The globe. (Huntingdon, Pa.) 1856-1877, September 03, 1856, Image 1

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rA - gAr."
PC all tile mighty parties. front the East and from the West,
The Democratic p;e•ty is the gred t est and the be-t,
Every State in this great nation, it respects them all the
To preserve this glorious Loin;; is its object aryl its aim
Then come 11.1013 g! COM(' along'. make no delay;
Canto from every nation, th.lllo from [Very way
Our Platform is broad enough, don't, be alarmed,
The planks arc all sound the tintirars unharmed
Our sword is "equal rights," the Constitution our shield ;
And with Justice on our banner;, we will boldly take the
With Buchanan for our leader, we will route the Fusion
'Ere the ides of next November there:ll be nothingliut their
gho , s !
With Old Mick, of Pennsylvania, we'll buck. them off the
And with ltrex I:, of Old Kent:lei:3, - , break their Abolition
The "P.ath Finder" has thO mountain's top, and
And he'll soon explore Salt Elver on his little woolle3
Every State and Territory shall enact its local laws;
We mill preach non-intervention, and we'll fight in free-
doIICS Call .4:
Well protect the right of suffrage from the "border mill-
an" tools,
Front lb: , Know-Nothing assassins, and froni. Abolition
Illinois and Tndiana and Now Yolk will go for Mirk,
Maine ; ew hunpMlirc, California, Pennsylvania and Ken-
All the ; 4 •tatos. loth North and Soinll, t tventy-ninc for Ruck
will count,
Anil we'll give the nigger stealerd 31as.aeliusetts and Ver
`V .„ f.'
littoolwit an anthrtunc.
A Sorthern Statement of the _ issue
We commend to our readers the subjoined
extract from a late - number of the Rich.wo7ul
Enquirer. The ekreneter, and
sentiments of this J ourind fire well known.—
It is one of the a',ilest, plainest-spoken, most
uncompromising, and Uninantial papers of
Virginia, and of the entire South. If any
Southern :Journal can speak f,r Virginia, and
for the South, by autho:•ity—if any Journal
represents awl reflects the most thorough end
uneompr6taising Southern sentiment and de
is the _illeol
The extract 'below is a clear and dispas
sionate statement of the i::suo that now
ahsorbs the country. It never Ivas presented
any Where in so lucid a style, ur precise a
form. The position and claim of the South
is set forth with 11111 - ni. - Adit.en.lile, exactness and
autheyttieity, , and en authoritative statement
of the position of the ;i7iouth is itself a perfect
refutation of P6eudo :Republicanism. Hear
the En qi: :
Black Itepublicanisnr affect - all respect for
the legal safeguards of slavery. It, does not
propose to impair the security of the institu
tions of the Sonth. - It professes the utmost
regard for the Constitution and the Union.—
It even disclaims a sectional character, and
avows itself the champion of conservatism.
Yet, it appeals to the fanatical prejudices of,
the North, and thus enlists the abolition cle
ment in its service, - while it retains the adhe
sion of more moderate men by its professions
of nationality. The Black Republican party
contrive to secure this strong position by rep
resenting themselves to be the champions of
freedom, and the South as the propagandist
of its peculiar institutions. The principle
for which they affect to contend is, the restric
tion of slavery ; the principle which they
claim to combat is, the extensin of slavery.
This is the fictitious issue which they present
to the country, and employ as the agency of
sectional aggrandizement.
With so favorable a basis of operations,
they conduct the campaign with wonderful
skill and' spirit. They accuse the slavehold
ers of oligarchic usurpation, of aristocratic
selfishness, of despotic cruelty. They repre
sent the South to he possessed with the am
bition of extending its institutions - over the
continent, and as engaged in a conspiracy to
subjugate the free States to its sway. To en
cot tra:cre the North in. resistance to so criminal
an enterprise, they expatiate on the imagin
ary evils of slavery, from the tribune, from
he pulpit, and in the fascinating panes of
fiction. To rouse and organize a partysub
servient to its purposes, Black Republicanism
has resource to all the arts and agencies of
- popular agitation. Perversions of history,
:fay berbole of rhetoric, the machinery of a
venal ambition and' a corrupt conspiracy, are
all employed to suppoit the grave indictment
against the South.
Black Republicanism is in so frantic a hu
mor that it is questionable if its victims are
accessible to - any appeal of truth and reason.
Rut there arc men in the North who are nei
ther sworn to the support of an imposture
nor incapable of appreciating an honest state
ment. To them we would submit a few
-words in refutation of the charge against the
people of the South.
The Black Republican party misrepresent
the issues of the canvass, in that they impute
an imaginary purpose to the South; and
claim a false credit- for themselves. The
South 'cherishes no ambition of sectional ag
grandizement, and has conceived no hostile
-enterprise against the interests of the North.
We ask nothing of the federal government
but protection in the enjoyment of :our indis
putable rights. We do not desire to impose
our peculiar social system upon any commu
nity. We do not ask the North, to aid us in
the extension of slavery. ThiS is our posi
tion : we 'have a compact with the States of
the North, by which we are bound to respect
the States of the South as co-equal sovereign
ties, and to render them a certain specific ser
vice. - We demand the fulfilment of the obli
gations of the -Constitution, and we demand
nothing more. These obligations are too dis
tinct ter misconception. The South claims
no inferential advantage, and no constructive
privilege.- It stands upon the strict letter of
its right.
SOO 10 00
10 00 1500
5 oo
7 Of)
$1 so
So far from
,convicting the Slave States of
an embitLon to extend their institutions and
to assert a supremacy over the free States,
the history of the country is but ono consist
ent record of Southern.' comprornise and
Southern concession. The area of slave ter
ritory has not been extended a single acre.—
On the Contrary, an empire of slave territory
has been , converted -to free soil, and that too
by the voluntary act of a slave State. Vir
ginia set the example of concession by the
ordinance, of 'B7. The Missouri compromise
of 1820, operated another large reduction of
slave territory ; and the Texas compromise
of 1850 converted still another vast region of
slavery into free soil. We .repeat, not an
acre of territory which was originally free
soil, is subject to slavery now; but by the act
of the'slave States themselves, an immeasu
rable extent of country has been taken•from
the South and added to the dominion and
power of the free States. To these ;conces
sions on the part of the South we must add
its conset to the abolition of the slave trade
in the District of Columbia, and as another
instance of its moderation, we may mention
the fact that the South never objected to the
emancipation of slavery in the Northern
States. Yet the South has as much right to
ebject to 'emancipation in the I_,:orth -as the
North has to complain of slavery inthe South
—nay, more, for emancipation endangers the
security of the South, but slavery inthe South
does not injuriously affect the interests of the
It is easy to anticipate the reply to this
vindication of the character of the South.—
Black Republicanism pretends to find in the
repeal of the Missouri restriction incontesti
ble proof of the sectional ambition and ag
gressive spirit of the South. This is another
false impeachment of the motives' of the
South. If we revert to the speeches of the
supporters of the Kansas Nebraska bill, we
find a distinct and emphatic disavowal of any
aggrctssive purpose on the part of the South.
The repeal of the Missouri restriction was
not intended as a measure of shivery exten
sion, but of atonement to the Constitntion
inr an outrage upon its spirit, and to the
South fur a violation of its rights and dignity
All the South contended for in the support of
the Kansas Nebraska bill was a recognition
of its e i nality under the Constitution ; and
all the South now claims is, that its people
shall not be driven from the common Territory
by the Sharpe's rifles, or emigrant aidsocie
tics. The South simply demands that the
fair and legitimate expansion of its social
system shall not be repressed by the arbitrary
and unconstitutional action of the federal
government, and that its institutions shall be
adopted. or excluded only by the people whom
they are to cill'ect. Is' there anything of shi
very propagandism in this principle? Is
them anything of sectional encroachment in
in this position ? Yet this is the position
which the South occupies, and this is the
only principle for which the South contends,
If -Black Republicanismis' to triumph in this
issue, the South must despair of the protec
,of its rights and honor under the present
system of government."
A Further Word to Anti-Slavery Men.
We address ourselves not to those fanatics
of the Garrison School, who are, in favor of
dissolving the Union. -The madhouse is their
proper place. Nor do we address the disci
ples of Gerrit Smith, who deliberately read
the Constitution upside down, and preposter
ously affect to hold that it gives Congress
power to abolish Slavery- in-the States. We
desire the attention of those comparatively
reasonable men, who, while they dislike the
system of Negro Slavery ; ' at the same time
honor the' Constitution of their country, and
are willing that all should obey it—who,
much as they wish the extinction of Slavery,
desire that the Union be perpetual.
Such persons will admit that although an
evil or a wrong may be very hideous, yet
there may be only certain ways of curbing
it. A great evil Must not be attacked in such
a way as to produce a * greater evil. A can
cer may cat at the face or the breast, but it
will not do to cut at it so unskillfully as to
sever great arteries and kill the
: patient.—
Russian Serfdom may be a " hideous evil;''
yet it does not follew that we should go to
war with Russia to aboliSh that evil.. The•
Turks may be very barbar6us in Practising
Polygamy, yet it does nat•fifllow that the Al: ,
licit Christian Powers should take possession
of her Territory. So let Negro Slavery in
the Southern States he ever so bad, that does
not justify any national or , sectional action
that jeopards the Union, or brings the rest of
our institutions into' danger. The question
is not touching the abstract character of Ne-,
gro Slavery—it is how shall the subject be
treated ? We' in the" - North are not concern
ed with it in the Southern States at all.—,
That is admitted by all sensible people. 13ut
the precise point of controversy As , this
"Ought we, away off ,here to attempt to ne
gotiate this subject of Slavery in the Territo
ries, by our own action and according to*Our
own notions ? People call the National De
mocracy very hard names—they abuse us as
"dough-faces," "ruffians!' "nir:ger drivers,"
"slaveocraey," "tyrants," and whatnot; sim
ply because we are consistent, enough With
our fundamental principles
_of faith in the
_people to leave this delicate subject of Slave
ry to the disposal of the Territories 'them
selves.. We are differing about -"What is to
be done or to be left undone ?" Slavery may
be a wrong and bad thing if you will, and
• yet the attempt to control its diffusion by in,-
'terference from Washington, will not effect
the desired
,end, but will simply rend the
Union. So says the N,ational Democracy.—
Now don't begin to reply by making a; tre
mendons fuss about Slavery. That isnot-re
plying at all. That is only making donkey's
of youselves. If we are wrong, you must
prove it by adducino•
,facts to show that the
people of the Territories cannot manage the
question as well as Congress at Washington.
If you are right, you must prove it, by show
ing that the United States Congress will set
tle this momentous question more carefully,
dispassionately, wisely, and disinterestedly
than will each Territory foritself. The prob-
lens is, " How shall the question be solved so
as to maintain Peace and Union ?"
A• word more to you. - Have Yeti any con
fidence at all in the South ?. If you are rea
sonable" or observant men, you must be aware
that the people of the South are not Indians,
or Barbarians, or heathens. You -will ad
mit that Christianity is at least their nominal
-religion—that Republicanism is as a general
rule their political faith and system-,-that
they are a civilized people—substantially like
ourselves—and that they exhibitimmy noble
traits of character. Is •it possible that you
can trust nothing to these brethren of yours ?
Does it never 'occur to you that they have
right views and feelings? And that your
needless intemperance provokes and angers
them and puts them on their rights and dig
nity ? Suppose all agitation of the subject
were quieted—and the slave breeding States
and Territories left unmolested to deal with
slavery. By all the memories of Washing 7
ton and Jefferson and. Madison, do you not
think that the sense and judgment, and well
known intellectual strength and politicaLtact
of the South are abundantly able to. grapple
with slavery and dispose of it.? It seems to
us that ealm thought will convince any dis
passionate observer that the cessation of agi
tation in the North will benefit the condition
of the slave herself and not retard the ulti
mate disappearance of slavery itself, by
means of colonization or some equally wise .
oxpedient.--Philadelphia Argus.
Washington's Warning Voice against
Black Republicanism.
Gen. Washington, in his Farewell Address,
thus warns the country against the BLIZI: Re
"The unity of government which consti
tutes you one people, is also now dear to you.
It is justly so, for it is the main pillar in the
edifice of your real independence—the sup
port of your tranquility at home, your peace
abroad; of your safety, of your prosperity,
of that liberty you so highly prize. But, as
it is easy to foresee that, from different guar,
ters, much pains will be taken, many artifi
ces employed to weaken in your minds the
'conviction of this truth ; as this is the point
in 'your political fortress against which the
batteries of internal and external enemies
will be most actively:and constantly (though
often covertly and insidiously,) directed, it is
of infinite moment that you should properly
estimate the immense value of your Nation
al Union to your collective and individual
happiness'; thatyou should cherish a cordi
al, habitual and immovnblp ffaulinar.t -Co It,
accustoming yourselves to speak of It as the
palladium of your safety, and„prosperity,
watching for its preservation with jealousy
and anxiety ; discountenancing whatever may
suggest even a suspicion that it can; in any
event,be abandoned; and INDIGNANTLY rnoTM
And then, speaking of sectional- parties,
such as are now embodied and represented
at New York and Philadelphia, he says:
"In contemplating the cause which may
disturb our Union, it occurs as a Matter of
serious concern,
that any ground should have
been furnished for characterizing parties by
geographical denominations—Northern or
Southern—.-Atlantic or Western; whence de
signing men may endeavor to excite a belief
that there is a real difference of local inter
ests and views. One of the expedients of
party to acquire influence within particular
districts is to misrepresent the opinions and
aims of- other districts. You cannot shield
yourselves too much against the jealousies
and heartburnings which spring from these
misrepresentations ; they tend to render alien
to each other, those who ought to be bound
together .by fraternal affection,"
Is Fremont Eligible to the office of Pres-
A question has been raised as to the where
abouts of Col. Fremont's birthplace. The
Boston Daily Bee, one of the Fremont or
gans, in its issue of April `„?..2, 1556, has the
" FIZEMONT.— Col. J. C. Frenzont was born
in 17L11\ - CE, January, 1813. His
,fat her
was an enzigraV front PRANCE, and his
mother a native of Virginia."
The biographies of the Colonel assume
some very queer positions regarding the gen
tleman's nativity, and a writer who claims to
know something asserts that he was born in
Canada. It is said that when his father
eloped with his mother, they fled to Canada,
`and the man being a Frenchman, he natu
rally went among the French Canadians for
refuge. A New Yorkpaper has the follow
ing. We shall take up the subject when we
get hold of the record.
The question as to where Fremont was
born:seems 'to he assuming considerable im
portance:. His biographers do not settle the
question by any means, and since they have
appeared at the South, we find various points
strongly contradicted ; for instance the divorce
• Of Mr.' P4or, from her husband, and subse
quent marriage to 'Fremont. There is no
such record in the Courts of Virginia, of any
such 'divorce as asserted. Now all this is ve
ry queer to say the'_ least of it. Here is a
rhall offered to the North for a President, and
no one knows where he was born, whether ha
this country or abroad. It certainly is our
right and privilege to know 'to a certainty
where a 'candidate for the Presidency is born.
If foreign born, no man is eligible to that
high office. ' The President must a,native
of the United States. How' easily could all
these questions be settled by Col, Fremont
himself. He knows whether he is a Roman
ist or no—and he can probably tell where he
was born—most people can do that. His
constant silence is very ominous on both these
points, and the proof grows stronger every
day—not only of his being a Papist—but of
his foreign birth. A funny candidate indeed.
—Bostoia ledger.
)ft_, Those who lie upon roses while young,
are apt to lie upon thorns when old.
It isTvery rare that we have occasion to
, speak of any favor shown to us by the Ihr
pendent. But we are truly grateful for its
kindness in copying our declaration that we
shall print nothing with a design to influence
the pending Presidential election,for or against
any ccndidate. The great publicity that is
given to this position of ours the better we
shall be pleased.
• That -Journal having now become a politi
cal and partisan paper, it is natural that it
should denounce with characteristic bitterness
those-religious journals that remain true-to
their pledges and principles. But in our
judgment there is no baser abuse of trust, no
more flagrant violation of Christian
ple and duty than that which is disclosed
when a minister of the gospel converts his
pulpit, or the editor of a religious paper cou
verts his press into an engine of political in , -
fluence. The pastor has been inducted into
his office, to minister in holy things, to bring
the news of salvation to perishing, sinners,
and to publish the doctrines of the cross from
the sacred desk on the Sabbath day. To hear
such messages of grace the people repair to
the house of God and sit with attentive ears,
and prayerful hearts. The father who gives
his children a stone, when they ask for bread,
or a serpent when they ask for fish, is not a
more heartless person, than the man who
from the pulpit preaches party politics in who
hearing of his hungering people.' He is false
to his ordination vows, false to his civil con
tract with his congregation, false to the souls
of his charge and falseto his own soul. lie
refuses to submit to the instruction of his
Master or - to be guided by his example. And
the course he has pursued, is not only wrong
in itself, but it has in it an element of mean
ness, from which every man of a high sense
of honor shrinks instinctively. lle abuses
the confidence of his people. He takes them
at a disadvantage, and when they are trust
inc,n him implicitly as their religious teacher
and guide, he seeks to pervert their minds to
his-own views of a subject on which he has
no right to instruct them. If successful in
perverting them, he seduces them by the
power of his office and the hold he has on
their affections, rather than by the weight of
his arguments. The political pastor is in our
view much less- worthy of respect than the
fox-hunting parson of England. Neither of
them has much religion to speak of, but the
latter makes no profession of bye for souls,
and the former has more love for votes. The
fox hunter makes the ministry &-means of
living, and the other makes it an unhallowed
But not less censurable is the course of the
conductors of a newspaper, which first gains
access to thousands of families, under the
specious pretext of being a religious journal,
and dropping the flimsy disguise, employs
itself in the work of party politics, in the mis
erable work of getting votes for this or that
political party. There are two aspects in
which this treachery to religion is peculiarly
.contemptible. First, it is prostituting the re
ligious 'character to the service of the politi
cal. If the Lord Jesus was ever represented
in the paper lie is now to the traffickers of
votes. He is betrayed by those who profess
ed to be his friends. Religion is not of place
in the political papers ; we - wish they were
all imbued thoroughly with the spirit and.
power of the gospel. But that is a very dif
ferent thing from introducing party politics
into a paper that has gained. its access into
the churches under the pretence of being re
ligiOus. For such a paper to become parti7
san is simply to betray its profession, and go
for the world instead of going for Christ.-7--
But secondly, this course is the more worthy
of censure, when we know that politicians
look upon these ministers and religious edi
tors as their tools, and- employ them as such
to prOmote their own selfish and party pm:-
poses. Politicians use them and dispise them
too. A very eminent politician, and an as-
pirant for high office, said in our hearing a
few days ago respecting a notorious political
preacher and religio-political paper that the
party did not care a straw for either, but they
were good till after the election. Religion is
degraded when she is thus dragged into the
mire of party politics, and made to servo the
purposes of selfish ambition.
When therefore a journal professing to be
religious, denounces as "shameful," and "un
christian," our declaration that we shall not
prostitute religion at the feet of politics, we
accept it as th highest praise that was ever
extorted from that
,journal which is bountiful
in cursing but frugal in blessing us. Always
it will be our endeavor, and so long as God
helps us, it will be our successful endeavor.
to deserve the epithets of "shameful and un
christian?' for just this steadfast course, study
im-4 the things that make for peace, striving
to keep the links that unite States and chris
tians bright and. strong, and abjuring every
word from our columns that will tend to ex
acerbate the-public mind, or disturb the good
fellowship that ought to prevail in all parts
of the Christian eommonwealth.—:.'ex
Chicago Times of the 13th inst., puts the fol
lowing crusher on the idle talk about the re
sult in Illinois:
"We observe that persons at a distance
seem to put some faith in the statenicuts
that there is a possibility that Illinois will
vote for Fremont. We know that it has been
sz' lid and positively averred by Black Repub
lican orators, that Illinois would vote the oar
position • ticket. Such au idea when ex
pressed here is considered too stale even for
a joke; No man, in his senses, thinks of this
State voting for any one but Buchanan. As
we said when Buchanan was nominated, the
Democracy of Illinois will give him a larger
majority, in proportion to the entire vote,
than he will obtain in Pennsylvania. Any
Pennsylvania, editor who wants to lose a hat
on the proposition may apply for our meas
ure at once." •
The march of mind in our day is
great, but the march of gullibility would
seem to be yet greater.
Religion before Politics
i:-.'g..1 !'r?-,:r 7 ''...4 - f , • - -irg.k ,
. t..:';'. ',..i . r. 3 .:' '''. l: : 10 1'
Col. F.'reinoril - ,---is He Honest ?---Is He
The Jeffersonian standards of qualification
for office—honesty and capacity—should ne
ver be overlooked by the American people in
selecting an occupant for the exalted position
of the Presidency. So far as capacity is con
cerned we defy Col. Fremont's friends to point
to a single proof of his possession of it. Ile
has won no laurels in the field of polities.—
He has made no speeches. written no letters,
advocated no measures of importance. Ile
was never looked to for advice or counsel by
any considerable body of the American peo
ple in any political question. Ire has shown
no talent as a statesman—no courage as a
soldier—no administrative ability as a gov
ernor—given no proof of skill as a legislator.
Up to the period of his nomination he was of
no possible account in American polities.
No man should be intrusted with an im
portant public duty without having first given
in subordinate spheres proof of his qualifica
tions. The idea of placing a man at the head
of our army, who had given no more proof of
capacity for that post than Fremont had -given
of his capacity to properly discharge the du
ties of the Presidency, would be regarded as
absurd by every one. Who would trust his
health or life in the hands of a pretended
physician who had never regularly studied
medicine and received the diploma of some
Medical College ? Who would trust an im
portant suit to a lawyer who was not learned
in the law? Who would hire a mechanic
that had not learned his business ? No one.
And shall we adopt the idea that long train
ing, experience and study, shall be deemed
necessary to qualify men fin. the discharge of
all the ordinary duties of life—but that for
the highest station on the earth no previous
training or experience and no legitimate qual
ifications shall be necessary ?
Bat there is another question connected
with Col. Fremont that should. be inquired
into. Is he honest ? For the credit of the
country we wish this question may be answer
ed affirmatively. The idea of any consider
able body of the American people being so
lost to all sense of propriety and decency as
to nominate for the Presidency a man of
doubtful pecuniary integrity, is indeed hu
miliating. We turn to the suhject with feel
ings of sadness and mortification. But when
it is considered that the Chief Si‘lagistrate of
this Union controls in a great measure a
treasury which receives many millions of the
public money—that he appoints the agents
who receive and disburse all the public funds
—surely there can be few topics of greater
moment than the question, is he that "neblest
wont of ("Ina 1 vpuu tins
subject we present upon our first page an ar
ticle from The Washington Union, to which
we invite the calm and earnest attention of
our readers. We allude to the history of
sonic of Fremont's financial transactions in
California. We hope the documents may
yet be explained by himself or friends. But
on their flee they hear the stamp of authen
ticity. They are the letters of officers in the
United States army, accompanied by agree
ments, notes, &c., bearing Fremont's own
They were originally collected for the pur
pose of establishing against hint the charge
of peculation and fraud at the time he was
court martialed, and convicted of mutiny,
&c., and the main facts were afterward com
municated to the House of Bepresentatiees,
by Gen. Taylor—so that these documents
purport to form part, of the archives of the
country. If untrue, they can easily be dis
proved. If true, Col. Fremont is guilty of a
series of acts of disgraceful fraud and pecu
lation. Read the history of his loan on the
faith of the Government, the proceeds of
which, it is asserted lie applied to the purchase
of his famous Mariposa claim. Lead the
document bearing his own signature, con
nected. with the cArrer. TRANSAC'TION, by
which on the one hand he purchases and
gives a note as - an officer of the Government
avowedly purchasing fur the 1150 of the Gov
ernment, a lot of cattle, and then gives them
in charge of Abel Stearns as his own private
property, with the understanding that he is
to keep them year after year, and give Fre
mont cf portion of their increase. It is diffi
cult to understand how the interests of the
Goveamnent could have been promoted by
thus undertaking the cattle raising business
for a series of years.
The worst feature of this case as it stands
at present is, that although these facts were
made public and commented upon long since,
the only answer Fremont ever made to them
For the credit of the country, for the sake of
Col. Fremont's fair fame, we hope the matter
may yet be explained, if it is possible to do
so. If unexplained, the 1 merican people
will recoil from a candidate implicated in
such nefarious transactions with a feeling of
utter contempt. They will shrink with hor
ror from the thought of elevating to the Pres
idency Ono who has placed himself .upon the
level of a common swindler. The honest
men of the nation, without distinction of
party, will rise up in their majesty to preserve
the chair honored by the occupancy of such
men as Washington, Jefferson, Madison and
Jackson, from the polluting touch of a brand
ed swindler. - •
Carrying Slavery into the Territories.
We observe an occasional weak attempt in
the Republican Journals to show that the
Democratic Party hold the dogma that the
Constitution of the United States carries sla
very into the Territories. They refer to the
occasional expressions of Southern men, and
argue that the doctrine is implied in the Ne
braska Bill and the Cincinnati platform.—
Now, Southern men as such, may think and
say what they please on a queslion of Consti
tutional construction. But even Southern
men do not utter this dogma as a principle of
the Democratic Party. Where is the North
ern man That holds it or utters it? Ts it the
Yan Burens, the Seymours, the DickinsonS,
the Casses, or the Brights ? We defy any
one to produce the resolution of any *Demo
cratic meeting, the uttering of any leading
Democratic newspaper, or of any leading
Editor and Proprietor
NO. 11.
Capable ?
Democratic statesman or politician that ex-•
presses this monstrous doctrine, which the
Republicans falsely attribute to the,Democi
The doctrine of nationalizing slavery was
the offspring of the subtle mind of John C.
Calhoun. Like the right of nullification and
of secession, it characterized that small and
peculiar school of extreme Southernpoliti
cians, of which he was the chief, and is the
idol. But it is enough to refer to that " cla
rum et venerabile nonzen," Andrew Jackson,
to prove that Calhoun and his school were
not the Democratic Party. We venerate the
pure and private character of John C. Cal
houn, and respect OVeil his conAstimt devo
tedness to the rights of his section as he un
derstood them, but our Republican opponents
must not attempt to transform National De
mocracy into Calhounisni.---PhiPa. Argus.
The .election. fn Arkansas---Ezilliant and
Glorious Triumph
We send greeting to our Democratic breth
ren throughout the Union the cheering news
of the most glorious victory ever achieved in
this or any other State. The field was hotly,
nay, bitterly, contested to the last hour. Ev
ery stone was turned, every species of tactics
was resorted to, to defeat the Democracy.—
The State swarmed with Know-Nothing ora
tors; the Know-Nothing candidate for Gov
ernor canvassed the State from one end to
the other, while the Democratic candidate
never left his official duties at the capital;
misrepresentation and falsehoods were scat
tered broadcast over the State ; but all—al/
to no purpose whatever. The election is
over, and a sufficiency of returns have already
been received to make the victory of the
Democrats complete and overwhelming.
Our triumph is unprecedented I Out of a
vote of some thirty-five or forty thousand, the
majority of Elias N. Conway, the Demoera tic
candidate for Governor, will be ten, if not
twelve, thousand. We have elected, 10 - over
whelming majorities, both our candidates fir/-
Congress; ire have elected every one of the
Circuit Judges: we haye elected every one of
the Prosecuting Attorneys; ire have elected
twelve out of the thirteen, if not the whole
thirteen, State Senators ; we have elected
sktty-two or three of the seventy-five memhers
of the General Assembly ; and, finally, we
have elected more than three-fourths of the
Sheriffs, Clerks, and other county officers.
Can a more complete. a more glorious vic
tory be conceived or imagined ? Could a
more thorough, overwhelming, crushing de
feat lie administered to any party than tile
one administered by the Democracy to the
dark-lanternites of Arkansas ? We submit,
could there he ? Gov. Conway has received
nearly, if not quite, two-thirds of the vote
cast, and a larger vote than ever before was
polled at the recent election.
At the Democratic National Convention,
Major Thomas B. Flournoy, when he gav - ; ,
the vote of Arkansas fur Buchanan and
Breekinridge, pledged her in November next
to the cause of Democracy, and wagered a.
banner wrought by the fairost hands in the
State, that in proportion to her vote, she would
give the.. Democratic nominees the largest
majority of any State in the Uion. We will
redeem the pledge, and win the banner. The
majority we will roll up for Iluelanau and
Elreckinridge will not be loss than Iwelvd or
ffieen thousand—mark the prediction !
The Whig Party
Col. Benton has a very forcible and some
_ , ofexuressinz his views
on men, parties and public measures. in
one of 111.5 recent speeches in Missouri, in
which he spoke of Mr. BuctrANAx, the Demo
cratic Presidential nominee, as the man for
the times and the restoration of harmony and
peace to eur country, he thus properly dit. - -
tingnished between the Whig party and the
one iderted parties of modern origin:
"The Whig party was a national party—
a legitimate party. He had great respect
for it, and the destruction of the legitimate
party was net the least of the evils which
this administration had to answer for. Na
tional parties were essential to the common
good, and one-idezied and. sectional parties
were dangerous and. pernicious. The old
Whig anti the old Democratic parties aimed
at the common good_ of the country. They
•ivere, like travelers starting from the same
place to go to the same place, taking differ
ent roads. They differed wily about meas
ures. Both had the Constitution for their
guide, :Ind the welfare of the country for
their object. Here and there on the prai
ries could be •seen a stalwart oak stznding
alone, its roots far down in the earth. its
branches high in the heavens, and its trunk
firm enough to resist every blast—that was
an old Whig standing alone, and the sap
lings which grew around it, whipping . and
shaking in every breeze, were the one-idea
ed parties which had recently sprung up.
Had Clay and. 'Webster been now alive, he
' - Vould. be :with them, and they with him, in
laboring for the restoration of the peace of
the country."
Old Bullion is doubtless correct in believ 7
lug that had Clay and Webster been now
alive, they would be with him laboring for
the restoration of the peace of the country,
by the election of Mr. ituenAs_kx, for, every
where, in every state of the Union, 'old
Whigs," Stalwart Oaks" of the political for
est, like Choate d Winthrop. of Massachu
setts, Pearce cC Piall, of Maryland, Randall,
Brown of Heistcr, of PennsylYania, &c., &c.,
ate rallying with the united Democracy of
the country, in favor of the CONSTITUTION,
No Go—ONN'T elf EAT TnEm.—An attempt
was made on Friday night to organize-a "Re
publican Know Nothing German Fremont
Club," hut enough could not be found to or
ganize. It is about as much sense 'as these
wen have, to suppose that the Germans aro
to be duped into a party headed by such lead: ,
ing Know Nothings as Ford, Greiner, Van
Slyke, and others, who were open in theix•
action with the dens but last year. "The
great mistake is that these men have always
supposed the Germans were' as big foots_
In 1.8,52 thc:y attempted to cheat them and
this would not do. In 1854 and 5 they tried
the game of abusing them, and attempted to
disfranchise them, and that has failed, and
now as Know Nothingism is about on its last
logs, they are trying the old game of flattery.
tr-n—lie has a good income who has but
few occasions of spending; not he who has
great rents and great vents.
rCsl'he man who took passage on the
win°s of the morninc , returned on the shadow
of night. Ho is doing well.
From the True Democrat