The globe. (Huntingdon, Pa.) 1856-1877, September 24, 1856, Image 1
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An Ablt AVVrtss. ADDRESS -TO THE OP PENNSYLVANIA. FELLOW-CITIZENS :—Tho Central Commit tee, appointed by the Democratic State Con vention, hare thought proper to address you on the questions which you must decide at the next election. In doing so, we shall be candid, frank, and fair. Apart from the principle which should bind all men to the truth in political discussions, and in every thing else, we are well aware that any at tempt to mislead you would injure our cause. It is yet nearly three months before the elec tion, and there is no reason to believe that the public mind will not use the intermediate time in calmly considering the great issue be fore it. We are perfectly willing that what soever we may say, which is not justified by fact and reason, shall be set down as so much against us, against our party, and against our candidates. The time has passed for the discussion of Bank and Tariff questions. We hear no pro posals to enact a Bankrupt law, no word of opposition to the Independent Treasury. All these questions are settled agreeably to the Democratic opinions upon them. The rise, the prosperity, and the fall of the great Whig party, are themes for the historian, and full of instructive lessons ; but we will not dwell upon them now. It is the present duty of the Democratic party to stand over the Constitution, and "shield it and save it, or, perish there, too." It is our task in this campaign to beats its en emies, separate or combined,. just as they choose to meet us, to conquer them with an overthrow which will be a warning to them for many a year. And it must be done, or else this Union is not safe for a day. We know very well how easy it is to sneer at any suggestion of danger to the Union.— Bitt .we know also that the federal relations of this Government are so delicately con structed, that they may be ruptured at any time by a serious error of the people in choos ing a Chief Magistrate, The States of the Union are net held together by physical force like the dependencies of a kingdom, icor even by political power, like different parts of the same State. They are independent sovereignties, united by the gentler law of mutual attraction. This law, operating on their own free will, made the Union ; and when it .ceases to operate the Union will be unmade. Let a President of the United States be elected exclusively by the votes of one section, and on a principle of avowed hostility to the men, the measures, the do mestic institutions, the feelings and the in terests, real or supposed, of the other section, and diat must be the consequence ? We (I() not say that it would certainly or necessarily dissolve the Union. Perhaps the good genius of the Republic, which has I) rougl us:through so many perils, might save us again. But that man must be intellectually blind who does not see that it would put us in fearful danger. For this reason the election of a sec tional candidate must be regarded as in itself a great and public misfortune. The party that avows opposition and hatred towards a certain class of the States as its motive and rule of action, is entitled to no aid or comfort from any man who loves his country, or de sires to he faithful to its government. The greatest, the wisest and the best men the country ever produced, have warned us that the Union could not last under the con trol of a geographical party. Need we refer you to Washington's Farewell Address ? 'Need we remind you of the admonition which Jefferson and Jackson have given ? If the solemn voices which come front the tomb at Mount Vernon, from the sepulchre at Monti cello, and from the grave at the Hermitage, have ceased to be.regarded, then we are lost indeed. The most illustrious statesmen of later times felt the same fears for the Union, and assigned, for those fears, the same reasons.— Clay and Webster, and their great compat riots, overlooked all other considerations in the efforts they made to avert this one por tentious calamity. Even Mr. Fillmore, the Know-Nothing (but Anti-Abolition) candi date, has not hesitated to say that the Union cannot stand in ease an Abolition President, like Fremont, he chosen; and he lets it be very plainly understood that, in such a case, he would think a dissolution of it perfectly justifiable. When yon consider these things in connexion with the fact that the ultra- Alolitionists, most of whom are acting with the so-called Republican party, openly pro fess their desire to break up the Union and to trample on the Constitution, how can you doubt that Fremont's election, or even the casting, of a considerable vote for him, would prove to be a fatal mistake ? Yet we are noalarmists. We trust confi dently in the perpetuity of our present Gov ernment. But that confidence is based in the conviction that the people will take the advice of Washington, and frown indignantly on the first dawnings. The safety of this Union must depend on the triumph of better principles than those of Giddings and Sumner, and Garrison, and Hale, and Seward ; and upon the election of n better President than John C. Fremont. These men attempt to jusfify the miserable crusade which they are preaching against a portion of their fellow citizens, by asserting that the South have encroached on the rights ,of the North. They have pertinaciously de clared that in all controversies on the subject of Slavery we of the North have been over come by the superior energy and boldness of those who favor that institution "The Slave:- ccra,cy," "the lash of the Slave drivers," " the aggressions of the Slave power,"—these arc the phrases with which they describe the influence of the South in our National COun: ,e,ils. Northern men who do not join them in their clamorous abuse of the South, are charg ,ed with cowardice and. are habitually called Dough Thees." This has been repeated so continually and so impudently that many nersons have at length been impressed by it. WU WILLIAM LEWIS, VOL XII, There a.re . men among us who actually think that the North has been the victim of griev ous wrongs, to which we have been submit ting with - a disgraceful tameness of spirit.— This is an artful appeal to a point of honor on which all men are sensitive, and it is not wonderful that thoso who are weak enough to be deceived by it should also be weak enough to break out into denunciation of the South, as a cheap and safe way of showing their courage. Candor requires us to say that if there is truth in this the Democracy ought to be de feated. If that party has ever counselled submission to wrong, oppression, and injury, it is not worthy your confidence and support. If we have ever yielded to our Southern brethren a right which the Constitution, in its letter or spirit, did not give them—if we have made any concession to them in the way of compromise, which was not required by a fair and manly sense of justiee—then we ad mit that Abolitionism has the right side of this argument. But we totally deny the truth of this impu dent accusation. It is false in the aggregate and false in detail ; false in the sum total, and false in everyone of its items. 'We pronounce it a libel on both sections of the Union. It could be invented only in a spirit of sheer mendacity ; it can be believed only by gross ignorance or childish credulity. The fact that the Democratic party in the North has behaved with honorable magnan imity and fairness to the weaker section— their brethren in the South—.this is our crime —this is the wrong which we and our fathers have been heaping on our own heads for three quarters of a century. This is the offence which the Abolitionists would punish by bringing our Government to a violent end, and by covering our whole country with shame and ruin. Before the formation of the Constitution it was feared that the interests, opinions and feelings of the different States, were so vari ous and so much opposed,, that no general government could possibly be established.— Such was the view of the subject taken by Washington himself. But the effort was made, It owed its success simply to the fact that the right of each State to manage its own domestic concerns in its own way, was fully conceded. It was easily foreseen that great difference of opinion and feeling would exist between the people of the several States, in romand to the treatment that ought to•be bestowed upon _the black race, who were among us, but not of us—who were on our soil, and yet not,, a part of - 'the people, nor qualified in any way to be our equals, This race was then held in slavery, or involuntary servitude, by the laws of all the States except one. But in the North their numbers were few, and the cli mate unsuited to them, while in the South it was just the reverse. It was utterly out of the question to expect unanimity on a subject like this. It could be managed in one way only ; and that way was by agreeing that each State should determine the whole matter for itself, and on its own responsibility. It was then solemnly agreed that the Federal Gov ernment should not interfere with Slavery; and that no State should interfere with it in any other State, either directly or indirectly. And all the people said anion If the solemn assurances of mutual forbearance then given and sworn to so often since, have been belied and violated, it has not been done with the consent of the Democracy. The question of involuntary servitude had engaged the earnest attention of the sages of the revolution. There can be no doubt that if they could have provided for its ameliora, tion and gradual emancipation, would have done so ; they found it, however, incorpora ted in the social system of all the States but one, and they dealt with it according to the exigencies of the times in which they lived, We all know that even at that early day it was a subject of mutual irritation and excite ment; and although the wonderful uses to which the cotton plant has been applied, on account of the subsequent discoveries in the manufactory of machinery, were then scarce ly anticipated, it is enough to say that the republican fathers could not dispose of this slavery question until they agreed upon the basis which led to the formation of the Con stitution ; the recognition of the domestic in stitutions of the South, in the ratio of repre sentation and in the provision for the resti tution of fugitives from labor. Twelve of the thirteen States that formed the Constitu tion, held slaves at the time that instrument was adopted, and by the quiet operation of the popular exclusive sovereignty six of these States have since become free, Throughout all the action of the framers of the Constitu tion, the idea which prevailed was that which regarded the negro as inferior to the white, and until p,bolitionisni is able to convince the present generation that this idea is illogical or untrue, (and to do this they must agree to the doctrine of a perfect equality between races,) all permanent legislation on the subject of the negro race must and will be controlled by the same sentiment. In the free States, at the present day, the negro is subject to a moral, and in many respects to a physical servitude, quite as injurious to his condition as the most fabulous pictures of Southern slavery represent his brothers' con dition in the South to be, We do not call the Northern negro a slave, but in what free State is he equal to the white ? In some States he is prevented from voting, in others lie votes upon a property qualification ; even in Massachuselts certain disqualifications are thrown in the way by those Utopian piffles° , pliers, who constantly prate of the equality of racks; in others still he is met by a statute that excludes him altogether from entrance upon their .soil, and nawberc is he recognized on the same level with the white. The white who intermarries with the black is every where regarded as a degraded being• ' and in schools 4,110. churches there is almost a uni versal liar between the two races, so that the rules of society and the laws of the States, even in the communities of the non-slave holding region, are inexorably opposed to the negro. Why is it that Abolitionism does not begin at home and reform these things? But again, there is no power which can prevent any State from passing whatever laws it may please under the Federal Constitution, for its own comfort and protection, and the very same theory -which induces us to respect and to recognize the great doctrine of State rights in the South, under which it holds its own slaves, compels us also to recognize those laws to which we have referred in the North, in regard to the free blacks. The North reg ulates its colored population as it pleases, and is protected in doing so by the Constitution of the United States. All the negroes of the North are represented in the ratio of federal representation, and yet nearly all are dis franchised and alienated by the laws of the North. The South does as it pleases with its colored population, slave and free, and is pro tected under the Federal Constitution, but its slaves. are only represented in the ratio of three-fifths in the federal representation. In a moral point of view, it seems at least inconsistent that these abolitionists, who are entirely silent in reference to the negroes in the free States, should be so extremely vitu perative when they come to treat of the con dition of the negroes of the slave States.— Both belong to the same inferior class, both are so regarded in all the States. The South found a legacy in slavery, transmitted to it by its English ancestors, and the Constitu tion respected the institution as it existed when that instrument was framed. The North, while it has rid itself of slavery, (so far as the name is concerned,) still retains the right to protect itself against contact with a race which is stamped as inferior by all classes of whites wherever they are found. The Northern States in the exercise of their undoubted constitutional right, consul ted what they deemed their own true inter est, and one after another, in their own time and their own way abolished slavery. .Against these proceedings in the North the South ut tered not a word of complaint. But the views and opinions of the Southern States were wholly averse to abolition. They be lieved it to be utterly impossible, without the greatest danger, not to their prosperity only but to their very existence, This was an opinion to - which they had as good a right as the North had to the opposite one. But they were not suffered to enjoy and to act upon it in quietness and peace. At the very first Congress after the government was _organi. zed, a petition from the North was present= ed, praying for the abolition of slavery by Congress. Treacherous attempts to deprive the South of her undoubted rights to man age her own affairs, have been constantly made. The framers of the Constitution de claied in its premable, that one of their great objects in adopting it was "to insure domes tic tranquility," But the " domestic tran quility" of the South has been assailed by Northern Abolitionists, who knew very well that they had no business whatever in the matter. A majority of the old States made the ne groes free without opposition from abroad.— That was wise for the North to do so all agreed; that it was just and proper in the South to make no complaint is equally true. Now lot us see -whether the South has gain ed any advantages, or committed any aggres sions with reference to the new States. Maine and Vermont were admitted as free States, and nobody asked them to put slave ry into their constitutions, This was a mat tor of course, and so treated all around, But with reference to the Western States, their exemption from slavery was not a mat ter of course. The South might have pre vented it if she had seen proper. The whole of the territory north and west of the Ohio, and east of the Mississippi, belonged to the State of Virginia, She owned the land, and had the power to control the settlement of every acre, What did she do? She mag nanimously gave up not only her politicaljn, risdiction, but also her proprietary. right to the Federal Government, allowing the voters of the North to settle its destiny and all its proceeds to go into the general coffers. Con necticut had a spnriou.s claim to a part of it —a claim precisely like that which she set up to a part of Pennsylvania, and which was decided against her. But her claim to the Western reserve was conceded to her—she kept it, sold it, and put the proceeds into her own treasury. Virginia did not protest even when the Ordinance of 1787 was passed, abol ishing slavery within the territory, which she had thus generously given away. Was there any aggression in all this ? If there was "encroachment" on either side, who commit ted it? If there was unwise concession, from whom did it come ? The territory of 'Louisiana, including what is now ArkanSas, Missouri, lowa, Nebraska, Kansas, and the unoccupied wilderness be yond, was purchased from France in-1803.-- It was all slave Territory. We took it with a French law upon it Legalizing slavery, It could not be made free without repealing that law . . Missouri had been settled long before by persons who had owned slaves and who had held them there upon the faith of the law. They Were not disturbed during her whole existence as an organized territory : — When she proposed to come into the Union as a State, her people, in the exercise of as plain a right as any people ever possessed, made a constitution for themselves, in which, with almost entire unanimity, they recogniz ed the rights of the slaveholders to retain the property acquired under previous laws, Then arose the wildest yells of fanaticism. Large masses of the people in the North, and especially in New England, led on and exci ted by the inflamatory appeals of their lead ers? grew almost frantic with rage. The sole cause of this outcry was that the people of Missouri had made their own constitution to suit their own views, and had not permitted it to be made for them by anti-slavery men residina. t' in the Northern States. This was the head and front of their offending. Noth ing else was charged against them. Yet ev ery Southern member of Congress who ex pressed his opinion that Missouri had a right to make her own constitution was called an aggressor ? a slave driver and a tyrant, while every Northern man who assented to the same simple proposition was denounced and abused as a coward, dough-face, and as a recreant to his own. section. So fiercely did HUNTINGDON, PA., SEPTEMBER 24, 1856. -PERSEVERE. - - this storm of calumny blow that the whole government reeled to it. There seemed no way left to avoid a civil war but to compro mise. And such a compromise I It consis ted in an agreement that Missouri might ex ercise her undoubted right, and have her own constitution if Congress would abolish the law legalizing slavery in all the territory outside of that State and lying north of a certain line. That Congress had any power to do this is now almost universally doubted, and by a large majority of the people it ie totally denied that slavery can be forced, ei ther in or out of the Territory, by the legis lation of the General Government. Thus by mere clamor and abuse the North got an un constitutional advantage, in return for yield, ing to a Southern State a privilege which no fair man can deny was plainly her own, But even this did not satisfy the Abolition ists. They continued to insult the South for not giving up everything, and vented their abusive and slanderous epithets as vigorous ly as ever upon the North because it had not insisted on more. Was this Northern or Southern aggression ? In 1850, this cry of Southern aggression on Northern rights again rose to a pitch which seemed to put the Union in extreme danger. Again the trouble was allayed by a compromise. The nature, character and terms of the Compromise will show how much-aggression had been committed then. There were live measures included in it. 1. The admission of California as a free State. 2. The territorial organization of New Mexico on the principle of non-intervention, which it is known would exclude slavery. 3. The purchase of a large portion of Texas,. taking it away from the jurisdiction of a slave State. 4. The abolition of the slave trade in the District of Columbia. 5. The fugitive slave law. The first four of these measures were anti-slavery, and were de manded by the- North.—The fifth one (the fugitive slave law) was a concession, not to the South, but to the Constitution. It was required by its plain and unequivocal man date, and had been admitted by every Presi dent and every. Congress, from the founda tion of the Government, to be an imperative Constitutional obligation, For this, the same infamous assaults, were again made on the eminent men who supported it. The only measure which the South got was opposed and resisted, even, after its enactment, and in many places its execution was wholly prevented. We demand,, again, where was the aggression? It lai.itetheso facts we .base the assertion that in every contest where the rights of the North have been entrusted to Democratic protection, they have been guarded faithful ly and well, , have not resisted any just claim which the South ever made ; we have meant to treat them fairly, and to carry out in good faith the obligations imposed upon us by the Constitution. But if there has been any instance in which the South has got more than its due, the history of the transaction has escaped onr notice, On the contrary, we. submit to you, fellow citizens, whether the South has not got the scantiest measure of justice that could possibly be dealt out to her.—llas not the North had all the preponderance ? Ijas not oer section had the advantage of all the important con cessions that were ever made ? The States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michi n-an and Wisconsin were slave territory. They were presented to us by Virginia as a gracious gift, and we excluded slavery. The State of lowa, the territories of Minnesota and N ebras ka, were slave territory under the law of Louisiana. We took them because we were strong, and we made them Free Soil. Slav ery once covered. the whole Union. Its Rep resentatives in the National Government- are now in' a minority. Could anything but the grossest malice, the most stupid folly, or the most unmitigated knavery have suggested' the idea that slavery was - encroaching 'us while these things were going on? Our limited space will not permit us to re count the many unjustifiable injuries which the Abolitionists have perpetrated and at ; tempted to perpetrate upon the people of the South, upon these in the North who do not unite with them, and upon all the institu tions of the country. They have sought every occasion and taken' advantage of every event which could give them an excuse, for pour ing out their venomous slanders upon the fathers of the Constitution, upon the Consti tution itself, and upon all who support it, • This agitation began in England among persons whose gross ignorance of America 'svas the only excuse for their insane hostili ty to our Union. They sent over to this country one Thompson, a member of the British Parliament, a man of ability, but reckless like his employers. Under his in ; fluence and direction, societies, modelled after the old. English form, were established in New England. The avowed object of these societies was to excite insurrection among the Southern negroes, For this purpose they distributed among the negroes by every means in their power, pictures representing the scenes of violence, murder and arson, through which the slaves, if they wonld adopt them, might bo free.—These things were accom panied by promises of aid and support from British and American leaders. Low , . sub sequent to the time we speak of, Joshua R. Giddings, a member of Congress, and now the loading friend of Col. Fremont, admitted the accomplishment of this object, (a servile insurrection led by British oilieers,) to be the dearest wish of his heart. No doubt ho spoke the general sentiments of his party. Think, follow-citizens, of the situation in which this must have placed 'the Southern people. They found the institution of negro slavery fastened upon them without any fault of their own. 'Many of them believed it to be an evil, but they could not help it. They had the wolf by the ears, and they could neither hold 'on with comfort nor let go with safety. A general emancipation would have been a virtual surrender of the whole Southern country to the black race, probably the extinction' of the whites in their own blood. The fate of St. Domingo and the British West Indies forbade such a thought. It was in this condition that they were as ie. sailed by every means which malice and cunning could devise, in order to increase the danger and difficulty of their situation. Have they not a good right to complain bit terly of a party wich was doing all it could to murder them, their wives and their chil dren? • They did complain. But their complaints were uttered in vain. General Jackson cal led the attention of Congress to the subject, and a bill was brought in to prohibit the transmission of incendiary documents through the mail, but the South was in the minority and the bill was lost, It was not only lost, but the proposition to prevent the United States mail from being prostituted to the pur poses of assassination and murder, was made the occasion for a new cry of Southern ag gression, and every Northern man who favor-, ed it was again called a dough-face, coward And. traitor. In the present canvass, the Abolition pan ty has a strength which it never had before. The dissolution of the Whig party has left many men without political connexions, and some of them have a causeless feeling against the Democracy which makes them embrace any doctrine, and risk disunion itself, rather than join us. Many of the adhering Know Nothings were led over bodily, with their eyes shut, into the pit-fall of Abolitionism. They have, out of these materials, formed a party which they dare call Republican. Yes, a combination of men, acting under the in fluence of opinions formed and developed in England—propagated by British emissaries —advocated by the British press, and aiming a direct blow at the only strong republic on earth—such a party adds to its other sins the base hypocrisy of calling itself by the 54cred. name of Republican, Their only battle cry at this moment, and for some time past, has been Kansas! Kan sas I Kansas I Mr. Buchanan will be elected President, and this Kansas question, with all its incidentals, will pass away among the things that were. When that happens, the people of this country will look back with wonder at the scenes now enacting, and think with: amazement of the storm which alew fanatics f 14.10 traitors could raise on a question so simple 4,nd so easily ndjuSted. • The Territorial government of Kansas was organized on a principle which permitted the men who might inhabit the new State to de termine what should be its laws and institu tions. Thus it expressly declared: "It be ing the true intent and meaning of this act xoT to legislate slavery INTO any State or nrritory, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitu r tion of the United States." That, too, was the very principle of the Compromise of 1850, with reference to Cali fornia and New Mexico, and advocated by Clay, and Cass, and Webster, Let Whigs, Democrats, and Americans,—all men who love the Union,-,listen to the language of the patriot Clay in his celebrated report in troducing the Compromise bill: "It is high time that the wound's which it [the Wilmbt _proviso] has inflicted should be healed up and closed, and that to avoid in all . fitture time, t h e aaitation which must be produced by the conflict of opinion prit the slavery question—existing, as this institution does, in some of the States, and prohibited, as it is, in others—the true principle which ought to re,galate the action of Congress in forming territorial governments for each newly acqui, red domain, is to refrain from all legislation on the subject in the territory acquired, so long as it retains the territorial form of gov ernment,—leaving it to the people of such territory, when they have attained to a con dition which entitles them to admission as a State to decide for themselves the question of the allowance or prohibition of domestic 4iav : - . ery,'!-,,,(See . Congressional 'Globe, Nay 10, 1860, page 945.) Certainly no man of ordinary foresight could have believed that honest men in the North, after contending for this doctrine five or six. years ago, would turn around and re pudiate it now. But these hypocritical pre tenders complain of the repeal of the law known as the Missouri Compromise, by which Congress legislated slavery out of -Territory north of 36 deg. 30 min., and permitted it to exist in all Territory south of that line ; and yet, in the platform they have made for their candidate and party, they solemnly resolve, ‘ 5 that we deny the authority of Congress, of a Territorial Le[..islature, of any individual or association of individuals, to give legal exis tence to slavery in any Territory of the Uni ted States, while the present Constitution Shall be maintaiaed." "Res. 2d, Republican Platform,.lBs6.] Thus the very Compromise, which the Ab olitionists at one moment pretend should not have been repealed, because, as they allege, it was a bindinr , law and compact, they in the next solemnly resolve was no law—no compact; nay more, that it was beyond the power of Congress or of any human power to make such a law, while the Constitution shall last ! But we pass from this to anoth er topic. Some disorders have occurred in the con test of opinion which has been going' on in Kansas for two or three years between the pro : slavery men and the Abolitionists.— AVhatever they amounted to, it is fit that those who committed those disorders should take the responsibility and bear the consequences. But no one can fail to see that abolitionism has exaggerated and perverted every incident connected with them in this way which in their opinion was best calculated to create prejudice and hatred against the South.— Their own share in provoking these quarrels they have tried all they could to conceal. In stead of proposing some mode of settling the disputes in Kansas amicably and peacefully, they h aye artfully fanned the flame and shown by "their whole conduct, that they would wil lingly spread civil war from. Kansas all over the Union. Even an assault and battery, committed. at Washington city, has been used as a means of stirring up the bitter waters of sectional strife. 'When riots have been raised in the North to prevent the execution of the fugi Editor and. Proprietor. NO. 14. tive slave law, a law approved by Washing ton, voted for by Clay and Webster, and sign. ed by President Fillmore, and murd.eri coin witted for the same purpok like.those, at Car : lisle and Christiana,.these same. abolitionists clapped their hands in exultation, and cried Well done ! When the South complained that her best citizens had been thus slaugh tered for no offence but demanding their law ful rights, the abolitionists answered with in : snit and ribaldry., And now, when a north ern Senator is caned by the Representative of a slave-holding State, ' the whole Abolition -party is thrown into a wild commotion of ex xitement. We do not justify or excuse Mr. Brobks, but we think that those men who had no sympathy for Kennedy and GOrsuch might as well be quiet about Sumner. In conclusion, we will briefly refer to ono important fact, which' ought to consign the. leaders of the so-called Republican party to their political graves.. You are all aware that the Senate of the, United States is largely Democratic. That body, some time ago, passed a bill for the paciAcation of Kansas, so just and so equi table;: that no fair objection can be made against it. It provides for the admission of Kansas as a State, with such a Constitution as the people themselves shall choose to. have; and that the. vote upon it may be taken fairly, the most stringent regulations are made to prevent any man from putting in a ballot who is not resident. It- pro vides that any one who has left the Terri tory on account of the previous troubles, may return and vote as if he had net, , •one, away. It abrogates all the laws passe by the 'Territorial Legislature complained of by the Abolitionists. No man can deny (and so far as we know it never has been denied,) that this bill, if passed by the other Ileus of Congress, would at once settle the whole, difficulty in a, manner perfectly fair.— Even one of the Abolition Senators—Mr. Hale—admitted this, for upon the introduc tion of the bill he said, in the Senate : "But, sir, I do not want to dwell on that subject, but' to speak a very few words in reference to this bill which has been intro-. duced by the Senator from Georgia. I take this occasion to say that this bill, as a whole, does great credit to the magnanimity, to the' patriotism, and to the sense of justice of the honorable Senator who introduced it. It is a much fairer bill than I expected froM that latitude. I say so because lam al - #s wil-. ling and determined, when I have, occasion to speak any thing, to do ample justice. think the bill is almost unexceptionable." Yet the Republican leaders, in and out of Congress, arc doing their best to prevent tho passage of this bill. They do not want the question settled. They prefer civil war, dis union, and all their frightful consequences. We solemnly trust that these heartless dem agogues will receive such a lesson at the next election from the people, and especially from the people of Pennsylvania, as will settle them and the Kansas question both together. By order of the State Central Committee. JOHN W. FORNEY, Chairman. The Kansas Bill [From the Lzmcaster Totrilig (:)cOr.] What is this hill that the Black Republi cans keep up such an undefined and sense less howl about, for the purpose of mislead ing and prejudicing the niincls of honest and unsuspecting voters? The getters up of this cry are so regardless of fact, and so presum ing of the ignorance and inattention Of 'the people, thgtihey start out with the false dec laration,' that in endorsing the Kansas bill the Deniocratic party has committed itself to the extension of slavery ! Never did any party set out on an electioneerin.. n campaign with a more face declaration—and 'hat, too, their whole -stock in trade. To show these Black Republican falsifiers up in their trug colors to the scorn and detestation of eyeiy sensible man, - we quote_the clause of the bill upon which the base lie is predicated, SECTION 32. That the Constitution and all laws of the United States which are not lo cally inapplicable shall have the same force and effect within the said territory of Kansas as elsewhere, except the Sth Section of the act preparatory to the admission of Missouri inio•the Union, approved March 6th, 1820, which being inconsistent with the principles of non-intervention by Congress with slavery in the States and Territories, as 1- 1 cognized by the legislation of 1850, commonly Called the Compromise Measures," is hereby de clared inoperative and void ; it being the true intent and meaning of this act not to ldgis : late slavery into any State or Territory, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the peo ple thereof pelfectly five to Arm and regulate their own domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States. Now this is the organic law of Kansas.— It is the same as that of Nebraska, but is never spoken of in connection with it, be cause, under precisely the same clause, this latter Territory has organized with jive in stitutions! The provision distinctly is, ",ey : cry intelligent reader will admit, that the peo ple shall regulate their own domestic concerns in their own way. This provision is founded on a . principle as old as Democracy itself.— The Justness of the principle is as - apparent as the right of self-government-,,indeed, it i$ self-government under the name of “popular sovereignty." It is what every town and township, What every County and State, in their capacities ask for. Lancaster' city haS no right to join a part of the citizens of Man,: heim township and control their system of roads or schools : nor has a County or State any right to dictate a policy to any other County or State, or any State'or coMbination of States to any Territory. • The separatii and independent powers of eur Municipal, State and National governments, are peculiar to this country *alone, and constitute the great: est safeguards of the rights and liberties the people. ' " We suppose every intelligent person will admit that the people of Pennsylvania have a perfect constitutional right to either abol ish slavery, which they have done, or estab: lish it, if they think •proper. The right to do 'so,'pre-siipposes the capability of the peo : ple to do so intelligently. Well, then, if here, in the heart of the old Keystone State, we have the constitutional' right to decide the slavery question for Ourselves, and are capa ble of so doing—does it not follow that if we emigrate to Kansas or any other of the Ter ritories of the United States,' we have the same constitutional right and poss4a lho same qualifications for deciding *question for 'ourselves that we did whilst residents of Pennsylvania ? Does the mere transfer of our citizenship from Pennsylvania to Kansas make us less men,' or less capable of decd ding for ourselves what is best for Us? • But we need not argue the question any farther. The principle is so plain and;un mistakeably correct,- that it would be an in sult to the intelligence of our readers to ,ex : tend our remarks in *favor of the great doe : trine of popular sovereignty. ?',Passion is the mob of, the lean, which - ~.; commits a riot upon his reason.