion of the most unworthy purposes, Kan-
Basis left to suffer, her people to mourn, and
her prosperity is endangered.
Is there no remedy r these evils ? Can
not the wounds 'of Kansas be healed and
peace be restored to all her borders ?
Men of the North—men of the South—of
the East and of the West, in Kansas—you,
and you alone, haVe the remedy in your own
hands. Will you not suspend fratricidal
strife ? Nill you not cease to regard each
other as enemies, and look upon one another
as the children of a common mother, and
come and reason together ?
Let us banish all outside influences front our
deliberations, and assemble around our coun,
cil board with the Constitution of our country
and the Organic Law of this Territory as the
great charts for oar guidance and direction.
The bona fide inhabitants of this Territory
alone are charged with the solemn duty of
enacting her laws, upholding her government,
maintaining peace, and laying 'the founda7
tion for a future commonwealth.
On this point let there be a perfect unity of
sentiment, It is the first great step towards
the attainment of peace : It will inspire con
fidence amongst ourselves, and insure the re
spect of the whole country. Let us show
ourselves worthy and capable of self:govern:.
Po not the inhabitants of this territory bet,.
ter understand what domestic institutions are
suited to their condition—.-:what laws will be
most conducive to their prosperity and. happi
ness--than the citizens of distant, or even
neighboring States ? This great right of reg
ulating our own affairs and attending to our
oWn businees, without any interference from
others, has been guaranteed to us by the law
which Congress has made for the organiza
tion of this territory. This right of self-gov
ernment—this privilege guaranteed to us by
the organic law of our territory, I will uphold
with all my might, and with the entire power
committed to me.
In relation to any changes of the laws of
the territory which I may deem desirable, I
have no occasion now to speak; but these are
subjects to which I shall direct public atten
tion at the proper time.
The territory of the United States is the
common property of the several states, or of
the people thereof. This being so, no obsta
cle should be interposed to the free settlement
of this common property while in a territorial
I cheerfully admit that the people of this
territory, under the Organic Act, have the ab
solute right of making their municipal laws,
and from citizens who deem themselves ag
grieved by recent legislation, I would invoke
the utmost forbearance, and point out to them
a sure and peaceable remedy, You have the
right to ask the next legislature to revise any
and all- laws, and in the meantime e as you
value the peace of the territory and the main
tenance of future laws, I would earnestly ask
you to refrain from all violations of the pres
ent statutes,
NO. 15.
I am sure that there is patriotism sufficient
in the people of Kansas to lend a, willing
obedience to law. All the provisions of the
Constitution of the United States must be sa
credly observed—all the acts of Congress hav
ing reference to this territory, must be unhes
itatingly obeyed, and the decisions of our
courts respected, It will be my imperative
duty to see that these suggestions are carried
into effect. In my official action here, 1 will
do justice at all hazards. Influenced by no
other considerations than the welfare of the
whole people of this territory, I desire to
know no party, no section, no North, no South,
no East, no West; nothing but Kansas and
.41y country.
Ii ully conscious of my great responsibili
ties in the present condition of things in Kan
sas, I muss invoke your aid, and solicit your
generous forbearance. Your executive officer
can do little without the aid of the people.—
With a firm reliance upon Divine Providence,
to the best of my ability, I shall promote the
interests of the citizens of the territory, not
merely collectively, but individually; and I
shall expect from them in return that cordial
aid and support without which the govern
ment of no state or territory can be administ
tered with beneficial effect.
Let us all begin anew. Let the past be
buried in oblivion. Let all strife and bitter
ness cease. Le us all hone tly devote our
selves to the true interests of Kansas—develop
her rich agricultural and mineral resources—
build up manufacturing enterprises—make
public roads and highways—prepare amply
for the education of our children—devote
ourselves to all the arts of peace—and make
our territory the sanctuary of those cherished
principles which protect the inalienable rights
of the individual, and elevate states in their
sovereign capacities.
Then shall peaceful industry soon be restor
ed—population and wealth will flow upon us
—" the desert will blossom as the rose—and
the state of Kansas will soon be admitted into
the Union the peer and pride of her elder sis
ters. JNO. W. GEARY.
Wn.Ear,As : A large number of volunteer
militia have been called into the service of
the territory of Kansas, by authority of the
late acting Governor, for the maintenance of
order, many of whom have been taken from
their occupations or business, and deprived
of their ordinary means of support and of
their domestic enjoyments: and
not authorize(CT)y -- nry-hiz-m-m4.-24.--....
General Government; except upon requisition
of the commander of the military department
in which Kansas is embraced:
WHEREAS : An authorized regular force has
been placed at ply disposal sufficient to insure
the execution of the Laws that may be ob
structed by combinations too powerful to be
suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial
proceedings-: now
nor of the Territory of Kansas, do issue this
my proclamation, declaring, that .the services
of such volunteer militia are no longer reqni,
red ; and hereby order that they be immedi,
ately discharged. The Secretary and the
Adjutant General of the Territory will muster
out, of service each command at its plaee of
And I command all bodies of men, combi,
ned, armed and equipped with munitions of
war, without authority of the government,
instantly to disband or 'quit the Territory, as
they will answer the contrary at their peril,
In testimony thereof, I have hereunto set
my hand, and affixed the seal of the Territory
of Kansas. Done at Lecompton, this elev
enth day of Septetriber, in the year of our
Lord one thousand eight hundred and fifty.:
six. Jams , " %y. GE SRI,
By the Governor: Governor of Kansas
: It is the true policy of every
State or Territory, to be prepared for any
emergency that may arise from internal dis-:
sension or foreign invasion:
Therefore, I, John W. Geary, Governor of
the Territory of Kansas, do issue this, my
Proclamation, ordering all free male citizens,
qualified to bear arms, between the ages of
eighteen and forty-five years, to enrol them
selves, in accordance with the act to organize
the militia of the Territory, that they may be
completely organized by companies, regi,
ments, brigades or divisions, and hel d . them
selves in readiness, to be mustered, by my
order, into the service of the United States,
upon requisition of the commander of the
military department in which Kansas is em
braced, for the suppression of all combinations
to resist the laws, and for the maintenance of
public order and civil government.
In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set
my hand and the seal of the Territory of Kan
sas. Done at Lecomptott, this eleventh day
of September, in the year of our Lord, one
thousand eight hundred and fifty-six.
JOHN W. GEARY Governor.
By . the Governor:
I3ANInt, WoonsoN, Secretary.
In accordance with the foregoing Procla
mation, the commanding officers will take no
tice, and in compliance herewith report their
enrolments and organization to me at my
office at Tecumseh, on or before the first day
of October next.
By order of the Governor.
Adjutant General.
Lecompton, Sept. 11, 185 G.
statesman is reported to have tittered the fol
lowing words, a short time previous to his
death :
"To brealc this Unicin, would break my heart."
Let us pause and ponder upon these re-
markable words, and determine that the
Union shall be preserved until time shall bo