THE HUNTINGDON GLOBE, A DEMOCRATIC FAMILY JOURNAL, DEVOTED TO LOCAL AND GENERAL NEWS, &C.
THE GLOBE.
Circulation—the largest in the county,
LEirdndltDara, .P.A,
Wednesday, September 24, 1856
tOlt PRESIDENT,
JAMES BITCHANA.N, of Pennsylvania
FOR YICE PRESIDENT,
JOHN C. BRECKINRIDCTE, of Ky
FOR CANAL CO3IIIISSIONER,
GEORGE SCOTT, of Columbia, county
FOR AUDITOR GENERAL,
JACOB FRY, Jr., of Montgomery co
FOR SURVEYOR GENERAL,
JOHN ROWE, of Franklin county
afkvikilolzgainittel Of- -- 9 41 VI Oil Nil 211
CONGRESS,
CYRUS L. PERSHING, of Cambria, county
SENATE,
JOHN CRESSWELL, of Blair county.
ASSEMBLY,
JOHN H. LIGIITNER, of Shirleysburg
Dr. R. W. CHRISTY, of Blair county.
op b. IV ledil 1 0 NI iA
SHERIFF,
GRAFFUS MILLER, of Huntingdon
ASSOCIATE JUDGES,
JOHN LONG, of Shirleysburg.
JOHN CRESSWELL, of West.
COMMISSIONER,
HENRY ZIMMERMAN, of Hopewell
DIRECTOR OF TILE POOR,
DAVID BARRICK, of Barree.
AUDITOR,
A UGUSTINE L. GRIM, of lltintiug•don
PRESIDENTIAL ELECTORS
SEti.tTORIAL.
Charles R. Buckalew, Wilson M'Candless
DISTRICT.
I—Geo. W. Nebinger, 13—Abraham Edinger,
2—Pierce Butler, 14—Reuben Wilber,
3—Edward Wartman, 15—George A. Crawford,
4—Wm. 11. Witte, 16—James Black,
s—John McNair, 17—H. J. Stable.
tsi = john , N. Brinton, 18—John D. Ruddy,
7—David Laury, , 19—.71c0b Turney,
B—Charles Kessler, 20—J. A. J. Buchanan,
9—James Patterson, 21—Win. Wilkins,
10—Isaac Slenker, 22—James G. Campbell,
11—F. W. Hughes, 23 , - - -T. Cunningham,
12—Thomas Osterhout, 24—John. Kflatly,
25—Vincent Phelps.-
'ME BUCTIANAN PtliTPolll4.-
"The Federal Union—it must be preerved."—ANDßEW
JACKSO'.
—`• Disunion is r word which ought not to lie breathed
amongst us, even in a whisper. The word ought to be conSid
creel one of dreadful omen, and our children should be taught
that it is sacrilege to pronounce it."—J.tmEs BrcHAN
ANOTHER CANDIDATE FOR THE STATE SE!"-
ATE IN THE FIELD.—The Fremont Senatorial
Conferees of Huntingdon, Bliiir and Cambria,
met at Altoona, on Friday last, and on the
3d ballot, Col. S. S. Wharton, of Hunting
don, was unanimously nominated as the Fre
mont candidate for Senator in this district.—
Major's two big brothers were present, but
could not prevent the Colonel's nomination.
47 AUCTION I—The great "American Party''
of Huntingdon county has been sold—the
whole kit and caboodle of Whigs and Demo
crats who had joined that now defunct party
—have'been handed over, "soul, body and
breeches," to the support of Black Republi
canism. The Chief Auctioneer on the occa
sion, was that honest political trickster Ma
jor David Melfurtrie! It is generally under
stood that the people arc opposed to any and
every arrangement he may make. Glory
enough for one day ! It's all right, now, gen
tlemen !
The Ticket of the Factions
The Fremont and American County Com
mittees met at the Court House on Monday
night, and after the withdrawal of several of
the Fremont Committee men, those left, num
bering fourteen, took the business of the
American and Republican County Conven
tions into their own hands, and agreed upon
the following ticket:
For Congress—John R. Edie, of Somerset.
Senator—A. C. Mullin, of Cambria.
Assembly—Dr. John H. Wintrode, of Penn.
Associate Judy esJonathan McWilliams &
Benjamin F. Patton. Benedict Stevens of
the Lower End was stricken off the American
ticket to make room for Mr. McWilliams.
Sheriff— Nathaniel Lytle, of Morris.
District Attorney—Theo. H. Cremer, of
Huntingdon.
County Commissioner—James McCartney,
of Brady. John Flenner, the best man on
the American ticket, was thrown overboard.
Director of the Poor—Joseph Gibbony, of
Barree.
County Surveyor—John F. Ramey, of Hun
tingdon.
Auditor—James Cree, Republican, instead
of George Hudson, American.
It will he seen that this ticket, manufac
tured to please Major Mack, his big brothers,
and their pipers, gives the lower end the cold
shoulder, and nothing more.
HE OUGHT TO KNOW.-Dr. Brewster, editor
of the Huntingdon Journal, declared in pres
ence of witnesses in the barber shop on yes
terday, that every man on the "one-man
power" ticket, is for Fremont ! Those only
on the American ticket who were out-and-out
Fillmore men were stricken off. As the ticket
now stands the Fremonters have everything
—Major Mack, with the assistance of his big
brothers, having "sold out" the "great Amer
ican party" to the highest bidders!
LARGE TOMATOES. - Mr. DANIEL PROTZMANy
of McConnellstown, will please accept our
thanks for a basket of the largest tomatoes
we hare seen this season. Mr. P. will he
hard to heat for the first premium—he is
ahead, so far.
VS,AMBROTTPES.—We called in the other day and exam
ined the specimens of Amlwotype Likenesses upon the ta
ble of Mr. GEO. H. Auxin, and can say, without hesitation ,
that they exceed any ever before taken. in this borough,
and those wishing correct likenesses would do- well to give
him a call, examine for themselves, and be satisfied. Mr.
Auxor has concluded to remain in Huntingdon until after
the fair. so that many of our country friends will have au
opportunity of securing good Ambrotypes.
A SOUND DOCUMENT.
The following letter from War. A. STOKES,
Esq., of Westmoreland county, is reply io
several questions put to him by the editor of
the Pittsburg journal, a Fremont paper. It
scorns that Mr. Stokes was one of the speak
ers at the late Mass Convention at Pittsburgh,
whose speech the Journal reported, and com
mented upon, adding the interrogotaries to
which the letter is a reply. The positions ta
ken by Mr. S. are impregnable against all
the assaults of Black Republicanism—they
embody the doctrines of the Constitution and
the Democratic party, and are so plain that
" a fool need not err therein." Let this let
ter have general circulation :
REPLY o MR. STOKES
LITDIVICK, WESTMORELAND CO., PA.
August 30, 1856.
R. M. RIDDLE, ESQ.—Dear Sir :—I recog
nize and appreciate your courteous notice of
the speech recently delivered by me in Pitts
burgh. Its admitted fairness, the result of
confidence and conviction, is a characteristic
which it shares with numerous addresses by
my Democratic brethren, who, for the tem
perate utterance of undoubted truths, bare
been assailed with a fury of invective 'novel
in its intensity, and unknown in Pennsylva
nia politics until the recent attempt to sub
ject our good old Commonwealth to subser
viency to the vagaries of New England fan
atics and the interests of New England spec
ulators. Your impulses as a gentleman have
constrained your columns to form an excep
tion to the common course of the partizan
press. I complain not, however, even of the
vilest vituperation, for slander, injures only
the slanderer, and the freedom of the press
concerns greater interests than touch the pri
vate sensibilities of any man.
You publicly put three questions, and di
rect me as to the manner of reply. Not be
ing a candidate for any office and asking no
man's vote or voice, I am not bound to an
swer; and certainly if I waive my privilege
and respond to your interrogatories, I am the
proper judge of the mode of doing so. But
I waive this also, and agree to your strongly
stated suggestion that they be answered,
"plainly and fairly, not by elaboration or
evasion, or by homilies on good breeding or
metaphysical abstractions or wire-drawn law
pleadings." We shall then see "whether the
results" (as you predict) "differ widely from
those which seemed to follow," what you are
pleased to term "specious speculations in re
gions too exalted for the practical subjects
before the American people."
In my judgment whatever is incomprehen
sible in politics is false. The extent of pop
ular intelligence is the limit of legitimate pow
er; for the servant cannot be greater than his
master, and those who administer the govern
ment are the servants of the people.
Your questions are:
Ist. "Are you in favor of excluding Penn
sylvania white men from Kansas by filling
the Territory with slaveholders and slaves ?"
To which I answer NO
2d. "Do you deny the assertion in the De
claration of Independence that, 'all men are
created free and equal I' If not, how can
you interpose to extend further the subjection
of one race to the enslavement by another?"
To which I answer NO !—I assent to the
sentiment quoted, and also to the declaration
in the same instrument, that 'governments
derive their jit.s.l powers from the consent of
the governed.' I. would not, therefore, 'inter
pose' to extend over a State or Territory, of
which I am not a citizen, any law whatever,
but would leave the making of the entire do
mestic code to those who live under it.
3d. "Do you agree that 'the North should
be subdued in the sense of Stephen A. Doug
las' insolent threat' ?"
To which I answer It ! And I deny that
Mr. Douglas used the language imputed to
him.
Having thus categorically replied to all
your enquiries, allow me to observe,—
Ist. That I am not in favor of excluding
Pennsylvanians from Kansas, because, as cit
izens of the Republic, they have the right to
go where they choose and do what they please,
except so far as restrained by law. The Con
stitution provides that "the citizens of each
State shall be entitled to all the privileges
and immunities of citizens in the several
States," and this absolute equality among the
people of the Union compels us to recognize
the same right of emigration and settlement
by those in the South as those in the North.
We hold by a common title, and if we deny
the right of the South we admit the invalidi
ty of our own claim. That a man is a slave
holder, does not effect his character as a citi
zen, and as it is in his character of citizen
that he may perform any act which we can
perform, he may, like ourselves, choose his
home in any State or Territory. lie must
submit to the local law, whatever it may be, i
for when he selects his abode he must be as
sumed to accept all the consequences of the
act. A slaveholder • entering any State or
Territory may bring his slaves with him—
whether they will remain subject to his ser
vice depends on the law to which he thus vol
untarily subjects himself. This is the risk
which he must incur. But it is a hazard con
fined to the action of the people of the com
munity into which he thus enters, and does
not extend beyond. It is a submission to the
sovereignty of the people which is not con
fined to any one subject, but extends to all
matters of legislation.
A New Yorker, at home, may lawfully pass
one dollar bank notes. We cannot prevent
his coming into Pennsylvania, but we can
forbid his putting those bank notes into cir
culation, and any organized attempt in New
i York to subvert our laws in this particular,
or to limit their application would be repel
led and resented as an insult to this Common
wealth. 'lf a man comes into Pennsylvania
his rights of property are dependent on Penn
sylvania law, except under the special re
straints of the Federal Constitution. If his
own notions, wishes, or interests could make
the law, we should have either the despotism
of dictation of a single man, or the anarchy
of rules as various and discordant as the men
who make them. Do not these principles ap
ply everywhere ?—would not these fatal con
sequences follow, from like causes, anywhere?
Suppose the inhabitants of Kansas were
unanimous in favor of the exclusion of slaves,
would it not be monstrous for one grant
toimmi assume that he could take slaves there and
keep them in defiance of the lawfully express
ed will of the rest ? It would be monstrous,
on/ii, because in derogation of the rule that
the majority govern, for the extent of the ma
jority does not determine the application of
the doctrine. If, on the other hand, a ma
jo,aty of the people declare, by law, that this
or any other species of property shall be rec
ognized and protected, can it be maintained
that a minority can at once annul the will of
the majority and destroy the rights of prop
erty by limiting according to their views the
application of the term ?
These principles were settled long ago,.
when the blood of the Revolution baptized
every American into the. family of freemen.
The sword of our soldiers crowned the peo
ple with the supreme sovereignty. The chief
argument for the Revolution was the omnip
otence of the public voice, and by conse- ,
quence the right of the people to make the
laws under which they live. Can those who
say that Congress may make laws for Kan
sas, deny the power of the English Parlia
ment of 1776 to make laws for the Colonies?
Where would those who seek to force laws on
the Territories, against their will, have been
found if they had lived in the days of the
Revolution and been called on. to resist laws
forced on the Colonies against their will ?
Would they have refused or obeyed this Brit
ish tyrant's call? Would they have been pa
triot whigs or tory traitors?
This sovereignty : in which each citizen
shares, is a personal right older than the Con
stitution and higher than the law; which he
carries about with him wherever he goes
within the broad bounds of our glorious Re
public ; which is not lost by passing from one
State to another nor limited by territorial
lines. It is our most precious birthright—
will be the richest heritage of our children—
shall we abandon it at the bidding of a des
perate band of disorganizers, or swear never
to surrender it but with life itself ?
Either popular sovereignty is true and safe,
or itis false and dangerous. The whole struc
ture of our government assumes the former,
and he who denies it is no Republican—he
who asserts it by force is a traitor. Why is
it not to be applied as well in Territories as
in States ?
To say that the Missouri Compromise has
destroyed this right is to assume that Con
gress may alter the radical
,relations which
connect the citizen with the State, arid that
one Congress may divest at their pleasure the
constitutional powers of all succeeding Re
presentatives of the people. There is no such
grant of power in the Constitution, and what
is not found there and is not necessary, does
not exist, because, by the terms of -that in
strument, the powers not delegated are re
served. To assume that au Act cannot be re
pealed is to limit each succeeding Congress
at the pleasure of all preceding Congresses,
and thus gradually to diminish the legisla
tive power until finally present popular will
would he wholly controlled by the sentiments
of former generations. All laws are com
promises, but the great compromise is the
agreement to submit to the will of the major
ity. This is the only irrepealable law, for it
is the human recognition of God's truth of
man's equality—in organized Government
equality before the law.
If Congress may interfere to exclude sla
very they may with equal warrant interfere
to introduce it. And thus in either way, de
stroy political liberty by destroying popular
sovereignty. If so we have a new species of
slavery introduced—the political slavery of
the white man and a new master created—
the Congress of the Union. •
To assume that unlimited control over
habitants of Territories is conferred by the
clause, "Congress, shall have power to dispose
of and make all needful rules and regula
tions respecting the Territory or other prop
erty belonging to the United States,". is to
confound the distinction between persons and
things, and convert citizens into chattels to
be "disposed of" at the pleasure of the Fed
eral Government. Horrible distortion of lan
guage—miserable necessity of subtei•fuge—
which seeks by subjecting those of our own
flesh and blood to worse than Egyptian bon
dage, to assert for the degraded creatures of
a servile race an equality, impracticable, be
cause forbidden by nature's eternal decree.
As plenary power of legislation is granted
only in regard to the seat of government, it
is virtually withheld elsewhere. The Con
stitution is reconcilable in its several parts,
and each of these with the great motive and
chief object of its formation.
It is true that Congress may interfere to
secure this right where an attempt is made
to- violate it, for a Republican form of gov
ernment is guaranteed by the Constitution to
all the people of the Union, This is not in
derogation but in support of popular sover
eignty, which is the principle which brings
Republics into being. And as Congress must
judge on application for recognition as a
State, of the freedom and fairness of the ex
ercise of the popular will, they may legiti
mately use the necessary means to secure this
independence of action. It is in both aspects
the power to preserve, not the right to destroy,
this principle of Freedom.
2. To your socond question I have also an
swered NO. In the fair sense intended by
Mr. Jefferson, I agree that all men are "born
equal." That is to say, each citizen of the
State, may justly claim to be, in his political
character, equal to all his fellow citizens. It
cannot be pretended but that both Nature
and Fortune unite in creating beings as vari
ous, in all the accidents of humanity, as their
own numbers. If of that race of man which
formed the State, they must be recognized by
the State of which they are citizens, without
regard to those inequalities. But such recog
nition depends on, and is to be controlled by,
the object for which the State exists. By
common consent and general necessity large
classes are excluded from direct political ac
tion. It is with consistency therefore, that
many of those who favor the extension of the ,
elective franchise to negroes advocate also its
extension to women. Certainly no argument
can be presented in favor of the former which
has not increased force applied to the latter.
The answer to all these visionary projects is,
that social order, without which there is uni
versal anarchy, demands a rule for the prac
tical application of abstract principle, and
this rule can he found only in the will of the
body of the nation.
Such was the view held by our fathers who
declare in the preamble of the Constitution,
"We establish it to secure the blessings of
liberty to ourselves and ova posterity. Not
to the negro, nor to his blood, but to the white
race which alone created the Constitution and
can alone control its action."
You ask, "would you interfere to extend
further the subjugation of one race to
another ?" NO! I would leave all this, as a
political question, to the several States, and
as a moral question to the disposal of a high
er than any mortal power; content to per
form my duty as a man by respecting the
rights of others ; my duty as a citizen by
obeying the laws, always observing that
Christian charity which "beareth all things,
believcth all things, hopeth all things, endu
reth all things."
3. In reply to
_your other question I say
that neither the North nor the South can be
subdued, so long as they are in the right.
The rock of refuge for weakness—sure shield
against superior force—is the Constitution.
The charge that Mr. Douglas ever used the
language imputed to him by ferocious fanat
ics, is cumulative proof of the madness of
those whose moral sense and political creed is ,
bearded by the one indefinite idea of the ex
cellence of the negro race.
The abstract question of negro slavery is
One on which there may be a fair difference
of opinion, but the founders of our freedom
unanimously united in declaring that, as a
political measure, it belonged exclusively to
the several sovereign States ; and the framers
of the Constitution, with Washington, him
self a slaveholder, at their head, expressly
provided not only for the exercise of entire
control of the subject by the States, but even
extended into non-slaveholding States the
rights of owners of slaves for purposes of re
clamation of fugitives.
By the example of our fathers, and the sa
cred compact into which they entered, we
are bound by every consideration of rever
ence for the past and hope for the future.
What modern man dare proclaim himself
purer than Washington, wiser than Franklin,
more patriotic than Henry ? The great con
servative doctrines which they taught should
be indelibly engraven on our hearts. It is
the glory of Pennsylvania that, calm in con
scious strength and rectitude of purpose, she
stands immoveable as her own mountains,
between those in the North who are pervert
ed by fanaticism, , and those in the South
who are inflamed by prejudice. Devoted to
the common interests of our common country
and ready to put down, with a quick will
and a strong arm, all that may assail the in
tegrity of the Union, which is the palladium
of our freedom, or weaken the bonds which
bind us together as a band of brothers, which
alone makes us an example to the nations of
the earth.
The price of political freedom is the sacri
fice of private predilection for the general
good. On this basis—by conciliation, con
cession, and compromise—our constitution
was constructed ; and it can be preserved
only by the perpetual practice of these car
dinal republican virtues. No delusive phan
tom of impracticable perfection should di
vert us from the plain path pointed out by
those wise and virtuous men in whose foot
steps we may safely tread.
Resolved to transmit to our children the
blessings which ourselves enjoy, we should
discard temptation to infidelity, and disown
the tempter who would, under any pretence
however specious, seduce us from our duty
to the great Republic, of which we are citi
zens, equal in our obligations as in our
rights.
The chief reply to all allegations of the
dangers which now threaten the Union is,
that the South is too weak for resistance to
the will of the North. Is this the answer of
a brother to a brother ? Is it the answer of
an honest man? Is it not on the contrary
the proclamation of the tyrant's law ? is
this what the Union has conic to?
No, it is not, for the North will never sus
tain the assumptions of those who insolently
assume to speak in her name the language
of treason. In every state of the confederacy
a powerful party still stands by the Consti
tution, and, discarding sectional distinctions,
upholds the rights of each State to perfect
internal independence and absolute external
equality. This is the true conservative at
traction which holds together the political
system and keeps the stars of the Union
within their spheres, all revolving round a
common centre, without confusion or danger
—a harmonious whole. The American peo
ple will visit with signal vengeance those
who may diminish, by one ray from one star,
the light of Liberty which streaming from
this Western Continent penetrates the dark
ness of despotism and kindles hope in the
heart of humanity throughout the world.
I write hastily and briefly for I cannot
command my time and must not further in
trude on your space. I will therefore pur
sue these subjects at a meeting in Wilkins
Hall on Tuesday evening next, which you
are invited to attend. Doubtless the Demo
cratic citizens of Allegheny county will be
glad to see you there. For myself I assure
you of a cordial welcome, a fair hearing of
any reply you may see fit to make and a res
pectful rejoinder by
Your obedient servant,
WILL. A. STOKES.
From the Ebensburg Democrat and Sentinel
John R. Edie.
Two years ago, John B. Edit, was a can
didate for Congress in this District. Previ
ous to his nomination, he had been known
as an ultra Whig; as a pious and devout
worshipper at the political altar where Clay
and Webster during their lives, ministered
as the great high priests. About that time,
Know-Nothingism began to develope itself,
not only in this District but also in other
portions of the State ; but so secret and hid
den were its tactics, that it was almost im
possible to fasten upon its followers the sin
of membership. Although Edie was strong
ly suspected of being a member of the order,
his explicit denials of the imputation in pri
vate conversation, secured for him, not only
the support of his old political associates, but
also the votes of a large number of Demo
crats, for the reason that the latter regarded
the election of his .opponent as utterly hope
less, and because they were appealed to by
his personal friends to vote for him—as a
matter of course, under these circumstances,
he was elected by a large majority.
During the following winter, we think in
January or February 1855, a Know-Nothing
meeting was held in the Court House in
Somerset. It was addressed by Lewis C.
Levin, of Philadelphia, one of the most ram-
Sant and scurrillous Know-Nothings in the
tate—at that meeting John, R. Edie was
chairman of the committee on resolutions,
and in that capacity, introduced a series of
resolves, asserting the right of Americans to
rule America ; .expressing a holy horror at
the dangers of foreign influence and recom
mending as a remedy, a radical change in
the naturalization laws. This was his first
public demonstration in favor of Know-Noth
ingism, and in this region, it produced to
wards him a feeling of the most sovereign
contempt, on the part of those gentlemen,
whom he had so basely and wilfully deceived.
It was the first time they discovered, that to
lie was part and parcel of the sworn obliga
tion of a Know-Nothing. From that time,
up to the present day, he has been among
the most active and prominent members of
the order ; he has attended' 411 the Know-
Nothing State Councils and so zealous has
he been and so distinguished a disciple has
he become, that one portion of the State
Council is familiarly known as "the Edie
branch." This fact alone, is sufficient to se
cure for his name a lasting immortality.
Such is his political record, briefly stated, so
far as his Know-Nothingism is concerned.
With what face can j .he appeal to old line
Whigs, and naturaliked voters to sustain
him? He basely deserted the former in the
hour of their trial, hypocritically professing
to be their friend ; by all his foul and blas
phemous midnight oaths, he is foresworn to
oppress and persecute the latter. He can
not plead that Know-Nothingism is political
ly dead and buried; that it is numbered
among the things that were. He so far for
gets his allegiance to the constitution of the
country and so far attempted to prostitute
his political influence to base and ignoble
purposes, as to become a member of the
midnight conclave, and by his acts he shall
be judged.
What has been his course in Congress?
What has he ever done that the people,
whom he has insulted and betrayed, should
stultify themselves by re-electing him? He
voted for Nathaniel P. Banks for Speaker of
the House of Representatives, knowing that
Banks had declared that he was in favor of
"letting the Union slide." That vote is a fit
commentary on John Edie's patriotism.
In harmony with his Know-Nothing breth
ren and Black Republican allies, he has
shouted most vociferously for "free Kansas,"
for ‘: - free -speech" and for "free men." He
has shed crocodile tears as freely as Tom
Ford over poor "bleeding Kansas" and has
piteously lamented over her future destiny ;
and yet, when the Senate of the United
States, two months before the adjournment
of Congress, passed a bill for the pacification
of Kansas, which John P. Hale declared un
the floor of the Senate was unexceptionable,
this same John B. Edie, refused to vote for
it. He was willing to disband the army and
leave the frontier settlers to the tender mer
cies of the savage ; but did he want peace in
Kansas—no—not until after the Presidential
Election. Deprive him of his stereotype ap
peal for Kansas and the opportunity which
it affords him and his Black Republican as
sociates, of denouncing Southern men and
Southern Institutions, and appealing to the
sympathies and prejudices of the North, and
their occupation, like Othello's is gone. By
his vote on the army bill, he is equally re
sponsible with Giddings & Co., for the pres
ent troubles in Kansas; because when that
vote was given, there was comparative peace
in that territory ; but the moment the result
was known, and the President was thus ren
dered powerless by destroying the efficiency
of the army, the Telegraph wires were set to
work, and Lane with his deluded followers,
invaded the country and the work of civil
war and bloodshed again commenced. This
was the commencement of the present Kan
sas difficulties. The Democrats, both in the
Senate and House of Representatives, de
sired peace and labored arduously to accom
plish it; but they were in a minority and
therefore powerless. On Edie and his co-la
borers, constituting the majority, rests the
fearful responsibility. If an angel were to
prepare a bill, for the settlement of the Kan
sas troubles, we do not believe it would have
received the vote of a single Black Republi
can member of Congress, for the reason that
if that question was settled before the Presi
dential Election, Fremont and his friends
would be completely shorn of all their boast
ed political strength ; their only plank would
be completely knocked from beneath them.
What is John B. Edie's position on the
Presidential question? Is he for Fillmore
or Fremont ? We have been informed that
in Somerset county, where he resides, and
where Fremont has but few friends, he pass
es for a Fillmore man, and through his pro
curement, the Know-Nothing paper in that
county, ran up the Fillmore flag and hauled
the _Fremont banner down. In this county,
he was taken in charge by the Fremont men,
and as they refused to permit him to appear
before the people, and define his position on
this or any other question, we presume that
he gave them satisfactory assurances of his
devotion to Fremont, notwithstanding the fact
that he was a member of the liarrisOurg
Know-Nothing Convention, that placed in
nomination the present Fillmore Electoral
ticket. He would naturally trim his sails so
as to float with the popular breeze in Blair
and Huntingdon ; and proclaim himself for
Fillmore or Fremont, just as public opinion
might require.—One thing is certain and
that is, that he is opposed to Buchanan.—
That was to be expected and we rejoice at it,
for we need not the aid and assistance of a
man, who would so far dishonor himself, as
to declare in the National Know-Nothing
Convention at Philadelphia on the 19th day
of February last, that he was President of
the true American party in Pennsylvania,
and that he was the successor of that clerical
demagogue, the Bee. 0. H. Tifany.
Democrats of Cambria! such is the candi
date opposed to the Democratic nominee,
Cyrus L. Pershing. The one is a high mind
ed honorable man ; the other is a mere
trading politician, who would crawl into a
Know-Nothing lodge and concoct schemes
by which to degrade and oppress a portion
of his fellow-citizens, and then crawl out
again and denounce his fellow-conspirators,
if by doing so, he believed he could better
his political fortunes. Choose ye between
them.
From the Hollidaysburg Standard
Hon. John R. Edie.
This gentleman represented the 18th Con
gressional District, in the last Congress at
Washington, and has been re-nominated by
the Know Nothings of said district for re-elec
tion. It might be well to enquire what are
the claims of this man Edie, over all other
men in his party in the District, that entitle
him to the distinction of a re-nomination.—
Surely it cannot be the result of any signal
services he has rendered the nation ; because
we know of none with which his name has
been associated during the sitting of the late
Congress. 'When he was not in his seat,
which was often so, every one who knew the
habits and inclinations of the man knew
where to find him, when his vote was needed
to carry any pet measure of the dominant
party. On such occasions, the messenger
was sent to one of the gambling hells that
abound in Washington city, or to some place
of even worse repute, where Mr. E. was al
ways on hand, enjoying the luxuries of high
life in Washington. We believe he made, or
attempted to make a speech on the morality
of canino• b Congressmen ; but it fell still-born
from the lips of its author. And this is the
service which he rendered for the sum of $8
per day, and $6,000 of extra pay, which the
K. N. members of the last Congress voted
out of the coffers of the nation into their
pockets.
The fact is, that this man Edie is a low
bred fellow, with neither manners nor brains,
and is totally wantina b in the first qualifica
tions of a respectable Congressman. In fine,
Edie is a forcible illustration of the doctrines
of the Know Nothing party, which, like the
boiling of a pot, always throws the scum to
the top. Ilad it not been for the low tenden
cies of Know Nothingism, the name of John
R. E.die, would never have disgraced the rec
ords of our National Legislature.
Happily the people of the 18th District
have as his competitor, on this occasion, a
gentleman, who is, in every sense of the term,
his antipodes. Cyrus L. Pershing is a gen
tleman of worth and ability. He is a ripe
scholar, excellent lawyer, and a highly . ac
complished gentleman. His private life is
above reproach—an honest man and exem
plary Christian. As a debator,, he has few
equals ; whilst his urbanity and suavity of
manner is so captivating, that to know him
is to love him. In Mr. Pershing, the people
would have a frank, fearless, honest, moral
and exemplary man to see to their interests ;
whose character would add lustre to any sta-•
tion in life ;—whilst his talents would re
dound to the credit and honor of his consti
tuents. Surely, the people will not-hesitate
to choose between these two men, and that
their choice will fall upon Cyrus I. Persh
ing, there can be no doubt. If it be objec
ted by any one that we have spoken harshly•
of Mr. Edie, we answer that We have spoken•
but the truth, which, as a public journalist,
we are bound to do. We• can. point to the ,
record of Mr. Edie's public life, both at Har
risburg and Washington City, and fix beyond
the power of refutation, every charge we
have made against him in this article.
From the Phila. Argus, Sept. 19:
The Old-Line Whigs at the Great Meet
ing on Wednesday.
As an evidence of the feeling which pre
vails throughout this community in favor of
constitutional principles, we gladly refer to
the number of old-line Whigs who participa
ted in the vast ovation in Independence Square
on Wednesday last.
The President of the meeting, George M.
Wharton, Esq., has heretofore been a mem
ber of the old-line Whig party, and occupies
a high position in his profession and in soci
ety. Amongst the Vice Presidents formerly
attached to that party were Wm.l3. Johnson,
Esq., of the firm of Caleb, Cope & Co., Theo
dore Cuyler, Esq., a distinguished member of
the Bar, William B. Norris, Esq., Surveyor
of the Port under the administration of Gen.
Taylor, Moses Thomas, Esq., the well known
auctioneer, Thomas Snowden, Esq., the Whig
President of the Common Council, a few
years ago, Benjamin Gerhard, Esq., a prom
inent member of the legal profession, Wil
liam G. Cochran, Esq., Wm. F. Boone, Esq.,
a member of the Legislature from this city,
and District Attorney, under the administra
tion of Gov. Ritner; F. J. Figueira, Esq.,
John Shaffner, Esq., a prominent merchant ;
Francis 11. Duffee, Esq., Frederick Fraley,
Esq., for many years Whig Senator from the
city of Philadelphia in the Legislature ; Rob
ert J. Ross, Esq., the eminent banker, Dan
iel Deal, Esq., William Sargeant, Esq„ son
of the lamented John Sargeant, the old-line
Whig leader for years in Philadelphia; Stacy
Barcroft, Esq. ; and from the interior of the
State the names of such former Whigs as
John 11. Berryhill, of Dauphin ; William Car
penter and David Longenecker, of Lancaster,
show the feeling that prevails elsewhere.
Every day convinces us that the disunion
movements of the opposition will nowhere be
more sternly rebuked than in the City of
Philadelphia. We have on all sides intelli
gent and influential citizens declaring their
determination to oppose the fusion State tick
et, and to stand up to the Democratic nomi
nations in October. It would be strange if
it were otherwise. It would be remarkable
if in the midst of the perils which surround
us, men could be found willing to assist in
the movement for the election of John C.
Fremont, with the fact before their eyes that
the success of that movement would paralyze
our industry and prostrate the great interests
of this splendid metropolis.
Reasons of the Negro Douglass for Sup
porting john. C. Fremont.
Fred. Douglass, in his paper of August 15,
took down the names of the radical Abolition
candidates for the Presidency and Vice Pres
idency, and put up the names of FREMONT
and DAYTON. Let all who follow negro dic
tation and morals under the leadership of a
negro editor mark well his reasons fbr this
course :
"In supporting Fremont and Dayton, we
are in no wise required to abandon a single
anti-slavery truth or principle which we have
hitherto cherished and publicly advocated.—
Hereafter, as hitherto, we shall contend for
every principle and maintain every doctrine
laid down in the platform of the radical Abo
litionists. The unconstitutionality of slavery,
the illegality of slavery, the right of federal
government to abolish slavery in every part
of this republic, whether in States or Terri
tories will be as firmly held and as sternly
insisted upon as hitherto. And we are the
more reconciled to accepting Fremont and
Dayton by the fact that they are surrounded
by a party of progressive men. We take
them, therefore, not merely for - what they are,
but for what we have . good reason to believe
they will all become when they have lived for a
time in the element of anti-slavery disunion..
In supporting them we neither dishonor our
principles nor lessen our means of securing
their adoption and active application. We
can reach the ears and hearts of as great a
number within the ranks of the Republican
party as we could possibly do by remaining,
outside those ranks. We know of no law ap
plicable to the progress and promulgation of
radical Abolition principles which would act
less favorably towards our principles inside_
the party than outside of it.
"The right and duty of the federal govern
ment to abolish slavery everywhere in the
United States is entirely true and deeply im
portant—and yet, it must be confessed that
this doctrine has been made appreciable but
to a few minds, the dwellers in the mountain
peaks of the moral world, who catch the first
beams of morning long before the slumber
ers in the valleys awake from their dreams.
This new doctrine, we think, may very pro
perly be left to take its turn in the arena of
discussion. Time and argument will do more
for its progress, and its final adoption by the_
people, than can be done for it in the present
crisis by the few votes of the isolated radical
abolitionists."
Colored Republicans.
The Boston Bee, a FREMONT paper, reports
meeting of the colored citizens of Boston,
who passed the following :
Resolved, That we, the colored citizens of
Boston, will support, with our voices and
votes, John C. Fremont, of California, as
President of the United States, and William
L. Dayton, of New Jersey, as Vice Presi
dent.
A FREMONT meeting held a, few nights ago
in Marlborough, Chester county, Pa., was
addressed by a NEGRO ! Some of the audi
ence left—it was going it rather too strong
for them.