The globe. (Huntingdon, Pa.) 1856-1877, September 03, 1856, Image 1
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COM(' along'. make no delay; Canto from every nation, th.lllo from [Very way Our Platform is broad enough, don't, be alarmed, The planks arc all sound the tintirars unharmed Our sword is "equal rights," the Constitution our shield ; And with Justice on our banner;, we will boldly take the With Buchanan for our leader, we will route the Fusion hosts; 'Ere the ides of next November there:ll be nothingliut their gho , s ! With Old Mick, of Pennsylvania, we'll buck. them off the track; And with ltrex I:, of Old Kent:lei:3, - , break their Abolition back. The "P.ath Finder" has thO mountain's top, and ricer',, And he'll soon explore Salt Elver on his little woolle3 Every State and Territory shall enact its local laws; We mill preach non-intervention, and we'll fight in free- doIICS Call .4: Well protect the right of suffrage from the "border mill- an" tools, Front lb: , Know-Nothing assassins, and froni. Abolition fools. Illinois and Tndiana and Now Yolk will go for Mirk, Maine ; ew hunpMlirc, California, Pennsylvania and Ken- tuck, All the ; 4 •tatos. loth North and Soinll, t tventy-ninc for Ruck will count, Anil we'll give the nigger stealerd 31as.aeliusetts and Ver mont. `V .„ f.' littoolwit an anthrtunc. • A Sorthern Statement of the _ issue We commend to our readers the subjoined extract from a late - number of the Rich.wo7ul Enquirer. The ekreneter, and sentiments of this J ourind fire well known.— It is one of the a',ilest, plainest-spoken, most uncompromising, and Uninantial papers of Virginia, and of the entire South. If any Southern :Journal can speak f,r Virginia, and for the South, by autho:•ity—if any Journal represents awl reflects the most thorough end uneompr6taising Southern sentiment and de sign—it7tmn is the _illeol The extract 'below is a clear and dispas sionate statement of the i::suo that now ahsorbs the country. It never Ivas presented any Where in so lucid a style, ur precise a form. The position and claim of the South is set forth with 11111 - ni. - Adit.en.lile, exactness and autheyttieity, , and en authoritative statement of the position of the ;i7iouth is itself a perfect refutation of P6eudo :Republicanism. Hear the En qi: : Black Itepublicanisnr affect - all respect for the legal safeguards of slavery. It, does not propose to impair the security of the institu tions of the Sonth. - It professes the utmost regard for the Constitution and the Union.— It even disclaims a sectional character, and avows itself the champion of conservatism. Yet, it appeals to the fanatical prejudices of, the North, and thus enlists the abolition cle ment in its service, - while it retains the adhe sion of more moderate men by its professions of nationality. The Black Republican party contrive to secure this strong position by rep resenting themselves to be the champions of freedom, and the South as the propagandist of its peculiar institutions. The principle for which they affect to contend is, the restric tion of slavery ; the principle which they claim to combat is, the extensin of slavery. This is the fictitious issue which they present to the country, and employ as the agency of sectional aggrandizement. With so favorable a basis of operations, they conduct the campaign with wonderful skill and' spirit. They accuse the slavehold ers of oligarchic usurpation, of aristocratic selfishness, of despotic cruelty. They repre sent the South to he possessed with the am bition of extending its institutions - over the continent, and as engaged in a conspiracy to subjugate the free States to its sway. To en cot tra:cre the North in. resistance to so criminal an enterprise, they expatiate on the imagin ary evils of slavery, from the tribune, from he pulpit, and in the fascinating panes of fiction. To rouse and organize a partysub servient to its purposes, Black Republicanism has resource to all the arts and agencies of - popular agitation. Perversions of history, :fay berbole of rhetoric, the machinery of a venal ambition and' a corrupt conspiracy, are all employed to suppoit the grave indictment against the South. Black Republicanism is in so frantic a hu mor that it is questionable if its victims are accessible to - any appeal of truth and reason. Rut there arc men in the North who are nei ther sworn to the support of an imposture nor incapable of appreciating an honest state ment. To them we would submit a few -words in refutation of the charge against the people of the South. The Black Republican party misrepresent the issues of the canvass, in that they impute an imaginary purpose to the South; and claim a false credit- for themselves. The South 'cherishes no ambition of sectional ag grandizement, and has conceived no hostile -enterprise against the interests of the North. We ask nothing of the federal government but protection in the enjoyment of :our indis putable rights. We do not desire to impose our peculiar social system upon any commu nity. We do not ask the North, to aid us in the extension of slavery. ThiS is our posi tion : we 'have a compact with the States of the North, by which we are bound to respect the States of the South as co-equal sovereign ties, and to render them a certain specific ser vice. - We demand the fulfilment of the obli gations of the -Constitution, and we demand nothing more. These obligations are too dis tinct ter misconception. The South claims no inferential advantage, and no constructive privilege.- It stands upon the strict letter of its right. SOO 10 00 10 00 1500 5 oo 7 Of) MIZE $1 so WILLIAM LEWIS, VOL, So far from ,convicting the Slave States of an embitLon to extend their institutions and to assert a supremacy over the free States, the history of the country is but ono consist ent record of Southern.' comprornise and Southern concession. The area of slave ter ritory has not been extended a single acre.— On the Contrary, an empire of slave territory has been , converted -to free soil, and that too by the voluntary act of a slave State. Vir ginia set the example of concession by the ordinance, of 'B7. The Missouri compromise of 1820, operated another large reduction of slave territory ; and the Texas compromise of 1850 converted still another vast region of slavery into free soil. We .repeat, not an acre of territory which was originally free soil, is subject to slavery now; but by the act of the'slave States themselves, an immeasu rable extent of country has been taken•from the South and added to the dominion and power of the free States. To these ;conces sions on the part of the South we must add its conset to the abolition of the slave trade in the District of Columbia, and as another instance of its moderation, we may mention the fact that the South never objected to the emancipation of slavery in the Northern States. Yet the South has as much right to ebject to 'emancipation in the I_,:orth -as the North has to complain of slavery inthe South —nay, more, for emancipation endangers the security of the South, but slavery inthe South does not injuriously affect the interests of the North. It is easy to anticipate the reply to this vindication of the character of the South.— Black Republicanism pretends to find in the repeal of the Missouri restriction incontesti ble proof of the sectional ambition and ag gressive spirit of the South. This is another false impeachment of the motives' of the South. If we revert to the speeches of the supporters of the Kansas Nebraska bill, we find a distinct and emphatic disavowal of any aggrctssive purpose on the part of the South. The repeal of the Missouri restriction was not intended as a measure of shivery exten sion, but of atonement to the Constitntion inr an outrage upon its spirit, and to the South fur a violation of its rights and dignity All the South contended for in the support of the Kansas Nebraska bill was a recognition of its e i nality under the Constitution ; and all the South now claims is, that its people shall not be driven from the common Territory by the Sharpe's rifles, or emigrant aidsocie tics. The South simply demands that the fair and legitimate expansion of its social system shall not be repressed by the arbitrary and unconstitutional action of the federal government, and that its institutions shall be adopted. or excluded only by the people whom they are to cill'ect. Is' there anything of shi very propagandism in this principle? Is them anything of sectional encroachment in in this position ? Yet this is the position which the South occupies, and this is the only principle for which the South contends, If -Black Republicanismis' to triumph in this issue, the South must despair of the protec tion ,of its rights and honor under the present system of government." A Further Word to Anti-Slavery Men. We address ourselves not to those fanatics of the Garrison School, who are, in favor of dissolving the Union. -The madhouse is their proper place. Nor do we address the disci ples of Gerrit Smith, who deliberately read the Constitution upside down, and preposter ously affect to hold that it gives Congress power to abolish Slavery- in-the States. We desire the attention of those comparatively reasonable men, who, while they dislike the system of Negro Slavery ; ' at the same time honor the' Constitution of their country, and are willing that all should obey it—who, much as they wish the extinction of Slavery, . desire that the Union be perpetual. Such persons will admit that although an evil or a wrong may be very hideous, yet there may be only certain ways of curbing it. A great evil Must not be attacked in such a way as to produce a * greater evil. A can cer may cat at the face or the breast, but it will not do to cut at it so unskillfully as to sever great arteries and kill the : patient.— Russian Serfdom may be a " hideous evil;'' yet it does not follew that we should go to war with Russia to aboliSh that evil.. The• Turks may be very barbar6us in Practising Polygamy, yet it does nat•fifllow that the Al: , licit Christian Powers should take possession of her Territory. So let Negro Slavery in the Southern States he ever so bad, that does not justify any national or , sectional action that jeopards the Union, or brings the rest of our institutions into' danger. The question is not touching the abstract character of Ne-, gro Slavery—it is how shall the subject be treated ? We' in the" - North are not concern ed with it in the Southern States at all.—, That is admitted by all sensible people. 13ut the precise point of controversy As , this "Ought we, away off ,here to attempt to ne gotiate this subject of Slavery in the Territo ries, by our own action and according to*Our own notions ? People call the National De mocracy very hard names—they abuse us as "dough-faces," "ruffians!' "nir:ger drivers," "slaveocraey," "tyrants," and whatnot; sim ply because we are consistent, enough With our fundamental principles _of faith in the _people to leave this delicate subject of Slave ry to the disposal of the Territories 'them selves.. We are differing about -"What is to be done or to be left undone ?" Slavery may be a wrong and bad thing if you will, and • yet the attempt to control its diffusion by in,- 'terference from Washington, will not effect the desired ,end, but will simply rend the Union. So says the N,ational Democracy.— Now don't begin to reply by making a; tre mendons fuss about Slavery. That isnot-re plying at all. That is only making donkey's of youselves. If we are wrong, you must prove it by adducino• ,facts to show that the people of the Territories cannot manage the question as well as Congress at Washington. If you are right, you must prove it, by show ing that the United States Congress will set tle this momentous question more carefully, dispassionately, wisely, and disinterestedly than will each Territory foritself. The prob- lens is, " How shall the question be solved so as to maintain Peace and Union ?" A• word more to you. - Have Yeti any con fidence at all in the South ?. If you are rea sonable" or observant men, you must be aware that the people of the South are not Indians, or Barbarians, or heathens. You -will ad mit that Christianity is at least their nominal -religion—that Republicanism is as a general rule their political faith and system-,-that they are a civilized people—substantially like ourselves—and that they exhibitimmy noble traits of character. Is •it possible that you can trust nothing to these brethren of yours ? Does it never 'occur to you that they have right views and feelings? And that your needless intemperance provokes and angers them and puts them on their rights and dig nity ? Suppose all agitation of the subject were quieted—and the slave breeding States and Territories left unmolested to deal with slavery. By all the memories of Washing 7 ton and Jefferson and. Madison, do you not think that the sense and judgment, and well known intellectual strength and politicaLtact of the South are abundantly able to. grapple with slavery and dispose of it.? It seems to us that ealm thought will convince any dis passionate observer that the cessation of agi tation in the North will benefit the condition of the slave herself and not retard the ulti mate disappearance of slavery itself, by means of colonization or some equally wise . oxpedient.--Philadelphia Argus. Washington's Warning Voice against Black Republicanism. Gen. Washington, in his Farewell Address, thus warns the country against the BLIZI: Re publicans: "The unity of government which consti tutes you one people, is also now dear to you. It is justly so, for it is the main pillar in the edifice of your real independence—the sup port of your tranquility at home, your peace abroad; of your safety, of your prosperity, of that liberty you so highly prize. But, as it is easy to foresee that, from different guar, ters, much pains will be taken, many artifi ces employed to weaken in your minds the 'conviction of this truth ; as this is the point in 'your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most actively:and constantly (though often covertly and insidiously,) directed, it is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense value of your Nation al Union to your collective and individual happiness'; thatyou should cherish a cordi al, habitual and immovnblp ffaulinar.t -Co It, accustoming yourselves to speak of It as the palladium of your safety, and„prosperity, watching for its preservation with jealousy and anxiety ; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can; in any event,be abandoned; and INDIGNANTLY rnoTM ING UPON ANY ATTEMPT TO ALIENATE ANY POR TION OF OUR COUNTRY FRom THE REST, OR TO ENFEEBLE THE SACRED TIES WHICH NOW LINK TOGETHER ITS VARIOUS PARTS," And then, speaking of sectional- parties, such as are now embodied and represented at New York and Philadelphia, he says: "In contemplating the cause which may disturb our Union, it occurs as a Matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by geographical denominations—Northern or Southern—.-Atlantic or Western; whence de signing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local inter ests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence within particular districts is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of- other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heartburnings which spring from these misrepresentations ; they tend to render alien to each other, those who ought to be bound together .by fraternal affection," Is Fremont Eligible to the office of Pres- A question has been raised as to the where abouts of Col. Fremont's birthplace. The Boston Daily Bee, one of the Fremont or gans, in its issue of April `„?..2, 1556, has the following; " FIZEMONT.— Col. J. C. Frenzont was born in 17L11\ - CE, January, 1813. His ,fat her was an enzigraV front PRANCE, and his mother a native of Virginia." The biographies of the Colonel assume some very queer positions regarding the gen tleman's nativity, and a writer who claims to know something asserts that he was born in Canada. It is said that when his father eloped with his mother, they fled to Canada, `and the man being a Frenchman, he natu rally went among the French Canadians for refuge. A New Yorkpaper has the follow ing. We shall take up the subject when we get hold of the record. The question as to where Fremont was born:seems 'to he assuming considerable im portance:. His biographers do not settle the question by any means, and since they have appeared at the South, we find various points strongly contradicted ; for instance the divorce • Of Mr.' P4or, from her husband, and subse quent marriage to 'Fremont. There is no such record in the Courts of Virginia, of any such 'divorce as asserted. Now all this is ve ry queer to say the'_ least of it. Here is a rhall offered to the North for a President, and no one knows where he was born, whether ha this country or abroad. It certainly is our right and privilege to know 'to a certainty where a 'candidate for the Presidency is born. If foreign born, no man is eligible to that high office. ' The President must a,native of the United States. How' easily could all these questions be settled by Col, Fremont himself. He knows whether he is a Roman ist or no—and he can probably tell where he was born—most people can do that. His constant silence is very ominous on both these points, and the proof grows stronger every day—not only of his being a Papist—but of his foreign birth. A funny candidate indeed. —Bostoia ledger. )ft_, Those who lie upon roses while young, are apt to lie upon thorns when old. HUNTINGDON, PA., SEPTEMBER 3, 1856, ident 7-P.ERSE VE TtE It isTvery rare that we have occasion to , speak of any favor shown to us by the Ihr pendent. But we are truly grateful for its kindness in copying our declaration that we shall print nothing with a design to influence the pending Presidential election,for or against any ccndidate. The great publicity that is given to this position of ours the better we shall be pleased. • That -Journal having now become a politi cal and partisan paper, it is natural that it should denounce with characteristic bitterness those-religious journals that remain true-to their pledges and principles. But in our judgment there is no baser abuse of trust, no more flagrant violation of Christian ple and duty than that which is disclosed when a minister of the gospel converts his pulpit, or the editor of a religious paper cou verts his press into an engine of political in , - fluence. The pastor has been inducted into his office, to minister in holy things, to bring the news of salvation to perishing, sinners, and to publish the doctrines of the cross from the sacred desk on the Sabbath day. To hear such messages of grace the people repair to the house of God and sit with attentive ears, and prayerful hearts. The father who gives his children a stone, when they ask for bread, or a serpent when they ask for fish, is not a more heartless person, than the man who from the pulpit preaches party politics in who hearing of his hungering people.' He is false to his ordination vows, false to his civil con tract with his congregation, false to the souls of his charge and falseto his own soul. lie refuses to submit to the instruction of his Master or - to be guided by his example. And the course he has pursued, is not only wrong in itself, but it has in it an element of mean ness, from which every man of a high sense of honor shrinks instinctively. lle abuses the confidence of his people. He takes them at a disadvantage, and when they are trust inc,n him implicitly as their religious teacher and guide, he seeks to pervert their minds to his-own views of a subject on which he has no right to instruct them. If successful in perverting them, he seduces them by the power of his office and the hold he has on their affections, rather than by the weight of his arguments. The political pastor is in our view much less- worthy of respect than the fox-hunting parson of England. Neither of them has much religion to speak of, but the latter makes no profession of bye for souls, and the former has more love for votes. The fox hunter makes the ministry &-means of living, and the other makes it an unhallowed But not less censurable is the course of the conductors of a newspaper, which first gains access to thousands of families, under the specious pretext of being a religious journal, and dropping the flimsy disguise, employs itself in the work of party politics, in the mis erable work of getting votes for this or that political party. There are two aspects in which this treachery to religion is peculiarly .contemptible. First, it is prostituting the re ligious 'character to the service of the politi cal. If the Lord Jesus was ever represented in the paper lie is now to the traffickers of votes. He is betrayed by those who profess ed to be his friends. Religion is not of place in the political papers ; we - wish they were all imbued thoroughly with the spirit and. power of the gospel. But that is a very dif ferent thing from introducing party politics into a paper that has gained. its access into the churches under the pretence of being re ligiOus. For such a paper to become parti7 san is simply to betray its profession, and go for the world instead of going for Christ.-7-- But secondly, this course is the more worthy of censure, when we know that politicians look upon these ministers and religious edi tors as their tools, and- employ them as such to prOmote their own selfish and party pm:- poses. Politicians use them and dispise them too. A very eminent politician, and an as- pirant for high office, said in our hearing a few days ago respecting a notorious political preacher and religio-political paper that the party did not care a straw for either, but they were good till after the election. Religion is degraded when she is thus dragged into the mire of party politics, and made to servo the purposes of selfish ambition. When therefore a journal professing to be religious, denounces as "shameful," and "un christian," our declaration that we shall not prostitute religion at the feet of politics, we accept it as th highest praise that was ever extorted from that ,journal which is bountiful in cursing but frugal in blessing us. Always it will be our endeavor, and so long as God helps us, it will be our successful endeavor. to deserve the epithets of "shameful and un christian?' for just this steadfast course, study im-4 the things that make for peace, striving to keep the links that unite States and chris tians bright and. strong, and abjuring every word from our columns that will tend to ex acerbate the-public mind, or disturb the good fellowship that ought to prevail in all parts of the Christian eommonwealth.—:.'ex Observer. ILLF-170IS CERTAIN FOR BITCRAINAN.—The Chicago Times of the 13th inst., puts the fol lowing crusher on the idle talk about the re sult in Illinois: "We observe that persons at a distance seem to put some faith in the statenicuts that there is a possibility that Illinois will vote for Fremont. We know that it has been sz' lid and positively averred by Black Repub lican orators, that Illinois would vote the oar position • ticket. Such au idea when ex pressed here is considered too stale even for a joke; No man, in his senses, thinks of this State voting for any one but Buchanan. As we said when Buchanan was nominated, the Democracy of Illinois will give him a larger majority, in proportion to the entire vote, than he will obtain in Pennsylvania. Any Pennsylvania, editor who wants to lose a hat on the proposition may apply for our meas ure at once." • The march of mind in our day is great, but the march of gullibility would seem to be yet greater. Religion before Politics i:-.'g..1 !'r?-,:r 7 ''...4 - f , • - -irg.k , . t..:';'. ',..i . r. 3 .:' '''. l: : 10 1' 7-,..i:fi.Z: 4, Col. F.'reinoril - ,---is He Honest ?---Is He The Jeffersonian standards of qualification for office—honesty and capacity—should ne ver be overlooked by the American people in selecting an occupant for the exalted position of the Presidency. So far as capacity is con cerned we defy Col. Fremont's friends to point to a single proof of his possession of it. Ile has won no laurels in the field of polities.— He has made no speeches. written no letters, advocated no measures of importance. Ile was never looked to for advice or counsel by any considerable body of the American peo ple in any political question. Ire has shown no talent as a statesman—no courage as a soldier—no administrative ability as a gov ernor—given no proof of skill as a legislator. Up to the period of his nomination he was of no possible account in American polities. No man should be intrusted with an im portant public duty without having first given in subordinate spheres proof of his qualifica tions. The idea of placing a man at the head of our army, who had given no more proof of capacity for that post than Fremont had -given of his capacity to properly discharge the du ties of the Presidency, would be regarded as absurd by every one. Who would trust his health or life in the hands of a pretended physician who had never regularly studied medicine and received the diploma of some Medical College ? Who would trust an im portant suit to a lawyer who was not learned in the law? Who would hire a mechanic that had not learned his business ? No one. And shall we adopt the idea that long train ing, experience and study, shall be deemed necessary to qualify men fin. the discharge of all the ordinary duties of life—but that for the highest station on the earth no previous training or experience and no legitimate qual ifications shall be necessary ? Bat there is another question connected with Col. Fremont that should. be inquired into. Is he honest ? For the credit of the country we wish this question may be answer ed affirmatively. The idea of any consider able body of the American people being so lost to all sense of propriety and decency as to nominate for the Presidency a man of doubtful pecuniary integrity, is indeed hu miliating. We turn to the suhject with feel ings of sadness and mortification. But when it is considered that the Chief Si‘lagistrate of this Union controls in a great measure a treasury which receives many millions of the public money—that he appoints the agents who receive and disburse all the public funds —surely there can be few topics of greater moment than the question, is he that "neblest wont of ("Ina 1 vpuu tins subject we present upon our first page an ar ticle from The Washington Union, to which we invite the calm and earnest attention of our readers. We allude to the history of sonic of Fremont's financial transactions in California. We hope the documents may yet be explained by himself or friends. But on their flee they hear the stamp of authen ticity. They are the letters of officers in the United States army, accompanied by agree ments, notes, &c., bearing Fremont's own signature. They were originally collected for the pur pose of establishing against hint the charge of peculation and fraud at the time he was court martialed, and convicted of mutiny, &c., and the main facts were afterward com municated to the House of Bepresentatiees, by Gen. Taylor—so that these documents purport to form part, of the archives of the country. If untrue, they can easily be dis proved. If true, Col. Fremont is guilty of a series of acts of disgraceful fraud and pecu lation. Read the history of his loan on the faith of the Government, the proceeds of which, it is asserted lie applied to the purchase of his famous Mariposa claim. Lead the document bearing his own signature, con nected. with the cArrer. TRANSAC'TION, by which on the one hand he purchases and gives a note as - an officer of the Government avowedly purchasing fur the 1150 of the Gov ernment, a lot of cattle, and then gives them in charge of Abel Stearns as his own private property, with the understanding that he is to keep them year after year, and give Fre mont cf portion of their increase. It is diffi cult to understand how the interests of the Goveamnent could have been promoted by thus undertaking the cattle raising business for a series of years. The worst feature of this case as it stands at present is, that although these facts were made public and commented upon long since, the only answer Fremont ever made to them was a THREAT TO KILL COL. MASON FOR EXPOSING THE TRANSACTION.— For the credit of the country, for the sake of Col. Fremont's fair fame, we hope the matter may yet be explained, if it is possible to do so. If unexplained, the 1 merican people will recoil from a candidate implicated in such nefarious transactions with a feeling of utter contempt. They will shrink with hor ror from the thought of elevating to the Pres idency Ono who has placed himself .upon the level of a common swindler. The honest men of the nation, without distinction of party, will rise up in their majesty to preserve the chair honored by the occupancy of such men as Washington, Jefferson, Madison and Jackson, from the polluting touch of a brand ed swindler. - • Carrying Slavery into the Territories. We observe an occasional weak attempt in the Republican Journals to show that the Democratic Party hold the dogma that the Constitution of the United States carries sla very into the Territories. They refer to the occasional expressions of Southern men, and argue that the doctrine is implied in the Ne braska Bill and the Cincinnati platform.— Now, Southern men as such, may think and say what they please on a queslion of Consti tutional construction. But even Southern men do not utter this dogma as a principle of the Democratic Party. Where is the North ern man That holds it or utters it? Ts it the Yan Burens, the Seymours, the DickinsonS, the Casses, or the Brights ? We defy any one to produce the resolution of any *Demo cratic meeting, the uttering of any leading Democratic newspaper, or of any leading Editor and Proprietor NO. 11. Capable ? Democratic statesman or politician that ex-• presses this monstrous doctrine, which the Republicans falsely attribute to the,Democi lEU The doctrine of nationalizing slavery was the offspring of the subtle mind of John C. Calhoun. Like the right of nullification and of secession, it characterized that small and peculiar school of extreme Southernpoliti cians, of which he was the chief, and is the idol. But it is enough to refer to that " cla rum et venerabile nonzen," Andrew Jackson, to prove that Calhoun and his school were not the Democratic Party. We venerate the pure and private character of John C. Cal houn, and respect OVeil his conAstimt devo tedness to the rights of his section as he un derstood them, but our Republican opponents must not attempt to transform National De mocracy into Calhounisni.---PhiPa. Argus. The .election. fn Arkansas---Ezilliant and Glorious Triumph We send greeting to our Democratic breth ren throughout the Union the cheering news of the most glorious victory ever achieved in this or any other State. The field was hotly, nay, bitterly, contested to the last hour. Ev ery stone was turned, every species of tactics was resorted to, to defeat the Democracy.— The State swarmed with Know-Nothing ora tors; the Know-Nothing candidate for Gov ernor canvassed the State from one end to the other, while the Democratic candidate never left his official duties at the capital; misrepresentation and falsehoods were scat tered broadcast over the State ; but all—al/ to no purpose whatever. The election is over, and a sufficiency of returns have already been received to make the victory of the Democrats complete and overwhelming. Our triumph is unprecedented I Out of a vote of some thirty-five or forty thousand, the majority of Elias N. Conway, the Demoera tic candidate for Governor, will be ten, if not twelve, thousand. We have elected, 10 - over whelming majorities, both our candidates fir/- Congress; ire have elected every one of the Circuit Judges: we haye elected every one of the Prosecuting Attorneys; ire have elected twelve out of the thirteen, if not the whole thirteen, State Senators ; we have elected sktty-two or three of the seventy-five memhers of the General Assembly ; and, finally, we have elected more than three-fourths of the Sheriffs, Clerks, and other county officers. Can a more complete. a more glorious vic tory be conceived or imagined ? Could a more thorough, overwhelming, crushing de feat lie administered to any party than tile one administered by the Democracy to the dark-lanternites of Arkansas ? We submit, could there he ? Gov. Conway has received nearly, if not quite, two-thirds of the vote cast, and a larger vote than ever before was polled at the recent election. At the Democratic National Convention, Major Thomas B. Flournoy, when he gav - ; , the vote of Arkansas fur Buchanan and Breekinridge, pledged her in November next to the cause of Democracy, and wagered a. banner wrought by the fairost hands in the State, that in proportion to her vote, she would give the.. Democratic nominees the largest majority of any State in the Uion. We will redeem the pledge, and win the banner. The majority we will roll up for Iluelanau and Elreckinridge will not be loss than Iwelvd or ffieen thousand—mark the prediction ! The Whig Party Col. Benton has a very forcible and some _ , ofexuressinz his views on men, parties and public measures. in one of 111.5 recent speeches in Missouri, in which he spoke of Mr. BuctrANAx, the Demo cratic Presidential nominee, as the man for the times and the restoration of harmony and peace to eur country, he thus properly dit. - - tingnished between the Whig party and the one iderted parties of modern origin: "The Whig party was a national party— a legitimate party. He had great respect for it, and the destruction of the legitimate party was net the least of the evils which this administration had to answer for. Na tional parties were essential to the common good, and one-idezied and. sectional parties were dangerous and. pernicious. The old Whig anti the old Democratic parties aimed at the common good_ of the country. They •ivere, like travelers starting from the same place to go to the same place, taking differ ent roads. They differed wily about meas ures. Both had the Constitution for their guide, :Ind the welfare of the country for their object. Here and there on the prai ries could be •seen a stalwart oak stznding alone, its roots far down in the earth. its branches high in the heavens, and its trunk firm enough to resist every blast—that was an old Whig standing alone, and the sap lings which grew around it, whipping . and shaking in every breeze, were the one-idea ed parties which had recently sprung up. Had Clay and. 'Webster been now alive, he ' - Vould. be :with them, and they with him, in laboring for the restoration of the peace of the country." Old Bullion is doubtless correct in believ 7 lug that had Clay and Webster been now alive, they would be with him laboring for the restoration of the peace of the country, by the election of Mr. ituenAs_kx, for, every where, in every state of the Union, 'old Whigs," Stalwart Oaks" of the political for est, like Choate d Winthrop. of Massachu setts, Pearce cC Piall, of Maryland, Randall, Brown of Heistcr, of PennsylYania, &c., &c., ate rallying with the united Democracy of the country, in favor of the CONSTITUTION, the UNION, and JAMES BUCHANAN ! No Go—ONN'T elf EAT TnEm.—An attempt was made on Friday night to organize-a "Re publican Know Nothing German Fremont Club," hut enough could not be found to or ganize. It is about as much sense 'as these wen have, to suppose that the Germans aro to be duped into a party headed by such lead: , ing Know Nothings as Ford, Greiner, Van Slyke, and others, who were open in theix• action with the dens but last year. "The great mistake is that these men have always supposed the Germans were' as big foots_ themselves. In 1.8,52 thc:y attempted to cheat them and this would not do. In 1854 and 5 they tried the game of abusing them, and attempted to disfranchise them, and that has failed, and now as Know Nothingism is about on its last logs, they are trying the old game of flattery. • Raft,snian. tr-n—lie has a good income who has but few occasions of spending; not he who has great rents and great vents. rCsl'he man who took passage on the win°s of the morninc , returned on the shadow of night. Ho is doing well. From the True Democrat