The globe. (Huntingdon, Pa.) 1856-1877, September 24, 1856, Image 1

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An Ablt AVVrtss.
FELLOW-CITIZENS :—Tho Central Commit
tee, appointed by the Democratic State Con
vention, hare thought proper to address you
on the questions which you must decide at
the next election. In doing so, we shall be
candid, frank, and fair. Apart from the
principle which should bind all men to the
truth in political discussions, and in every
thing else, we are well aware that any at
tempt to mislead you would injure our cause.
It is yet nearly three months before the elec
tion, and there is no reason to believe that
the public mind will not use the intermediate
time in calmly considering the great issue be
fore it. We are perfectly willing that what
soever we may say, which is not justified by
fact and reason, shall be set down as so much
against us, against our party, and against our
The time has passed for the discussion of
Bank and Tariff questions. We hear no pro
posals to enact a Bankrupt law, no word of
opposition to the Independent Treasury. All
these questions are settled agreeably to the
Democratic opinions upon them. The rise,
the prosperity, and the fall of the great Whig
party, are themes for the historian, and full
of instructive lessons ; but we will not dwell
upon them now.
It is the present duty of the Democratic
party to stand over the Constitution, and
"shield it and save it, or, perish there, too."
It is our task in this campaign to beats its en
emies, separate or combined,. just as they
choose to meet us, to conquer them with an
overthrow which will be a warning to them
for many a year. And it must be done, or
else this Union is not safe for a day.
We know very well how easy it is to sneer
at any suggestion of danger to the Union.—
Bitt .we know also that the federal relations
of this Government are so delicately con
structed, that they may be ruptured at any
time by a serious error of the people in choos
ing a Chief Magistrate, The States of the
Union are net held together by physical force
like the dependencies of a kingdom, icor
even by political power, like different parts
of the same State. They are independent
sovereignties, united by the gentler law of
mutual attraction. This law, operating on
their own free will, made the Union ; and
when it .ceases to operate the Union will be
unmade. Let a President of the United
States be elected exclusively by the votes of
one section, and on a principle of avowed
hostility to the men, the measures, the do
mestic institutions, the feelings and the in
terests, real or supposed, of the other section,
and diat must be the consequence ? We (I()
not say that it would certainly or necessarily
dissolve the Union. Perhaps the good genius
of the Republic, which has I) rougl us:through
so many perils, might save us again. But
that man must be intellectually blind who
does not see that it would put us in fearful
danger. For this reason the election of a sec
tional candidate must be regarded as in itself
a great and public misfortune. The party
that avows opposition and hatred towards a
certain class of the States as its motive and
rule of action, is entitled to no aid or comfort
from any man who loves his country, or de
sires to he faithful to its government.
The greatest, the wisest and the best men
the country ever produced, have warned us
that the Union could not last under the con
trol of a geographical party. Need we refer
you to Washington's Farewell Address ?
'Need we remind you of the admonition which
Jefferson and Jackson have given ? If the
solemn voices which come front the tomb at
Mount Vernon, from the sepulchre at Monti
cello, and from the grave at the Hermitage,
have ceased to be.regarded, then we are lost
The most illustrious statesmen of later
times felt the same fears for the Union, and
assigned, for those fears, the same reasons.—
Clay and Webster, and their great compat
riots, overlooked all other considerations in
the efforts they made to avert this one por
tentious calamity. Even Mr. Fillmore, the
Know-Nothing (but Anti-Abolition) candi
date, has not hesitated to say that the Union
cannot stand in ease an Abolition President,
like Fremont, he chosen; and he lets it be
very plainly understood that, in such a case,
he would think a dissolution of it perfectly
justifiable. When yon consider these things
in connexion with the fact that the ultra-
Alolitionists, most of whom are acting with
the so-called Republican party, openly pro
fess their desire to break up the Union and
to trample on the Constitution, how can you
doubt that Fremont's election, or even the
casting, of a considerable vote for him, would
prove to be a fatal mistake ?
Yet we are noalarmists. We trust confi
dently in the perpetuity of our present Gov
ernment. But that confidence is based in
the conviction that the people will take the
advice of Washington, and frown indignantly
on the first dawnings.
The safety of this Union must depend on
the triumph of better principles than those
of Giddings and Sumner, and Garrison, and
Hale, and Seward ; and upon the election of
n better President than John C. Fremont.
These men attempt to jusfify the miserable
crusade which they are preaching against a
portion of their fellow citizens, by asserting
that the South have encroached on the rights
,of the North. They have pertinaciously de
clared that in all controversies on the subject
of Slavery we of the North have been over
come by the superior energy and boldness of
those who favor that institution "The Slave:-
ccra,cy," "the lash of the Slave drivers,"
" the aggressions of the Slave power,"—these
arc the phrases with which they describe the
influence of the South in our National COun:
,e,ils. Northern men who do not join them in
their clamorous abuse of the South, are charg
,ed with cowardice and. are habitually called
Dough Thees." This has been repeated so
continually and so impudently that many
nersons have at length been impressed by it.
There . men among us who actually think
that the North has been the victim of griev
ous wrongs, to which we have been submit
ting with - a
disgraceful tameness of spirit.—
This is an artful appeal to a point of honor
on which all men are sensitive, and it is not
wonderful that thoso who are weak enough
to be deceived by it should also be weak
enough to break out into denunciation of the
South, as a cheap and safe way of showing
their courage.
Candor requires us to say that if there is
truth in this the Democracy ought to be de
feated. If that party has ever counselled
submission to wrong, oppression, and injury,
it is not worthy your confidence and support.
If we have ever yielded to our Southern
brethren a right which the Constitution, in
its letter or spirit, did not give them—if we
have made any concession to them in the way
of compromise, which was not required by a
fair and manly sense of justiee—then we ad
mit that Abolitionism has the right side of
this argument.
But we totally deny the truth of this impu
dent accusation. It is false in the aggregate
and false in detail ; false in the sum total, and
false in everyone of its items. 'We pronounce
it a libel on both sections of the Union. It
could be invented only in a spirit of sheer
mendacity ; it can be believed only by gross
ignorance or childish credulity.
The fact that the Democratic party in the
North has behaved with honorable magnan
imity and fairness to the weaker section—
their brethren in the South—.this is our crime
—this is the wrong which we and our fathers
have been heaping on our own heads for three
quarters of a century. This is the offence
which the Abolitionists would punish by
bringing our Government to a violent end, and
by covering our whole country with shame
and ruin.
Before the formation of the Constitution it
was feared that the interests, opinions and
feelings of the different States, were so vari
ous and so much opposed,, that no general
government could possibly be established.—
Such was the view of the subject taken by
Washington himself. But the effort was
made, It owed its success simply to the fact
that the right of each State to manage its
own domestic concerns in its own way, was
fully conceded.
It was easily foreseen that great difference
of opinion and feeling would exist between
the people of the several States, in romand to
the treatment that ought to•be bestowed upon
_the black race, who were among us, but not
of us—who were on our soil, and yet not,, a
part of - 'the people, nor qualified in any way
to be our equals, This race was then held
in slavery, or involuntary servitude, by the
laws of all the States except one. But in the
North their numbers were few, and the cli
mate unsuited to them, while in the South it
was just the reverse. It was utterly out of
the question to expect unanimity on a subject
like this. It could be managed in one way
only ; and that way was by agreeing that each
State should determine the whole matter for
itself, and on its own responsibility. It was
then solemnly agreed that the Federal Gov
ernment should not interfere with Slavery;
and that no State should interfere with it in
any other State, either directly or indirectly.
And all the people said anion If the solemn
assurances of mutual forbearance then given
and sworn to so often since, have been belied
and violated, it has not been done with the
consent of the Democracy.
The question of involuntary servitude had
engaged the earnest attention of the sages of
the revolution. There can be no doubt that
if they could have provided for its ameliora,
tion and gradual emancipation, would have
done so ; they found it, however, incorpora
ted in the social system of all the States but
one, and they dealt with it according to the
exigencies of the times in which they lived,
We all know that even at that early day it
was a subject of mutual irritation and excite
ment; and although the wonderful uses to
which the cotton plant has been applied, on
account of the subsequent discoveries in the
manufactory of machinery, were then scarce
ly anticipated, it is enough to say that the
republican fathers could not dispose of this
slavery question until they agreed upon the
basis which led to the formation of the Con
stitution ; the recognition of the domestic in
stitutions of the South, in the ratio of repre
sentation and in the provision for the resti
tution of fugitives from labor. Twelve of
the thirteen States that formed the Constitu
tion, held slaves at the time that instrument
was adopted, and by the quiet operation of
the popular exclusive sovereignty six of these
States have since become free, Throughout
all the action of the framers of the Constitu
tion, the idea which prevailed was that which
regarded the negro as inferior to the white,
and until p,bolitionisni is able to convince the
present generation that this idea is illogical
or untrue, (and to do this they must agree to
the doctrine of a perfect equality between
races,) all permanent legislation on the
subject of the negro race must and will be
controlled by the same sentiment. In the
free States, at the present day, the negro is
subject to a moral, and in many respects to
a physical servitude, quite as injurious to his
condition as the most fabulous pictures of
Southern slavery represent his brothers' con
dition in the South to be, We do not call the
Northern negro a slave, but in what free
State is he equal to the white ? In some
States he is prevented from voting, in others
lie votes upon a property qualification ; even
in Massachuselts certain disqualifications are
thrown in the way by those Utopian piffles° ,
pliers, who constantly prate of the equality
of racks; in others still he is met by a statute
that excludes him altogether from entrance
upon their .soil, and nawberc is he recognized
on the same level with the white. The white
who intermarries with the black is every
where regarded as a degraded being• ' and in
schools 4,110. churches there is almost a uni
versal liar between the two races, so that the
rules of society and the laws of the States,
even in the communities of the non-slave
holding region, are inexorably opposed to the
negro. Why is it that Abolitionism does not
begin at home and reform these things?
But again, there is no power which can
prevent any State from passing whatever laws
it may please under the Federal Constitution,
for its own comfort and protection, and the
very same theory -which induces us to respect
and to recognize the great doctrine of State
rights in the South, under which it holds its
own slaves, compels us also to recognize those
laws to which we have referred in the North,
in regard to the free blacks. The North reg
ulates its colored population as it pleases, and
is protected in doing so by the Constitution
of the United States. All the negroes of the
North are represented in the ratio of federal
representation, and yet nearly all are dis
franchised and alienated by the laws of the
North. The South does as it pleases with its
colored population, slave and free, and is pro
tected under the Federal Constitution, but
its slaves. are only represented in the ratio of
three-fifths in the federal representation.
In a moral point of view, it seems at least
inconsistent that these abolitionists, who are
entirely silent in reference to the negroes in
the free States, should be so extremely vitu
perative when they come to treat of the con
dition of the negroes of the slave States.—
Both belong to the same inferior class, both
are so regarded in all the States. The South
found a legacy in slavery, transmitted to it
by its English ancestors, and the Constitu
tion respected the institution as it existed
when that instrument was framed. The
North, while it has rid itself of slavery, (so
far as the name is concerned,) still retains
the right to protect itself against contact with
a race which is stamped as inferior by all
classes of whites wherever they are found.
The Northern States in the exercise of
their undoubted constitutional right, consul
ted what they deemed their own true inter
est, and one after another, in their own time
and their own way abolished slavery. .Against
these proceedings in the North the South ut
tered not a word of complaint. But the
views and opinions of the Southern States
were wholly averse to abolition. They be
lieved it to be utterly impossible, without the
greatest danger, not to their prosperity only
but to their very existence, This was an
opinion to - which they had as good a right as
the North had to the opposite one. But they
were not suffered to enjoy and to act upon it
in quietness and peace. At the very first
Congress after the government was
zed, a petition from the North was present=
ed, praying for the abolition of slavery by
Congress. Treacherous attempts to deprive
the South of her undoubted rights to man
age her own affairs, have been constantly
made. The framers of the Constitution de
claied in its premable, that one of their great
objects in adopting it was "to insure domes
tic tranquility," But the " domestic tran
quility" of the South has been assailed by
Northern Abolitionists, who knew very well
that they had no business whatever in the
A majority of the old States made the ne
groes free without opposition from abroad.—
That was wise for the North to do so all
agreed; that it was just and proper in the
South to make no complaint is equally true.
Now lot us see -whether the South has gain
ed any advantages, or committed any aggres
sions with reference to the new States.
Maine and Vermont were admitted as free
States, and nobody asked them to put slave
ry into their constitutions, This was a mat
tor of course, and so treated all around,
But with reference to the Western States,
their exemption from slavery was not a mat
ter of course. The South might have pre
vented it if she had seen proper. The whole
of the territory north and west of the Ohio,
and east of the Mississippi, belonged to the
State of Virginia, She owned the land, and
had the power to control the settlement of
every acre, What did she do? She mag
nanimously gave up not only her politicaljn,
risdiction, but also her proprietary. right to
the Federal Government, allowing the voters
of the North to settle its destiny and all its
proceeds to go into the general coffers. Con
necticut had a spnriou.s claim to a part of it
—a claim precisely like that which she set
up to a part of Pennsylvania, and which was
decided against her. But her claim to the
Western reserve was conceded to her—she
kept it, sold it, and put the proceeds into her
own treasury. Virginia did not protest even
when the Ordinance of 1787 was passed, abol
ishing slavery within the territory, which she
had thus generously given away. Was there
any aggression in all this ? If there was
"encroachment" on either side, who commit
ted it? If there was unwise concession, from
whom did it come ?
The territory of 'Louisiana, including what
is now ArkanSas, Missouri, lowa, Nebraska,
Kansas, and the unoccupied wilderness be
yond, was purchased from France in-1803.--
It was all slave Territory. We took it with
a French law upon it Legalizing slavery, It
could not be made free without repealing that
law . . Missouri had been settled long before
by persons who had owned slaves and who
had held them there upon the faith of the
law. They Were not disturbed during her
whole existence as an organized territory : —
When she proposed to come into the Union
as a State, her people, in the exercise of as
plain a right as any people ever possessed,
made a constitution for themselves, in which,
with almost entire unanimity, they recogniz
ed the rights of the slaveholders to retain
the property acquired under previous laws,
Then arose the wildest yells of fanaticism.
Large masses of the people in the North, and
especially in New England, led on and exci
ted by the inflamatory appeals of their lead
ers? grew almost frantic with rage. The sole
cause of this outcry was that the people of
Missouri had made their own constitution to
suit their own views, and had not permitted
it to be made for them by anti-slavery men
residina. t' in the Northern States. This was
the head and front of their offending. Noth
ing else was charged against them. Yet ev
ery Southern member of Congress who ex
pressed his opinion that Missouri had a right
to make her own constitution was called an
aggressor ? a slave driver and a tyrant, while
every Northern man who assented to the
same simple proposition was denounced and
abused as a coward, dough-face, and as a
recreant to his own. section. So fiercely did
this storm of calumny blow that the whole
government reeled to it. There seemed no
way left to avoid a civil war but to compro
mise. And such a compromise I It consis
ted in an agreement that Missouri might ex
ercise her undoubted right, and have her
own constitution if Congress would abolish
the law legalizing slavery in all the territory
outside of that State and lying north of a
certain line. That Congress had any power
to do this is now almost universally doubted,
and by a large majority of the people it ie
totally denied that slavery can be forced, ei
ther in or out of the Territory, by the legis
lation of the General Government. Thus by
mere clamor and abuse the North got an un
constitutional advantage, in return for yield,
ing to a Southern State a privilege which no
fair man can deny was plainly her own,
But even this did not satisfy the Abolition
ists. They continued to insult the South for
not giving up everything, and vented their
abusive and slanderous epithets as vigorous
ly as ever upon the North because it had not
insisted on more. Was this Northern or
Southern aggression ?
In 1850, this cry of Southern aggression
on Northern rights again rose to a pitch
which seemed to put the Union in extreme
danger. Again the trouble was allayed by
a compromise. The nature, character and
terms of the Compromise will show how
much-aggression had been committed then.
There were live measures included in it.
1. The admission of California as a free
State. 2. The territorial organization of New
Mexico on the principle of non-intervention,
which it is known would exclude slavery.
3. The purchase of a large portion of Texas,.
taking it away from the jurisdiction of a
slave State. 4. The abolition of the slave
trade in the District of Columbia. 5. The
fugitive slave law. The first four of these
measures were anti-slavery, and were de
manded by the- North.—The fifth one (the
fugitive slave law) was a concession, not to
the South, but to the Constitution. It was
required by its plain and unequivocal man
date, and had been admitted by every Presi
dent and every. Congress, from the founda
tion of the Government, to be an imperative
Constitutional obligation, For this, the same
infamous assaults, were again made on the
eminent men who supported it. The only
measure which the South got was opposed
and resisted, even, after its enactment, and
in many places its execution was wholly
prevented. We demand,, again, where was
the aggression?
It lai.itetheso facts we .base the assertion
that in every contest where the rights of the
North have been entrusted to Democratic
protection, they have been guarded faithful
ly and well, , have not resisted any just
claim which the South ever made ; we have
meant to treat them fairly, and to carry out
in good faith the obligations imposed upon
us by the Constitution. But if there has
been any instance in which the South has
got more than its due, the history of the
transaction has escaped onr notice, On the
contrary, we. submit to you, fellow citizens,
whether the South has not got the scantiest
measure of justice that could possibly be
dealt out to her.—llas not the North had all
the preponderance ? Ijas not oer section
had the advantage of all the important con
cessions that were ever made ?
The States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michi
n-an and Wisconsin were slave territory. They
were presented to us by Virginia as a gracious
gift, and we excluded slavery. The State of
lowa, the territories of Minnesota and N ebras
ka, were slave territory under the law of
Louisiana. We took them because we were
strong, and we made them Free Soil. Slav
ery once covered. the whole Union. Its Rep
resentatives in the National Government- are
now in' a minority. Could anything but the
grossest malice, the most stupid folly, or the
most unmitigated knavery have suggested'
the idea that slavery was - encroaching
'us while these things were going on?
Our limited space will not permit us to re
count the many unjustifiable injuries which
the Abolitionists have perpetrated and at ;
tempted to perpetrate upon the people of the
South, upon these in the North who do not
unite with them, and upon all the institu
tions of the country. They have sought every
occasion and taken' advantage of every event
which could give them an excuse, for pour
ing out their venomous slanders upon the
fathers of the Constitution, upon the Consti
tution itself, and upon all who support it,
• This agitation began in England among
persons whose gross ignorance of America
'svas the only excuse for their insane hostili
ty to our Union. They sent over to this
country one Thompson, a member of the
British Parliament, a man of ability, but
reckless like his employers. Under his in ;
fluence and direction, societies, modelled after
the old. English form, were established in
New England. The avowed object of these
societies was to excite insurrection among
the Southern negroes, For this purpose they
distributed among the negroes by every means
in their power, pictures representing the
scenes of violence, murder and arson, through
which the slaves, if they wonld adopt them,
might bo free.—These things were accom
panied by promises of aid and support from
British and American leaders. Low , . sub
sequent to the time we speak of, Joshua R.
Giddings, a member of Congress, and now
the loading friend of Col. Fremont, admitted
the accomplishment of this object, (a servile
insurrection led by British oilieers,) to be the
dearest wish of his heart. No doubt ho spoke
the general sentiments of his party.
Think, follow-citizens, of the situation in
which this must have placed 'the Southern
people. They found the institution of negro
slavery fastened upon them without any
fault of their own. 'Many of them believed
it to be an evil, but they could not help it.
They had the wolf by the ears, and they
could neither hold 'on with comfort nor let
go with safety. A general emancipation
would have been a virtual surrender of the
whole Southern country to the black race,
probably the extinction' of the whites in their
own blood. The fate of St. Domingo and
the British West Indies forbade such a thought.
It was in this condition that they were as
sailed by every means which malice and
cunning could devise, in order to increase
the danger and difficulty of their situation.
Have they not a good right to complain bit
terly of a party wich was doing all it could
to murder them, their wives and their chil
dren? •
They did complain. But their complaints
were uttered in vain. General Jackson cal
led the attention of Congress to the subject,
and a bill was brought in to prohibit the
transmission of incendiary documents through
the mail, but the South was in the minority
and the bill was lost, It was not only lost,
but the proposition to prevent the United
States mail from being prostituted to the pur
poses of assassination and murder, was made
the occasion for a new cry of Southern ag
gression, and every Northern man who favor-,
ed it was again called a dough-face, coward
And. traitor.
In the present canvass, the Abolition pan
ty has a strength which it never had before.
The dissolution of the Whig party has left
many men without political connexions, and
some of them have a causeless feeling against
the Democracy which makes them embrace
any doctrine, and risk disunion itself, rather
than join us. Many of the adhering Know
Nothings were led over bodily, with their
eyes shut, into the pit-fall of Abolitionism.
They have, out of these materials, formed a
party which they dare call Republican. Yes,
a combination of men, acting under the in
fluence of opinions formed and developed in
England—propagated by British emissaries
—advocated by the British press, and aiming
a direct blow at the only strong republic on
earth—such a party adds to its other sins the
base hypocrisy of calling itself by the 54cred.
name of Republican,
Their only battle cry at this moment, and
for some time past, has been Kansas! Kan
sas I Kansas I Mr. Buchanan will be elected
President, and this Kansas question, with all
its incidentals, will pass away among the
things that were. When that happens, the
people of this country will look back with
wonder at the scenes now enacting, and think
with: amazement of the storm which alew
fanatics f 14.10 traitors could raise on a question
so simple 4,nd so easily ndjuSted. •
The Territorial government of Kansas was
organized on a principle which permitted the
men who might inhabit the new State to de
termine what should be its laws and institu
tions. Thus it expressly declared: "It be
ing the true intent and meaning of this act
xoT to legislate slavery INTO any State or
nrritory, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to
leave the people thereof perfectly free to form
and regulate their domestic institutions in
their own way, subject only to the Constitu r
tion of the United States."
That, too, was the very principle of the
Compromise of 1850, with reference to Cali
fornia and New Mexico, and advocated by
Clay, and Cass, and Webster, Let Whigs,
Democrats, and Americans,—all men who
love the Union,-,listen to the language of
the patriot Clay in his celebrated report in
troducing the Compromise bill: "It is high
time that the wound's which it [the Wilmbt
_proviso] has inflicted should be healed up
and closed, and that to avoid in all
. fitture
time, t h e aaitation which must be produced
by the conflict of opinion prit the slavery
question—existing, as this institution does,
in some of the States, and prohibited, as it is,
in others—the true principle which ought to
re,galate the action of Congress in forming
territorial governments for each newly acqui,
red domain, is to refrain from all legislation
on the subject in the territory acquired, so
long as it retains the territorial form of gov
ernment,—leaving it to the people of such
territory, when they have attained to a con
dition which entitles them to admission as a
State to decide for themselves the question of
the allowance or prohibition of domestic 4iav : - .
ery,'!-,,,(See . Congressional 'Globe, Nay 10,
1860, page 945.)
Certainly no man of ordinary foresight
could have believed that honest men in the
North, after contending for this doctrine five
or six. years ago, would turn around and re
pudiate it now. But these hypocritical pre
tenders complain of the repeal of the law
known as the Missouri Compromise, by which
Congress legislated slavery out of -Territory
north of 36 deg. 30 min., and permitted it to
exist in all Territory south of that line ; and
yet, in the platform they have made for their
candidate and party, they solemnly resolve,
‘ 5 that we deny the authority of Congress, of a
Territorial Le[..islature, of any individual or
association of individuals, to give legal exis
tence to slavery in any Territory of the Uni
ted States, while the present Constitution
Shall be maintaiaed." "Res. 2d, Republican
Thus the very Compromise, which the Ab
olitionists at one moment pretend should not
have been repealed, because, as they allege,
it was a bindinr , law and compact, they in
the next solemnly resolve was no law—no
compact; nay more, that it was beyond the
power of Congress or of any human power
to make such a law, while the Constitution
shall last ! But we pass from this to anoth
er topic.
Some disorders have occurred in the con
test of opinion which has been going' on in
Kansas for two or three years between the
pro : slavery men and the Abolitionists.—
AVhatever they amounted to, it is fit that those
who committed those disorders should take
the responsibility and bear the consequences.
But no one can fail to see that abolitionism
has exaggerated and perverted every incident
connected with them in this way which in
their opinion was best calculated to create
prejudice and hatred against the South.—
Their own share in provoking these quarrels
they have tried all they could to conceal. In
stead of proposing some mode of settling the
disputes in Kansas amicably and peacefully,
they h aye artfully fanned the flame and shown
by "their whole conduct, that they would wil
lingly spread civil war from. Kansas all over
the Union.
Even an assault and battery, committed. at
Washington city, has been used as a means
of stirring up the bitter waters of sectional
strife. 'When riots have been raised in the
North to prevent the execution of the fugi
Editor and. Proprietor.
NO. 14.
tive slave law, a law approved by Washing
ton, voted for by Clay and Webster, and sign.
ed by President Fillmore, and murd.eri coin
witted for the same purpok like.those, at Car :
lisle and Christiana,.these same. abolitionists
clapped their hands in exultation, and cried
Well done ! When the South complained
that her best citizens had been thus slaugh
tered for no offence but demanding their law
ful rights, the abolitionists answered with in
: snit and ribaldry., And now, when a north
ern Senator is caned by the Representative of
a slave-holding State, ' the whole Abolition
-party is thrown into a wild commotion of ex
xitement. We do not justify or excuse Mr.
Brobks, but we think that those men who had
no sympathy for Kennedy and GOrsuch might
as well be quiet about Sumner.
In conclusion, we will briefly refer to ono
important fact, which' ought to consign the.
leaders of the so-called Republican party to
their political graves..
You are all aware that the Senate of the,
United States is largely Democratic. That
body, some time ago, passed a bill for the
paciAcation of Kansas, so just and so equi
table;: that no fair objection can be made
against it. It provides for the admission of
Kansas as a State, with such a Constitution
as the people themselves shall choose to.
have; and that the. vote upon it may be
taken fairly, the most stringent regulations
are made to prevent any man from putting
in a ballot who is not resident. It- pro
vides that any one who has left the Terri
tory on account of the previous troubles,
may return and vote as if he had net, , •one,
away. It abrogates all the laws passe by
the 'Territorial Legislature complained of by
the Abolitionists. No man can deny (and
so far as we know it never has been denied,)
that this bill, if passed by the other Ileus
of Congress, would at once settle the whole,
difficulty in a, manner perfectly fair.—
Even one of the Abolition Senators—Mr.
Hale—admitted this, for upon the introduc
tion of the bill he said, in the Senate :
"But, sir, I do not want to dwell on that
subject, but' to speak a very few words in
reference to this bill which has been intro-.
duced by the Senator from Georgia. I take
this occasion to say that this bill, as a whole,
does great credit to the magnanimity, to the'
patriotism, and to the sense of justice of the
honorable Senator who introduced it. It is
a much fairer bill than I expected froM that
latitude. I say so because lam al - #s wil-.
ling and determined, when I have, occasion
to speak any thing, to do ample justice.
think the bill is almost unexceptionable."
Yet the Republican leaders, in and out of
Congress, arc doing their best to prevent tho
passage of this bill. They do not want the
question settled. They prefer civil war, dis
union, and all their frightful consequences.
We solemnly trust that these heartless dem
agogues will receive such a lesson at the next
election from the people, and especially from
the people of Pennsylvania, as will settle
them and the Kansas question both together.
By order of the State Central Committee.
JOHN W. FORNEY, Chairman.
The Kansas Bill
[From the Lzmcaster Totrilig (:)cOr.]
What is this hill that the Black Republi
cans keep up such an undefined and sense
less howl about, for the purpose of mislead
ing and prejudicing the niincls of honest and
unsuspecting voters? The getters up of this
cry are so regardless of fact, and so presum
ing of the ignorance and inattention Of 'the
people, thgtihey start out with the false dec
laration,' that in endorsing the Kansas bill
the Deniocratic party has committed itself to
the extension of slavery ! Never did any
party set out on an electioneerin.. n campaign
with a more face declaration—and 'hat, too,
their whole -stock in trade. To show these
Black Republican falsifiers up in their trug
colors to the scorn and detestation of eyeiy
sensible man, - we quote_the clause of the bill
upon which the base lie is predicated,
SECTION 32. That the Constitution and all
laws of the United States which are not lo
cally inapplicable shall have the same force
and effect within the said territory of Kansas
as elsewhere, except the Sth Section of the
act preparatory to the admission of Missouri
inio•the Union, approved March 6th, 1820,
which being inconsistent with the principles
of non-intervention by Congress with slavery
in the States and Territories, as 1- 1 cognized
by the legislation of 1850, commonly Called
the Compromise Measures," is hereby de
clared inoperative and void ; it being the true
intent and meaning of this act not to ldgis :
late slavery into any State or Territory, nor
to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the peo
ple thereof pelfectly five to Arm and regulate
their own domestic institutions in their own
way, subject only to the Constitution of the
United States.
Now this is the organic law of Kansas.—
It is the same as that of Nebraska, but is
never spoken of in connection with it, be
cause, under precisely the same clause, this
latter Territory has organized with jive in
stitutions! The provision distinctly is, ",ey :
cry intelligent reader will admit, that the peo
ple shall regulate their own domestic concerns
in their own way. This provision is founded
on a
. principle as old as Democracy itself.—
The Justness of the principle is as - apparent
as the right of self-government-,,indeed, it i$
self-government under the name of “popular
sovereignty." It is what every town and
township, What every County and State,
their capacities ask for. Lancaster' city haS
no right to join a part of the citizens of Man,:
heim township and control their system of
roads or schools : nor has a County or State
any right to dictate a policy to any other
County or State, or any State'or coMbination
of States to any Territory. • The separatii and
independent powers of eur Municipal, State
and National governments, are peculiar to
this country *alone, and constitute the great:
est safeguards of the rights and liberties
the people. ' "
We suppose every intelligent person will
admit that the people of Pennsylvania have
a perfect constitutional right to either abol
ish slavery, which they have done, or estab:
lish it, if they think •proper. The right to
do 'so,'pre-siipposes the capability of the peo :
ple to do so intelligently. Well, then, if here,
in the heart of the old Keystone State, we
have the constitutional' right to decide the
slavery question for Ourselves, and are capa
ble of so doing—does it not follow that if we
emigrate to Kansas or any other of the Ter
ritories of the United States,' we have the
same constitutional right and poss4a lho
same qualifications for deciding *question
for 'ourselves that we did whilst residents of
Pennsylvania ? Does the mere transfer of
our citizenship from Pennsylvania to Kansas
make us less men,' or less capable of decd
ding for ourselves what is best for Us? •
But we need not argue the question any
farther. The principle is so plain and;un
mistakeably correct,- that it would be an in
sult to the intelligence of our readers to
,ex :
tend our remarks in *favor of the great doe :
trine of popular sovereignty.
?',Passion is the mob of, the lean, which
- ~.;
commits a riot upon his reason.