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For The Globe.
THE RALLY--A DEMOCRATIC SONG.
TUNE. "TILE GODDESS OF LESEETT".-DT A. L.
Come freemen, arouse—in your glory beam forth,
Come, exult in the songs of the free;
Come, sing of our Statesman, the genus of worth,
The champion of Liberty.
Our enemies in arms, they seek to destroy
Our Union, so closely combined ;
They'll use all the means that fiends could employ,
Or devils in darkness could find.
'They'll call on the passions, the vilest of vile,
That hell in her fury sends forth,
They'll hunt every archive, they'll seek every file,
That gave to these feelings their birth.
They'll call on the demon, whose country's betray
An not of true merit would call—
Who would pass for vile gold his freedom away,
And glory in our Union's sad fail.
They'd place in the hands of the slaves of the South
The arms of Freedom's worst foe—
They'd call on the sabre, the cannon's wide mouth,
Our brethren in death to lay low.
They'd betray us for gold, they'd sell us for spoils,
They'd ruin our country's fair fame,
They seek to remove by their strife and turmoils,
From the Record, our glorious name.
Then, freemen, arouse in your glorious strength,
To the breeze our banner's unfurl ed—
Let the truth be spread o'er our country's fair length,
And our foes o;, the ramparts be hurled.
For, wit,a-our favorite son, the nation's own choice,
To co - request andimrlng - We'll go—
He'gstop the ford santier, ated...lmstiAlm loud voice
Of Colupbrt's bitterest foe.
ulananaitlttcitinrx*bge:,
SPEECH OF
HON. JOSIAH RANDALL,
Before the Democratic State Convention,
lIELD AT CIIAMBERSBURG, AUG. 6, 1536.
In obedience to the request of the Demo
cratic State Convention of Pennsylvania, I
claimthe attention of my fellow-citizens for
a short time. I am aware that I- have re
ceived this courtesy because I have hereto
fore been a member of the Old Line Whig
party.
In 1824-5, the Democratic and Whig par
ties were separated by no question of princi
ple, but were divided upon the question,
whether Gen. JACKSON was entitled to be elec
ted President of the United States. In the
progress of time, clearing the thirty years of
the existence of the Whig party, several im
tortant principles were presented, and the
wo parties became distinct and independent
of each other upon questions of public poli
cy. These were:
1. The renewal of the charter of the Bank
of the United States.
2. The Sub-Treasury.
3. The Distribution of the Proceeds of the
Public Lands.
4. The Tariff.
A "National Bank" was abandoned by
the Democratic party, under the veto of Gen.
JACKSON in 1832, and by the Whig party in
1844.
"The Sub-Treasury," the cardinal meas
ure of Mr. VAN BunEx, was opposed by the
Whig party, has fought itself into public fa
vor, and no one now wishes to disturb it.
"The Distribution of the Proceeds of the
Public Lands" has been superceded by the
debt created by the Mexican war.
" The Tariff' no longer remains either a
political or geographical question; the last
Congress exhibited the spectacle of the " State
Rights" men of the South and the Republi
can Abolitionists of the North, united against
Pennsylvania, without distinction of party,
to reduce the tariff below its present stan
dard.
If there remain any practical disputable
principle, which constituted an issue between
the Democratic and the old. Whig parties, I
do not know it.
The Whig party has performed its duty,
and has had its day. It has been prostrated
by the organization of the American party,
or the KNOW-NOTHING ORDER. They and not
the Old Line Whigs have been the Execution
,ers. They have renounced their old cogno
men, laid aside their old principles, and sub
stituted in their place a new name and a new
creed never heretofore recognized by CLAY,
WEBSTER, SERGEANT or their noble compeers.
I know there are many intelligent and pa
triotic men who cherish the hope that the
Whit party can again be resuscitated, but
the hope is delusive, and it is pernicious be
cause it deprives the country of a large por
tion of intellect and worth, which ought to
be brought into public service. In the His
tory of our Republic, no party broken down
has ever yet been re-organized. The fate of
the Federal and Anti-Masonic parties estab
lishes this fact. There is not at this time a
Whig member of the - popular branch of Con-
gress elected by a Whig vote. There is not
a member of the Legislature of Pennsylva
nia elected by a Whig vote. There is not a
member of the Councils of the City of Phil
adelphia elected by a Whig vote. For the
last two years, with but two exceptions,
wherever the scattered members of the Whig
Party have met in council, they have felt
their position, and have therefore, wisely ab
stained from forming a Ticket to be voted for
at the polls. In New Hampshire and .A.las
sachusetts they rallied at the polls, and the
result was paucity of numbers and total de
feat. But, I ask, what good would be deri
ved from the re-organization and triumph of
the Old Whig Party? They do not want a
National Bank. They do not desire the re
peal of the Sub-Treasury. The most ardent
friends of the Tariff do not ask for the re-es
tablishment of the high Tariff of 1828; or
even of 1842 ; but all they ask is, that the
Tariff shall stand v7 - here it was placed in 1846
by the casting vote of the Vice President,
Mr. DALLAS. All the old issues have been
settled, 'and as a natural consequence, new
parties have sprung up, and new issues have
been formed. The Order of Know-Nothings
have violated the letter. and spirit of the VI
Article of the Constitution of the United
States, -which declares that " No religious
test shall ever be required as a Qualcation
to any Office or Public Trust under the United
States;" they have established secret socie
ties, secret oaths and obligations. With these
$1 50
75
. 50
WILLIAM LEWIS,
VOL. XII.
1513
principles the Whig party in its days of pow
er and numerical strength had no sympathy
nor affiliation, and there is no part of the
Union where the Whigs were more inflexible
in opposing these political heresies than in
the State of Pennsylvania.
In 1845, when the Whig party met in the
City of Philadelphia, after the defeat of Mr.
CLAY, the duty of opening the meeting and
setting forth their principles was committed
to me. I held in my hand at that meeting,
the charter of Rhode Island, granted to Rog
er Williams, which contains the broadest and
most comprehensive declaration of religious
LIBERTY AND EQUALITY ever yet penned. I
read its eloquent and energetic platform and
said, `THIS IS THE DOCTRINE OF THE WHIG
PARTY," and pointing to the ruins of the Ro
man Catholic Church of St. Augustine, burnt
during the disgraceful riots of 1844, and
which lay within a few yards of the place of
meeting, I added, "THERE IS ITS DESECRATION."
There is not a nook nor corner in the vast re
gion of our country which does not contain
Old Line Whigs who are willing to stand by
the Constitution and the Union. But their
numerical strength is far exceeded by their
patriotism, talents, and public - spirit. This
is the body to which I have been attached,
and I feel the deepest interest in the course
they shall pursue.
The Republican party is SECTIONAL, and its
success must, in my judgment, lead to a sev
erance of the Union. I do not believe that
the great mass of that party anticipate this
result ; but if it should be consummated, their
regret will be no equivalent for the damning
injury thereby inflicted upon this great Re
public. I appeal to every Old Line Whig in
the Union to avert this calamity. The South
cannot and will not remain in the Union, un
less their rights are guaranteed to them. If
we were in the same situation, we would de
mand our rights in tones as imperative and
mandatory as those which are now used by
our Southern brethren.
How is this great evil to be avoided ? I
. answer, by the election of Mr. Buchanan.—
Every vote given to him is a cheek to the pro
gress of the Republican. party. I know there
are many Whigs who approve of the admin
istration of Millard Fillmore, and are willing
to trust him again. Every vote given to Mr.
Fillmore increases the danger of the success
of Mr. Fremont. Every vote given to Mr.
Buchanan potentially seals the fate of Mr.
Fremont. But Millard Fillmore in 1848, '5O,
and '52, is not the Millard Fillmore of 1856.
When he was elected Vice President in 1848
—when he became the Acting President in
1850,—and when he was a candidate for re
nomination by the Whig Convention in Bal
timore, in 1852, he professed to be a Whig--
nothing more, nothing less. The Native
American party at that time was in existence
and proclaimed principles in terms far less
exceptionable than those now avowed by the
Know-Nothing party, But Mr. Fillmore then
had neither part nor lot with them, he stood
upon the ground occupied by CLAY:WEBSTER
and SERGEANT. What is he now? He has
been initiated into the Order of Know-Noth
ings, taken upon himself its secret oaths and
obligations, and this at a time when his
friends were presenting his claims to be elec
ted President of the United States. lie has
since become the candidate and accepted the
nomination of the American or Know-Noth
ing National Convention. In a correspon
dence between the Order of United Ameri
cans of the State of New York and him, un
der the date of July 25th, 1856, they say—
" Both from your past official acts, and
from the assurances and views expressed by
you on many occasions, as having similar
sentiments in reference to these subjects, to
them of so much seeming importance, the
successful establishment of these principles,
as the fundamental Rules of our Government,
they believe essential for its tranquility, and
a continued progress in the developement of
all its greatness."
Mr. Fillmore in his answer, dated 29th of
July, 1856, acquiesces in this statement and
replies— •
"My position before the country is well
known, admitting neither of disguise nor
equivocation. lam the candidate of the
American party."
Mr. Fillmore here proclaims himself the
American candidate, and adopts the creed,
oaths and obligations of• that party, without
disguise or equivocation." In the Secret
Lodge of the Order of Know-Nothings he
has sworn that he will neither vote for nor
appoint a Roman Catholic to office. If elec
ted and inaugurated President of the United
States, he would be compelled to swear that
he would require "no religious test as a qual
ification to any Office or Public Trust under
the United StateS." I ask, under such ch.,
cumstances, which oath would he keep, and
which oath would he violate ? Are the Old
Line Whigs prepared to endorse Mr. FILL
MORE, thus presented for their suffrages by
himself? 1 know no difference between an
individual joining the Order and giving his
vote to sustain its candidate, except that the
latter course is more effective in carrying out
the tenets of this party.
The friends of Mr. FILLMORE have assailed
Mr. BUCHANAN for his OSTEND communica
tion without admitting or denyinethe sound
ness of the doctrine therein contained. I
would remark that the correspondence of Mr.
Evnurqr, as Secretary of State under Mr.
FILLMORE, after the death of MT. WEBSTER,
relative to Cuba, is more offensive, and ought
to be more obnoxious to the criticism of con
servative men than the OSTk,ND LETTER.; and
it should be remembered that the diplomatic
manifesto of Mr. EvERETT, was issued under
the immediate supervision of Mr. FILLMORE
and his Cabinet.
Mr. Everett is probably the best ,educated
Statesman now living, he is an erudite schol
ar and a sound Patriot. When in Congress,
he took higher ground in favor of the South
on the subject of slavery, than any Northern
Statesman had over done before, or has ever
done since. One thing is curtain, any opin
ion upon International Law promulgated by
hith, is entitled to respect. Mr. Buchanan
has been in public life upwards of forty
years, ho has filled the highest offices which
his own State could confer upon him. Ile
4: -
has occupied the highest seat in the Cabinet
during a most eventful epoch; and he has
twice represented his country at the Courts
of the two first Nations in Europe. His pri
vate character stands without blot or blemish
and beyond rebuke or reproach ; and it is a
high eulogium upon his public life that the
" Ostend Letter" is the only act which is des
ignated by his opponents as the ground of
attack.
There are many Old Line Whigs who are
altachedto their cognomen, and dislike chang
ing it—this is an over. scrupulous nicety.—
They must change their name—they must
recognize the title of an American, Know-
Nothing, Republican, or a Democrat. If they
refuse to elect either of these names, they
must retire from all participation in public
affairs. Gov. SEWARD 15 reported to have
said. during the present session of Congress,
in caucus, that he cared nothing for names,
but that he looked to principles alone. The
remark showed he had a clear head and a
sound judgment, and was worthy of a better
cause.
Time will not permit me to discuss at large,
the question of the Territories. I hold that
the Territory ceded to us by Mexico was pur
chased by common treasure. The fifteen
Slave States contributed their portion of the
fund as well as•the then fifteen Free States.
Territory should stand on the same footing
as admitted States, and the right of the peo
ple to hold Slaves or not, as they please, in
the Territory ought to be commensurate with
the rights of the people as they exist in the
thirty-one States. There can be no just
ground far any discrimination between the
two eases. New Territory is surely not more
sacred than the old thirteen States, or the
present thirty-one States. The will of a ma
jority prevails in the cases last enumerated,
and the same orthodox principle should pre
vail in the newly acquired Territory.
What is the doctrine of the Wilmot provi
so? It is the sixteen free States declaring
to the fifteen slave States—you are part own
ers of this Territory ; you have shed your
blood and expended your treasure in acqui
ring it, but you shall have -no share in its en
joyment or profits. Strip it of its trappings,
and it amounts to this: there are thirty-one
stockholders in a corporation, and sixteen say
to fifteen, it is true you are part owners and
have contributed to the purchase of our com
mon property, but you shall have no share
in the enjoyment of its privileges or the re
ceipts of its profits. Suchdo7trine is sub
versive of every principle of justice and equal
ity, and cannot be sustained.
I am not the advocate of opinions that are
new to the Whig party . of Pennsylvtiiiia. At
a Whig meeting held in September, 1850, at
the Chinese Museum, in Philadelphia, I of
fered a resolution congratulating the Nation
upon the restoration of peace and quietude
to the country by the passage of the Com
promise Acts of that year. It was unani
mously adopted, and I then laid down the
same principles which I am now endeavoring
to inculcate.
In November, 1850, the great Union Meet-
ing was held at the same place, and over
which John Sergeant presided. Among oth,
ers, I again enforced the same principles.—
At a later period, during the session of the
Legislature of this State in 1851, a pure
Whig meeting was called to request the re
pe4l of the Act of the Legislature of 1847,
which closed the public jails of this Com
monwealth against the custody of Fugitive
Slaves. At that meeting Samuel Breck, sec
ond to no man in the country, in intelligence
and patriotism, presided. I. again promul
gated the same doctrine and they were again
endorsed 11 . the Whig party assembled on
that occasion.
These are some of the reasons why I in
voke every Old Line Whig in Pennsylvania
to suppert Mr. Buchanan. The triumph of
the Democratic party in Pennsylvania in Oc
tober next, would place his election beyond
doubt. It would remove the last glimmer
ing, hope of the opposition, restore peace and
quietude to the country, and for one genera
tion at least, put at rest the present agitation
on the question of slavery. The Old Line
Whigs of Pennsylvania possess the power to
accomplish this great result; the responsibil
ity rests upon them, and I have no doubt but
that the draft which is made upon their pa
triotism will be promptly accepted, and that
the great Keystone State will once more come
to the rescue, and do as she has done hereto
fore, put down all sectional feeling, and at
the ballot-box give a vote which will strike
terror to the enemies of the Constitution and
our glorious Union, which have so long been
the pride and admirt4ion of every friend of
civil and. roligious liberty throughout the
It has usually been the fortune of the op
ponents of the Democratic party to have the
sympathies of their British ancestors on the,
Other side of the Atlantic. It seems the pre
sent contest forms no exception to the gener
al rule. The British are for Fremont. Bu
chanan is "pledged to a policy" which they
deem hostile to English interests, and hence
they oppose him and join hands with their
friends on this side of the water in favor of
Fremont. We extract the following from a
prominent English pal?er:—
• From the London Daily News, July 10.
Interesting as all the phases of American
politics are to Englishmen, our first attention
is naturally given to the contest for the Pres
identship. On the choice of the next Presi r
dent hangs the question of peace or war be
tween the United States and various foreign
countries—England being among the fore
most on the list. Not that we believe that
any possible President might say any
American citizen--would directly and ',sin
cerely go into a war with England; but ono
at least of the candidates in the field is pledg
ed to a policy which would render war almost
unavoidable. While, therefore, it is under
stood that other changes, and many of them,
may take place before the election in Novem
ber' we observe with strong satisfaction that
the Republican party is showing such, vigor,
spirit, and resolution, as tofford a good pros
pect of the return, of its candidate—Colonel
FEEMOIs.M.
HUNTINGDON, PA., AUGUST 20, 1856.
The British Go For Fremont
.-PERSEVERE. -
The Value of the Union in a Commercial
'What is the value of the Union in dollars
and cents ? That is the question which some
of the leading papers in this section are now
discussing.. They are endeavoring to persuade
the North that, in a commercial point of view,
it can do without the South, and that, so far
as pecuniary profit and loss are concerned,
the dissolution of the political ties which now
unite them, would be no great evil—if not a
great blessing, This is a sad sort of logic to
use in a Presidential canvass. That surely
must be a bad and a wicked cause which is
compelled to calculate the worth of the Con
federacy as one of the conditions of its sue,.
cess. We do not mean to engage in this sor
did speculation. The whole thing is abhor
rent to one's patriotic instincts. But since an
effort is making to underrate the Union in its
mere money value, ire shall state some facts
which• may serve to prevent the people of this
section from being deceived by the represen
tations of those who would convince them
that the trade with the South is of no import
ance, either to the free States, or to the wealth,
power, and greatness of the whole Republic.
Any one who has any adequate knowledge
of the foreign and internal commerce of the
country, must be aware that the commercial
strength of the nation is primarily dependent
on Southern labor and staples. Indeed, the
one article of cotton is the ruling element of
the commerce of mankind. .It is the barom
eter by which the mercantile operations of
Christendom are guaged and regulated, the
price of this commodity at Liverpool, at any
time, being the standard which elevates or
depresses the scale of the world's industry
and exchanges. Why this is so we can very
readily demonstrate by merely stating a fetv
well authenticated statistics, leaving reflect
ive readers to draw their own conclusions.
Taking the returns of the last census, which
are less favorable for our purpose than later
results, but more conveniently accessible, we
find that in 1849—'50 the cultivation of cotton
and its preparation for market employed
about 800,000 laborers, 85 per cent, of whom
were slaves. It required to feed and clothe
this force, produce valued at $25,000,000; the
supplies being derived principally from the
North and West, which received- the price
paid for them. The entire crop of 1849—'50
was 993,312,000 lbs., valued at $112,430,600.
This crop employed in its transportation
along the Gulf and. Atlantic coasts 55,000
American seamen, and 1,100,000 tons of
American shipping, or about one-third of the
entire tonnage of the nation in 1850. This
is ea clasive of 120,000 tons of steamatonnage
said 7000 persons engaged in transporting
cotton by steam navigation to Southern ship
ping ports, to say nothing of railways. At
the same period there were not less than $BO,-
000,000 invested in the business of cotton
manufacture, chiefly in New England. This
capital maintained 100,000 operatives, male
and female, whose joint annual wages were
$17,000,000, and the product of whose labor
was worth, at a low estimate, $70,000,000.
There were besides 25,000 or 30,000 persons
in the 'United States who were employed and
enriched in receiving, selling, and shipping
the above amount of domestic cotton fabrics.
In addition to the coastwise navigation before
mentioned, there were 800,000 tons of mer
cantile marine of the country, owned chiefly
at the North, occupied in carrying American
cotton to Europe. In 1849—'50 the value of
cotton fabrics made in our own factories and.
consumed in the States was $57,134,760.
During the same period the value of the to
tal amount of raw American cotton consumed
in our manufactures was $24,340,800 ; while
the whole amount of cotton fabrics consumed
in our country-e-foreign and domestic—ex
ceeded in value sB2,ooo,ooo—three fourths
of the entire product being the creation of
domestic industry. Again, the domestic cot
ton manufactures have not only exceeded, in
the- proportion of their increase, the aug
mentation of the gross population of the
country, as well as that of any other promi
nent article of manufacture, but that increase,
since 1826, in its relation to exportation, sur
passes in value the whole increase of all other
American manufactures combined. More
over, the cotton crops of the States equals
quite seven-tenths of all the cotton produced
in the world. ; while the portion yearly ex
ported is about eight-tenths of the total quan
tity sent to market from all regions of the
globe. Since 1821, our exports of cotton
have multiplied nine -fold, while the imports
of foreign cotton goods have hardly more
than doubled. Hence cotton is rapidly can
celling one big item in the account of inter
national trade in which the balance has been
against us. We may add further, by way of
comment here, that more than $48,000,000 of
bullion and specie, over and above what has
been actually exported, would have been an
nually needed; since 1824, for shipment
abroad, to square exchanges with Europe,
had it not been for the exportation thither of
our raw cotton. The aggregate of our expor
tations of raw cotton has, since 1805, increas
ed uprards of twenty : eight fold in quantity,
and more than nine hundred per cent. in
value. It is likewise noticeable, that the
gross sum of our importations of foreign mer
chandize has declined relatively to the in
creased exportation of American raw cotton.
But cotton is but one of the staples of the
South. Adding $30,000,000 as the value of
naval stores, molasses and the tobacco, rice
and Ruga.r crops of 1849—'50, to that of the
cotton crop for that season, and we have a to
tal of $142,430,600 contributed by the South
in one year to the wealth of the Union. This
is more than the value of the entire exports
of domestic produce, exclusive of specie, in
1850--more than nine times the value of the
total exportation of manufactures of domes
tic produce in the same year, and more than
five times the value of the aggregate exports
of breadstuffs and. provisions in 1850. It is
finally nearly equal to the value of the ag
gregate import's of 1850, which were $164,-
032,033, the greater part of which came in
through Boston, New York and Philadelphia,
on which Northern merchants made their
freights, insurance and. - profits, the South be
ing ultimately, the consumer of, and paying
for nearly, if not quite, a moiety of the whole.
Aspect.
Editor and Proprietor.
Another notable fact is, that the exports of
domestic cotton in 1850, exceeded those of to
bacco, and the whole products of agriculture,
the forest and the sea added together. We
have shown that the people of the North are
the shippers, the insurers and sellers of, as
well as the speculators in, cotton, and, of
course, the reapers of the great bulk of the
profit upon the article—the planter realizing
the very smallest portion of the nett proceeds.
Let us see where, in this country, the cot
ton of the South is manufactured into cloth
and the like. The gross value of our cotton
manufactures in 1850, was $61,869,184. Of
this whole amount, Connecticut, Maine, Dias-
sachusetts, New Hampshire, New Jersey,
Ohio, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Verniont,
and New York, produced $52,455,653—within
a small fraction of the entire sum. The pro
duct of Mossachusetts alone, was nearly $20,-
000,000. It is easy, therefore, to see whose
industry cotton supports, and what section of
the confederacy it enriches.
Here, then, is an exhibit which may well
rebuke those who would undervalue the com
mercial importance of the slave States to the
general prosperity and wealth of the nation.
And more especially should it silence those
who, while they are declaiming against Slav-
ery, and uttering the most violent denuncia
tion of the Southern people, are making their
daily profits and accumulating fortunes by
selling and carrying and manufacturing the
products of slave labor. Without the South
and its staples, the manufacturing industry
and the commerce of the New England States
would suffer a disastrous decline ; while the
South would experience but a temporary in
convenience, in respect of trade, from a change
of its present commercial relations with this
section of the Union. But let us not even
contemplate such a contingency. Let us
cherish - the belief that the Union is indisso
luble, and foster our loyalty to it by every
consideration of patriotic pride and every
hope of national prosperity and renown.—
Let us realize the assertion of Washington,
that " the North, in an unrestrained inter
course with the South, protected by the equal
laws of a common government, finds, in the
productions of the latter, great additional re
sources of maratime and commercial enter
prise, and precious materials of manufactu
ring industry, while the South, in the same
intercourse, benefiting by the agency of the
North, sees its agriculture grow and its com
merce expand." Let us think and feel, and
we shall then, in the language of Mr. Web
ster, hear "no such miserable interrogatory
What is all this worth?' nor those other
words of delusion and folly, Liberty first and
thtion after wards."—Evening Journal.
The Pennsylvania Candidate.
It is one of Mr. Buchanan's prime recom
mehdations, says the . Philadelphia Argus,
that he is the Pennsylvania Candidate. Not
merely the choice of the Keystone State, he
is also a perfect representative of the charac
teristics or Pennsylvania. He was born and
raised in her midst, taught in her schools,
educated in one of her seminaries of learning,
imbued with legal learning by one of her
most eminent lawyers. He has spent every
hour of his life in Pennsylvania, except when
the public.business of the country has called
him away. He has practised law in her
Courts, helped to make her laws as a em
ber of her legislature, is familiar with all her
history, and all her institutions. His rela
tives, and principal and dearest associations
are all Pennsylvanian.. The fondest and
best, and most joyous memories of his life
centre in this State. This State is the scene
and sphere of all his future hopes. He ex
pects to die here, and to lay his head on Penn
sylvania soil. His whole career proves him
to be thoroughly possessed with Pennsylvania
feelings and. principles. On all subjects of
political or national concern, James Buchan
an has reflected-the opinions of Pennsylvania.
He has always been with his own state, in
every emergency and occasion. His funda
mental character, his modes of thought, ''his
1 habitual sentiment and state of feeling, his
appearance, and his manners aro all eminent
ly Pennsylvanian. The whole world looks
upon him as the very type and representative
of the Keystone State. Every body knows,
that when elected, he will administer the
affairs of the nation in the very spirit and
style of Pennsylvania Democracy,
Now this is enough to secure the confidence
of all calm thinking men. For the steadfast,
benign character of the good old Common
wealth of Pennsylvania is well known and
appreciated by the sister States. She cannot i
boast of such a galaxy of past statesmanship,
as Virginia, or such literary brilliancy and
rapid enterprise as Massachusetts. She lays
no claim to. the "middle ago" chivalry of
South Carolina, nor does she habitually vaunt
her greatness like New York. But as Web
ster said, " There she is---behold her, and
judge for yourselves." No State in the Union
evua/.3 the uniform benignity, fairness, and
simplicity of her domestic institutions. Her
Judiciary has always been famed for" learn
ing and -wisdom. Her system of laws is ev
erywhere copied for its simplicity and equity.
She led the way in amelioration of criminal
law and criminal -discipline, and the world is
but copying her example. No stain of reli
gious intolerance ever disgraced her Statute
book or her history. ller population is famed
for its industry, quiet, good morals, sturdy
republicanism and' love of order. Supercil
ious Yankees, or Virginians, sometimes have
sneered at the "Pennsylvania Putch," and
people outside our State have talked about
our ignorance. But the fact is, no State in
the Union ever excelled our rural districts in
strong common - sense—and this is proven by
our State Institutions and our State Politics.
Amidst all the sectional agitations that have
lashed the waves of opinion North and South,
Pennsylvania has been a breakwater. When
all the skies darkened with the driving clouds
of threatening Abolition, or Free Soil, or
Nullification, or Secession, and When the
night of disunion seemed coming on apace,
always amid the roar and darkness, old Penn
sylvania has raised up her giant self to pro
tect the Constitution, and her honest voice
has called on her sisters to take heed.and
come back to reason. She has never proved
false to Nationality. She could not possibly.
do so. For she is placed right at the Nation's
heart. The Nation was born and cradled in,
her lap. Disunion would make horn frontier.
State, whereas now she is the topmost stone
of the vast Arch. At all hazards, to the last
extremity, while a rag of the starry banner
remains untorn by the winds of discord and
kltrife, Pennsylvania must, and Pennsylvania
will, be true to the whole Union. She is as
conservative, moderate, arid conciliatory, as
she is Union loving. Unaffected by the
,graa
tuitous fanaticisms of the North, or the pro-,
yoked ill tempers of the South, she is always
forbearing and impartial.
Such a State does James Buchanan come
from, and live in, and. embody in his own
character. Who can doubt, then, the char
acter of his Administration in the very spirit
and temper of Pennsylvania Unionism and
fairness, It will be a dignified, pacific, be-!
nign Administration. 'Peace will spread smi
ling all over the land. Strife, will subside.--
State and sectional jealousies will be allayed.
Abolition agitation and agit,ators will be re*.
buked into silence and impotence. North and
South will shake hands more cordially than
ever. Under the auspices of honest old Penn
sylvania and the venerable President whom
she furnishes to the Union, all the difficulties
about Slavery
. and. Kansas will become the
half forgotten incidents of the past.
Citizens of Pennsylvania! You know the
reliable excellence of your own honored Com-,
monwealth. You know - she is National., fain
and peaceful. You know, too, that James
Buchanan is, in every:respect, and eminently
a Pennsylvanian. You know his spotless.
character, his blameless life, his proverbial
amiability and equity of disposition, his anx-:
iety 'for peace, good order and general con
tentment. We need not make strong appeals
to you. You will delight to do honor to the
most distinguished and the favorite son of our
glorious Commonwealth. And as all our
ter States respect and love Pennsylvania, let
them testify their sentiments by helping to
elect James Buchanan—a perfect type of hi?,
State.
NO. 9.
During the last few Tears, a large number
of ministers connected with most of the
churches at the North, have used their pul
pits and desecrated the Sabbath with politi
cal harangues. Associations of ministers
have denounced and vilified the actions and
principles of one of the great parties of the
country—the press claiming to be the organs
of religious denominations, seem'to have con
centrated all their hopes in the kingdom of
this world—and to differ with this pros and
these ministers, is sin enough to call down
the anathemas of these `self-constituted vice
gerents. Man's duty to his God, and his re
lations to a fixture existence—the peaceable
kingdom of Christ and its moral power, giv
en to it by its founder, and relied upon by
him for its propagation—are all forgotten.—
For all of this there can be no other feeling
than that of pity and contempt. For this
there can be no excuse. The present state of
these churches will bear out the assertion that
in these efforts they have not been blessed of
God.
In this connection, we cannot but repro
duce the impregnable position of a minister
of the Revolutionary time, which offered an
excuse, if ever a time offered an excuse, for
ministers to enter the arena of polities. Dr.
Ryles, a noted preacher of those times, gave
the following reasons for not introducing pol
itics into his pulpit ;
"I have thrown up four breastworks, be
hind which I have entrenched myself, neith
er of which can be forced. In the first place,
I do not understand politics ; in the second
place, you do all, every man and mother's
son of you ; in the third place, you have pol
itics all the week, pray, let one day in seven
lie devoted to religion ; in the fourth place, I
am engaged in a work of infinitely more im
portance; give me any subject to preach on
of more consequence than the truths I bring.
you, and I will preach on it the next Sab
bath."—Tackson Patriot.
FROM GEN. JACKSON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS.
In his farewell address to his countrymen
upon retiring from the Presidency, the pa-7
triot statesman and hero of the Hermitage
said:
"What have you to gain by division and
dissension ? Delude not yourselves with the
hope that a breach once made, would be
afterwards easily repaired. If the Union is
once severed, the separation will grow wider
and wider : and the controversies which are
now debated and settled in the halls of legis
lation, will be tried in fields of battle, and
determined by the sword. Neither should
you deceive yourselves with the hope that
the first line of separation would be the per
manent one. ** * Local interests would still
be found there, and unchastened ambition,
And if the recollections of common dangers,
in which the people of these United States
have stood side by side against the common
foe—the memory' of victories won by their
united valor—the prosperity and happiness
they have enjoyed under the present Consti
tution;—if all these recollections and proofs
Of common interest are not strong enough to
bind restton•ether as one people, what tie will '
hold united the new divisions of empire ?
when these bonds have been broken and this
Union dissolved ? The first line of 'sepa z
ration would not last long • new fragments
be torn off—new leaders would
up—and this great and glorious Republic
would - soon be broken into a multitude el
petty States, armed for mutual aggression -_-. 7 -,
loaded with taxes to pay ariniths and leader*
—seeking aid against 'each other from for t
eign powers—insulted and trampled upon
by the nations of Europe—until, harrassed
with conflicts and humbled and debased int
spirit, they would be willing to submit t,o
the dominion of any military adventurer,
and to 'surrender their liberty for the sake of
repose."
JOSEPII HISS GOES FOR FREMONT.—The cot ;
ebrated. Joseph Hiss, of nunnery investiga c
tion notoriety, and who raised such a dust in.
the - Massachusetts Legislature a year ago, 14
taking a woman of doubtful reputation 3vitl,
him, on one of the excursions of a Legisla ;
tive Investigating Committee to which he be :
longed, and charging hor expenses to the
State = goes for Fremont as the best repre ; -,
sentatiye of the principles of the "American'?party, of which he, the said Joseph Hiss, is
such a worthy and illustrious member. je t
seph Hiss has been chosen as a delegate tq
the State Convention of the Fremonters, fro
the First ward of Boston. Three cheers for
Fillmore—one fess for Fremont.
Build good school : houses, employ emu ;
potent teachers, and make study an amuse ;
ment and a pleasure instead of a drag, as it
now is—and what then? Why, we may sow?.
be able to ticket our prisons -doors with
s t
"For Rent,"
Political Preaching.'
A. Picture of Disunion