tea
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STASTOXAGAiS.
JIUGK B.'.AO toNKKATOIt V. JLSO?..
conclusion.
Bui lot justica bo done though the hear
ers ehculd fail. Some, at least, of your
t-tatcmctits are true, unp?s Mr. Dawes, Mr
HowarJ. Mr. Seward and Mr. Sumner 'have
volunteered to help you by sacrificing the
character cf "the great secretary."
I will not waste time upcu tha details
which your witLcsses Lave given of his
tieachery. It appears to have U-eu a free
will .tiering oi his own. induced by 1.0 .so
licitation ol yours, but tendered by himself
ex mtro niotu. The moment he was inducted
imo ctiice he looked about to asttrtaiu who
wore the bitttiest acd nnt niahgnunl e:.e
Liiod ol the mcu to whoin ho owed all hio
p'lLhc importance and much of his private
prosperity, lie found thcai quickly, acd
though they were entiie fctraiiyera to him,
he put hmitoll' imiiibdiately into aecrct com
munication with them, took eerv.ee under
tnoiii as their regular spy, and excised him
fced diligently in that fuse v..catiou, making
loporla to theiu daily, ui.d hoiuef iuies twice
a day, uutd tt.u cluo of his cfacial term,
when his occupaliun Lecessarily ceased.
Ibis uieau employ lueut, uul have takeu up
moat of the time which should have U-cu
deVuttd to the duties of an oiaco on which
the public business, always heavy, was th.u
prcbsin wuli unu.-ual weight.
lie oui not communicate any kuow'edgo
w hich was Lecefmry to gu:Je ou iu tlie ois
ciia.'ge of your duties, for every fact 0! that
kind was as accessible to you as to him ; the
admiuistiatkn kept nothing .back ; the l'.-es
ident volunteered to give ail he knew con
cerning tne state of tne Union ; no depart
ment was closed against your investigations t
tvery call for information was promptly and
fuhy auswercd. If that had uot beun
enough, every member in tiie cabinet would
have been perfectly free to tpeak with any
member of Congrtts, or to go in person be
luie any Committee. Mr. Seward did confer
With me, fudy at the ttate d.pailment, iu
open daylight, without any digging about
it ; and ho was aiwas welcome, as he in
now, to tell everything lhi.t pasted, ior he
neither aked nor cv-uid have uitd any
qiietio'n, if the country had an intertst in
it. wnich 1 was nut willing to aniwer. With
all the channels of truthful information thus
open aud unobstructud, ytu preferred to get
what you wanted from a spy. Mr. Howard
has the chick to proclaim that during the
"labors" of ids committee, instead of acting
uX'on honest and legitimate evidence, he sent
inquiries to tnis secret informer, who an
swered by giving iuf.naation of "grtat im
balance,'" but his cornmunitatiotiS "wero
always indirtci and Giio.iyi.ious I"
If there is one feoutcL.ce in your whole ar
ticle wluch is marked more than another
with your characteristic hardihood of asser
tion, it u that iu which j ou try to make a
merit of St.:utou'd tieachery. It is curku.-dy
recklesi, and f r that reasou worth giving
in your very words. Thee facts," say
you, "were stated to illustrate Mr. Stanton's
exalted patriotism, which prompted him to
raise uboce the claims and clamors of parti
sanship, and to invoke the aid of loj;.l men
beyond the lines of his owu party, and out
niiic of the administialion of which he was
a member to sei ce 7tij iiiitriilcd country,
"menaced with a foul and wicked revolt."
Why, this is precisely what the President
and ail the honest men of his cabinet were
doing tj ei.Iy and above baid. They had
no legal j ower which could avail to serve the
"impended country" without the co opera
tion cf Co tigress, which was wholly ruled by
the opposition. They invoked "the aid of
loyal men beyond tne hnes of their owu party
and out. ide cf the auininlstiaiion," because
it wo from thence only that aid could come.
But with v
and
your associascs tne
"claims and clamors of partisanship" wera
s much higher than coDsiderali jns of public
duty, tb.U you not tidy refused all aid to
the country, Lutyoti insulted, and abmed,
and villitied the l'resident aud his friends
for asking it. Was Stanton, like other
mtmbeis of the administration, invoking
aid for the imperi.td country ? Did he
skulk about in secret to effect in that way
what his brethren were trying to accomplish
by an open appeal to the reusou and coii
science of their pponents? It" to, how did
he succeed? D.d Lis eecret, anor.y mous,
and indirect ci'mmunicatioi.s ever produce
the slightest symptoms of patriotic emotion
in the minis of those who received them?
What did you, or Mr. Sumner, or Mr. Dawes,
or Mr. Howard, or Mr. Seward, do to avert
the great calamity cf the civil w ar ? What
measures did any cf you bring for w aid to
tervo the country? In that hour cf peril
what mau auioug you acted like a man ?
Which cf yuu "rose to the height of that
great argument," or showed himself Gt in
mind or heart to meet the responsibilities ot
the time? The Union was indeed "mena
ced with a foul and wicked revolt." aud all
you did was to "let the Union slide." The
public danger excited no anxiety in your
minds; public affairs received no attention
at your hands ; but you were all tha while
mousiug about alter some personal calumny
by which you hoped to .tir up the popular
passions against the truo friends of the coun
try ; and Stanton, unless you slander him
made love to the infamous busineEs of help
in you.
You have given us but email samples of
the "indirect and anonymous coram unica-
tioab" which Stanton made to you and your
associates. The buix of them must have
been' enormous. He was engaged for two
or three months fabricating at least or.e'tale
every day for Mr. Seward, and another con
sisting cf "the most startling facts" to suit
the needs cf Mr. Howard, while you and Mr.
Dawes were gratified in a similar way at
the eamo time. Are these "startling facts"
held back for some ether funeral occasion ?
Take notice Jvcurself, and tell your friends
that while their stories aie hid away from
the light, the presumption that they are not
only fhe but known to be false is growing
stronger end stronger every day. You had
better open your budgets at once.
There is a point or two here on which I
would like to draw you out. Mr. Seward
says he and Mr. Stanton discussed and bet
tied measures. Tha topic which absorled
the attamion of all minds at that time was
j Fort Sumter. Compared to that, all others
1 were iaugnificant ; and of course tha rneas
j urea relating to it were not overlooked. It
i was known from the published tUteuuiut of
EBENSBURG, PA,
Mr. Welles, Judge Campbell, and others,
tnat Mr. Seward Wc.s deeply engaged in a
plot to Buricnder that fort, which plot he
aiterwards brought to a head, and by sundry
tricks very nearly made it successful. Stau
tou prcftsaed to agree with us that the fort
ought to be kept ; but you have shown that
his 1 piuftsaions in the cabinet weie not v--rv
reliable, and Governor Brown has proved
that he could bu a s3cessioDi3t as well as
anything else, if occasion required it. Now,
what did they settle upon about Fort Sum
ter ? They wc:e engaged iu something
which both knew to be disreputable if not
criminal ; their secrecy, their employ ment of
a medium, tiieir quick dodge when they mot
011 the u'.rect, the mortal terror of detection
which they macm-sted throughout. .all show
plainly e: ough that they had no honest ob
ject. 'J ell us if they were contriving a plan
to put t!:e strongest military for 11 ess of the
government into the hando of iis enemies.
Tha midnight meeting between Messrs.
Sumner an 1 Stanton is in ail its aspects the
lm st astounding of historical revelations. If
you i-ecall Mr. Sumner to the stand, it is
hoped that he will see the ncct.-t.ity of being
much mere explicit than he has yet Ut-Ln
From what ho has said it appears that Stan
ton "described to him tha deierminatiou of
thtt southern leaders, and developed particu
larly their plan to get possesbiou of the
national capital and the national archive.-,
so that they might substitute themselves for
the lifting government." This is so ex
tifinely interesting that it would be a sin
against the country not to examine it fur
ther. Karlyiu the winter somebody ataited tha
sensational rumor that on or before the 4th
of March a riot would be got up in Wash
ington, which might seriously endanger the
peace tf the city. It was discussed and
talked about, and blown upou iu various
wajs, but no tangible evidence of its reality
Could ever be found. The F resident referred
to it in a message to Congress, and said that
he did not share in such apprehensions j but
he pledged himself iu any event to j, reserve
the peace. When thj midnight meeting
took place, the rumor had lived its life out
had paid its breath to time, aud mortal
custom of such things at Washington ; it
was a deal canard which had ceased to
alarm even Women. This certainly was not
the sulject of I lie communication made that
night at one o'clock. Stanton did not sur
round himself with all the adjuncts 1 f secrecy
darkness, and terror, to tell an oid story
which had been in everybody's mouth fj.
Wceks before, of uu impossible street riot by
the populace of Washington. What he iui
patted was a secret not only new, but deep
aud dangerous, fit for the occasion, and wor
thy to be w hisp-.Tcl con fi lent! ally at mid
night. He di.-clcsed a plua of the s outhern
leaders to get possession of the capital and
a:chivcs, and to substitute ihtmsclctit Jlr the
cxistiij g vtnniient." It was a coup a" etui
of the hist mugnilv.de a most stupendous
treason. This plan Mr. Stautou "develop eJ
particularly," that is to say, gave all the de
tails at length. Mr. Sumner manifestly
believed what he heard ; he received the
revelation into his heart with perfect faith ;
and ho did nut underestimate the public
danger; Lut lie did nothing tJ defeat the
treason, or even to expose it. He was thor
oughly and minutely informed of a plan by
southern leaders to revolutionize the govern
ment, and he kept their counsel as faithiuiiy
as if he had been one of themselves, lie
took Stanton's frightful communication as
quietly as he took the Fresideut's message.
Noth'ng could stir his sluggish loyalty to
any act which might tend to save his "im
perilled country."
Mr. Sumner says th.t when Mr. Stanton
made these statements to him, ha was struck
"by the l.iwud'.ilyi he showed of hostile
movements." T.:at is precisely what strikes
me also with wonder and amazement. Whero
in tha world did he learn "the determina
tion of the southern leaders ?" Where id
he get an account of the intended coup d'
ctat, h detailed that li3 was able to decelope
it particularly? This knowledge becomes
astounding w hen we recollect that, so far as
now appears, nobody t-loe outside of the
"southern leaders" had the least inkling of
it. It is possible that his connection with
the secession hits, and his professed devotioo
to their cause, went so far that they took
him into their confidence, and told him what
"hoc'Jie movements" they intended to make
on the government ? How did he get these
secrets if not fiom them ? Or must we bo
driven at last to the conclusion that the
whole thing was a mere invention, imposed
on him to delude him ?
But Mr. Sumner owes it to the truth to
make a fuller statement. Let us have tha
particulars which Mr. Stanton developed to
him We have a right to know not only
who were the southern traitors engaged in
this plan, but who were confederated with
thtm in Washington. I suppose Mr. Sum
ner, as well as Mr. Stanton, bad "had instinctive-
imight into men and things"
enough to kuow that no government was
ever subitiuted for another by a sudden
movement, without ccmo co-operation or
connivance of officers in possession. Who
among Stanton's colleagues olid he say were
engaged in this affair? Did he charge the
President with any concern iu it ? If he
declared all or any of them to be innocent,
does not Mr. Sumner see the Injustice of
keeping back the truth ? Did Stanton toll
him that he had communicated the facts to
the President and cabinet ? If not, did he
give a reason for withholding them ? And
what was the reason ? Was the guilty secret
confined to his own breast, or did any other
member of the administration share his
knowledge of it ? If yes, who? Mr. Sum
ner has struck so rich a vein of historical
fact (nr fiction), that he is bound to give it
some further exploitaion.
The following passage in Mr. Sumner's
Utter to you excites the liveliest desire for
more information. After describing his visit
to the attorney-general's office,' and Mr.
Stanton's reception of him, he goes on thus :
"lie begr.11 an earnest conversation, saying
ho must see me alone that this was impos
sible at his ofliew that he was watched by
the traitors of the south that my visit
would ba made known ta them at once;
and he concluded by proposing to call at
my lodgings at one o'clock that night," etc..
etc. Why was Mr. Stanton afraid of the
southern traitors? Why did they set a
special wateh'over him Ka other member
of tho administration was tormented with
SATURDAY, FEBRUARY II, 1871.
fear like that. All cf Mr. Stanton's col
leagues felt at perfect liberty to speak out
their opposition to the hostile movements of
the south, and they did it without conceal
ment or hesitation. But Stanton was put
by the southern traitors under surveillance
so strict, that he could not speak with a sen
ator except at midnight, by stealth and in
secrecy. At his own office it was impossible
to see such visitors; the southern eye was
always on him. How did those traitors of
the south manage to control him as they
controlled nobody else ? By what means
dm tney "cow bis better pait of man." and
master all his movements ? What did they
do, or threaten to do, which made him a tlave
to sucn a fearful extent ? His rclatious with
them must have been very peculiar. The
suspicion is not easily resist ad that he had
his nocturnal meetings with southern men
a.so. and that he feared simply the discovery
of his double dealing. This is what we
must believe if we suppose that he really
was shaken by those unmanly terrors. But
I confe-s my theory to be that he did not
feel them, and that r.i.-L o r.r.-,o...., ...
taem only that he might fool Mr. Sumner
to his bent.
What does Mr. Sumner h
im-
oed think U as he or was ho not the vic
tim of a cruel humbug 1
V kid Mr. Stanton conspire with the
political enemies of the administration to
arrest Mr. Toticey on a false charge of trea
son ? That such a conspiracy existed seems
to be a fact established. What vou say
about it shows that you knew and a'pproved
it, Mr. Dawes aud Mr. Howard v.-crj in it,
and no doubt many others who have not
confessed it themselves, or been named by
you. But Mr. Stanton was not with you.
The evidence of his complicity which you
produce is altogether too iudefinite, indirect
and obscure to convict him cf so damning a
crime. Th enoi mous atrocity of the 1 ff.-nce
makes it impossible to believe in his guilt
without the clearest and most indubitable
proof.
Ktanlou and Tun coy wore at that time,
acting together in pc-:fcci harmony, closely
united in the same general measures and
principles. Toucey. at all events, was sin
cere ; aud Stanton knew him to be a just,
upiiht and honorable pjan, whoso fidelity
to the Union, the constitution and the laws
w as as firm a t!..; foundation of the cvtrlast
b g hills. To Toticey himself, and to his
tneuds, he never expressed any sentiment
but e.-teem and lespeot, and he declared his
confidence iu him even to Mi. Seward, who
was his memy, as you ours. If have taken
tne pains to prove. Was the destruction
ot this man one of the purposes f.r which
the Lira law oilioer of the government sneak
ed about your secret committees, met tho
plotters in Hair midnight luiking-ptaces,
employed a go-between to fetch and cany
h.s clandestine message, and like a treach
erous h.fnin.er, v. Arhe accusations w hich he
misled cveti to tho hands of his confederates
only while they were read in tho light of a
street l.imp. ?
'Ineie v.eie two distinct and separate ways
in which the conspirators could effect their
de.-.i ttis tip n the man whom they had mark
ed out f.-.r their victim. One was to take
him iu custody under a leal warrant, regu
larly issued by a competent judicial officer.
But to get such a warraut it was absolutely
necessary that somebody should perjure
himself by swearing that Toucey had levied
war ajaiusl the Unittd Slates. Was Stan
ton to make this false oath, in addition to
the other proofs which he gave of his lovH.
ty ? Or was it expected that Peter II. Wat
son, who carried the charges, would also
swear to them 1 If you did not rely on
Srantoa or Watson, was it you, or Mr.
Dawes, or Mr. Howard which of you
that meant to do the needful thing"? Or
was it intended that all three of yonhouid
entwine your conseknci s in the tender em
brace of a j sint affidavit ? Or Lad you look
ed out fur tome common "man of belia!,"
who was ready to be suborned fur the occa
sion ? .Ko, no ; you may have Loci eager
to Iced fat the ancient grudge you bore
against Toucey for being a Democrat and a
"union-saver ;" but nonecf you would have
sicort that he was guhty of any criminal
offence. .Nor could Stanton or Watsou have
been persuaded to encounter such perils of
oul and body. Nor could you if you had
tried your best have found any other person
to make the accusatiou iu the form of a
legal oath. The price of perjury was not
then high enough in the Washington market
to draw out from their hiding places that
swarm of godless wi etches who afterward
swore away thu lives of men and womeu
with such fearful alacrity. '
From all this it is very clear that there
was to bo no swearing in the case, conse
quently no judicial warrant, aud 1:0 lawful
arrest. But Toucey was to bo arrested.
How ? Of course in the or. ly other way it
could possibly be doue. The conspirators
inteuded to kidnap him. Mr. Dawes says
that from the hour when the paper directing
the arrest was read under the street lamp,
aud "went back to its hiding-placo," the
secretary was watched. The members of
the coram it tee, or the hirlings they employed,
dogged his footsteps, and were ready to
spring upon him whenever they got the sig
nal. They could rush out as he passed the
mouth of a dark alley, knock him down
with their bludgeons, and drag him off. Or
tha lawless and "patriotic" gang might bur
glariously break into his house in tho night
time, and impelled, as you would say, by
"high ami holy motives," take him by the
throat and carry him away. After proceed
ing thus far, it would- be necessary to dis
pose of him in some private dungeon (for
you knew that the public prisons aud forts
could not then ba prostituted to such base
uses), where no friend could find him, and
whence no complaint cf his could reach the
open air. Even in that case, "with all ap
pliances and maaDs to boot," his epeedy
liberation would be extremely probable, and
the condign punishment of the malefactors
almost certain, unless they acted upon the
prudent maxim that "dead men tell no
tales." The combination of Booth and
others to kidnap Mr. Lincoln was precisely
like this in its original object ; aud it was
pursued step by step, until it ended iu a
most brutal murder. Facilis decensus Ac
er ni.
Was this a becoming business for senators
and representatives to be engaged in ? Iu
that "hour of national agony," when hide
ous destruction stared tho country in the
face ; when stout men held their breath iu
anxious dread ; when tho cry fur relief came
up in congress on the wings" of every wind ;
when the warning words of the President
told you that the public safety required
your instant attention was that a time to
be spent in prosecuting plots like this? I
w ill not ask you to repeat of tho wicked
ness; it is not wrong in your eyes; it comes
up to your tea ie'eas of "loy ilty, patriotism
and statesmanship. Your witnesses think
of it a3 you do; they take prids and pleasure
in their guilt, and wrap this garment of in
famy about them with as much complacen
cy as if it weie a robe of imperial purple.
But was Stanton in it? Was the attorney-general
art aud part in a foul conspiracy
to kidnap the secretary of tho navy, "his
oivn familiar friend, his brother who'trusted
in him and with whom ha ate bread ?" If
ho had sent the paper which wn road under
the street lamp, why do you not produce it,
or at least show it by secondary evidence
that it was in his handwriting? If Mr.
Watsou was the medium thrtu-h whom he
communicated his verbal directions to the
committee or other persons confederates
with him, why does not Mr. Wateon appear
aud say so ? To fasten this great guilt on
Stanton will require evidence far bettor thau
Mr. Howard's small aud silly talk about a
"bird which flew directly from some cabinet
minister," and stronger than Ids bdirf found
ed ou the fact that Stanton was a "suspi
cious character." especially as Mr. Howard
admits his own participation in the crime,
aud is therefore something nitre than a
"suspicious character" himself. But it is
not merely the defects iu tho proof it is the
incredible nature of the story which counts
against you. Stanton knew, if you did not,
that the contemplated ciime could net ha
perpetrated with impunity. Toucey breath
ed the deep breath aud slept the sound s'eep
of a freeman under the guardianship of a
law which Stanton at that time did nut dre
to violate. A democratic administration
still kept ward and watch over tin; liberty of
the citizen. A vulgar tyrrany which al
lowed abolitionists to do such things upon
th ir political opponents was coming, but it
had not come; iha reign of the ruffian and
kidnapper was drawing near, but it had not
arrived ; the goldeu a ice of the spy and the
false accuser were beginning to dawn, but it
had not yet risen.
You may think it some ixcuse for this
false charge againt.t Mr. Stanton that is not
.i.uou v. ui .-e mail otners wmcll you i.avu
pioved to be true. But justice requires that
ev.ai Lad men shall buffer only l.-r those mis
deeds which they have actually done. One
of the greatest among American juri.-.ts held
a olauder to bo aggravated by proof that the
victim's character was bad bt f ie ; just as a
corporal ii jury to a sick man or a ciipole is
a Worse wrong than it would be to ono of
sotmd limbs and vigr-ious health.
Y. Mr. Stanton's personal behavior and
hearing iu the cabinet hava been much a. is
represented by otheis be.-ida you. I am
told that Mr. Seward dcocribcd the suppled
"scene" in some speech, which I have never
read. It wan given at length, and very cir
cumstantially, in a London paper, ever the
signature of "T. W.;" Mr. Attorney Gener
al Hoar, iu a solemn oration which ha pro
nounced before the Supreme Court, last
January, repeated it with sundry rhetorical
embelisku.ei.ts ; nearly all the newspapers
ot your pai ty have garnished their pointless
abuse of the Buchanan administration with
allusions to it more or less extended ; and no
doubt the book makfis in the service of the
aluditionists have put it into what you call
"cotemporaneous history." So far as I havj
seen them, all thes) accounts differ from one
another, and none is1 tx.ictly, or even very
nearly like yours. But they agree in pre
senting a gene: al pictui e of Mr. Stanton as
engaged in some violent conflict with his
colic-agues were too dull, too unprincipled,
or too timid to undertake, though soma of
them afterward plucked i:p heart enough to
fallow his lead. They declare that Siauton
took the most perilous respousiblities, bold
ly faced the most fiightful daDgers, and
with heroic courage fought a desperate fight,
against the m .st fearful odds; that the other
members of the cabinet looked on at the
awtul combat as mere spectators of hia ter
rific valor, while the President was so fright
ened ly the "fierce and fiery" encounter
that all he could do was to "tremble and
turn pale."
All this is (t use Stanton's own lan
guage) "a tissue of lie ;" a mere cock and
bull story ; a linked invention, purely fabu
lous ; a falsehood as gross aud groundless as
any in the autobiography of Baren Mun
chausen. Mr. Stanton was never exposed
to any danger whatever while lie was a
member of that cal-inet ; never had any oc
casion to exhibit his courage; never quarrel
ed with any ef his colleagues ; never de
nounced those be differed from, and never
led those with whom he ogretd. lie ex
pressed his dissent from the Southern mem
bers on several quo.-tious ; but no man
among us took better care than ho did to
avoid giving cause of personal offence, lie
acquired no ascendancy at the council board,
and claimed none ; hw proposed no measure
of his own, and when he spoke upon the
measures originated by others, he presented
no views that were new or at all startling.
He aud I never once differed on r.ny question,
great or small ; and this though of course
accidental, was still so noticeable that ho
said he was there only to give mo two votes
instead of one. He did not di dor with Mr.
Holt on any important question concerning
the South more than once, aud that was
when the compact afterwards called a truce,
about Fort Pickens was made. Ha must
have agreed with the President when he
agreed with Mr. Holt, for the latter gentle
man declared most emphatically that the
President constantly gave him a "firm and
generous support." He never insulted the
President. Mr. Buchanan knew how to main
tain the dignity of his place and enforce the
respect due to himself as well as any man
that ever sat in that chair. It is most cer
tain that Mr. Stanton always treated him
with the profotindest deference. If lie had
been rash enough to take on tho airs of a
bully, or had ever made tho least approach
to the insolent rudeness for which you de
sire to credit hiru. he would instantly have
lost his commission, and you would have
lost your spy
Anion 2 th
given of this false tale, yours is tho most
transparent absurdity ; for you givo dates
and circumstances which make it ridiculous.
At a time when Floyd was in disgrace with
the whole administration after all his
brethren had broken with him, and lie had
been nut'fied of the President's intention to
remove him when he was virtually out of
ofilce and completely stripped of all influ
ence Major Auderson removed his Command
from Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter. You
a-t-rt that Floyd, hearing of this, forthwith
anaigned the l'resident and Cabinet for the
act of Maj..T Ander.ion, declaring it to be a
violation of their pledges, though it wrs not
dene by thtm, and they had giver, ho pledge
on tha subject. That he cculJ or would
make an arreignmtut for any cause of tli
body by which he had himself just h-fore
been condemned is incredible ; that he Tvuhl
arraign it on such a charge in b-.yOnd the
belief of any sane being. But such, by
your accornt, was the ocension whish Stan
ton took to display his superhuman courage.
It was then that ho armed hi. red, right
hind to execute his patriotic ver.geance'on
that fallen, powerless broken man. Ho
must also have left fall at least a part of his
horrible displeasure on the hea l of the Pres
ident ; else why did Die President "tremble
and turn paie ?" I said this narrative of
years was a mere driveling, and I think 1
paid it. a liaitering compliment.
But, to explode the folly completely, I re
ferred you to the record, which I sid would
show that Major Auderson acted in strict
accordance with orders sent him by iha war
department, of w hich Floyd himself was the
head ; and this you contradict. It is per
fectly manifest that you examined the re
cord, for you transcribe from it and print
two telegrams exchanged between Floyd and
Andrsoa after the removal of the lattt
took place. You saw on that same record
too
w h:
order previously given the order on
di
1 aavr Anderson was bound to act.
and did act and you have deliberately sup
pressed it. Nay, you go still further, aud
with the order before your eyes you substan
tial ly deny the existence of it. I copy for
your especial benefit tho words which 1 elate
to this point: "Ihe smallners of your force
(so says the instruct! jus) will not permit
you, perhaps, to occupy moio than olc of
the throe forts; but an attack or an attempt
to take possession of cither cf them will be
regarded as an act of hostility, and you may
then put your command in either of ihent
which you may deem proper to increase its
power of resistance. You ae also author
ized to tu'.e tiiiidar steps whenever you have
tangible evidence of a dd-iyu iu 2''occt.d to a
Itustdc t.ch"
TLett
is tho ord&r m r
?n words.
lo Uiao.e out your assertion it was i.vces-aiy
to conetal it hem your rea ieis. But that is
not all. You find a telegram from M.ijor
Anderson dated on the morning afier tho
removal, iu which he says iuipiy that he
had ciiioved. lut says nothing of the grounds
on w hicu ho acted. On that same record,
and right beside the telegram you saw a
letter 'loin M.q r Anderson to the War Des
partmei.t, dated the same day, in which he
docs refer to his orders that says, "Many
th.i gs convinced tie that the authoril.es of
the Stale dcsi'jntd to proceed lo a hostile act "
and then adds, "under this impression I
could not hesitate that it was my solemn
duty iu move my command fiom a fort which
We could not probably have held longer than
forty-eight or sixty hours to this ono, wher
my power of resistance is increased to a very
great degree." You totally ignore this Set
ter, iu wl ich Major An.itrs.in justifies his
removal in the very words of the older, and
pick out a hasty telegram in which nothing
is said of his orders lor the purpase cf prov
ing that he acted without orders an a.--umptU-u
which the rccrd, if honestly cited ,
would pmva lo be utterly fake.
You will haidiy venture t rt j eat y. ur
denial ; for betides the original record, there
are thousands of authentic copies scattered
over the nation, and anvb.nly can find it in
Bx. Hoc, 11. B , Vol. VI N.. 20, p. 10. I
do not trust tnysalf lo make any general re
marks on this glaring instance of mutilated
evidence. You are a Senator, and I ac
knowledge the sci iptural obligation of a pri
vate citizen not to "spak evil of digni
ties ;" but of a dignity like yru it is some
thing so Hilliciit to speak wtdi that my only
refuge u idlciice.
You garble my words so as to make th?m
appear like a denial that Mr. St-.nton over
wrote any htttr at all on the snbj.'ct of the
"Cabinet Scene," whereas I asserted that 720
Liter icritttH by him icould corroborate ye ur
version if it. After cooly striking out Irom
tho sentence quoted the words which express
my proposition, y-.-u proceed to contiadict it
by the statement of Mr. Holt, who says that
a letter was written, but ho declines io say
tchat iva.i in it.
I knaw Mr. Schell had addressed Mr.
Stanton with the clqect of getting him to
tell the truth and tear away the "tissue of
lies" which so many hands had woven about
this tul jc-ct. If be answered at all ; the
presumption was that he would answer
truly ; and if he answered truly, iiisttad of
corroborating you, he must have denounce!
the whole story as a mere fabrication. Do
you think now that in the absence of all evi
dence showing or tending to show the con
tents of the letter, we ought to as-sume that
Stanton filled it with bragging lies ?
I do not mean to let this stand as a mere
question of personal veracity between you
and me, though 1 have the advantage, which
you have not, of knou iny whereof I affirm.
But my denial throws the burden of truth
upon you with its full weight. liecolieit
also that the strength of your evidence must
be proportioned to the originial improba
bility tf the fact that you seek to establish,
and that the reasons apriori for disbelieving
thi3 fact are overwhelmingly strong. All
presumptions are against the idea that a
mau who dodged about among the abolition
ists as their spy, and vowed himself to the
secessionists as their ally, aud all the time
manifested a dastardly dread of being discov
ered, would opeuly insult the President or
do anything elso that was bold aud vit lent.
But you have taken tho task of proving it,
and how have you done it 1
I certainly need not say that Mr. Holt
proves nothing by writing a letter in which
he declines to tell what he knows. His ex
pressive silence, on the contrary, is very
convincing that he knew tho truth against
you. As little, nay less, if less were possi
ble, do you make out'of his speech at Charles
ton. He deals thero in glittering general- I
ities, sonorous periods and obscure allusions j
to aoUii trausaoliou of which Lo gives Lo I
NUMBER 3
definite idea, excrpt that Stanton was not
an actor in it, but a spectator, for he men
tions him only to say that "he baked upon
the tcene." What tho serene was ha de
clared to Le a secret, which history will per
haps never get a chance to record.
Failiug wholly to get anything out of "A?.
Hell, you namnJly enough re-orted la Mr.
Haves; and !ir. lawcs. willing, but unaolc.
to help y ou, called iu the aid nr.d caratort of
bis wile. "She," her huebalid says, "disdact
ly remembers hearing Stanton tell at our ho us
the ctorv of that itniole conflict in the cabi
net." That is the length and breadth of her
ltatinior.v. She remembers that Mr. Stanton
led the story, but not the utory itself. It was
abiut a terrible coulliet; bat we do not learu
who 7cre engaged in it, who lell, or who were
victorious how tha frav begin or how it end
ed ordy it vrus terrible. Was Mr. Stanton
t'ne hcra ef hia own v.ory, er was he relating
li.e adventures of eoracbodv ilse to aiuuse or
frighten tLc company? Mm. Dawej is ua
tiouhtcdly a lady ol the very highest respecta
bility: b'.t wilh'ell that. yo.i will find it bard
to convert ibe'ij.e conrtryat'on cf her house
into Listoty; end the diriieulty is much ia
treaatd by the fact thai :. either sh or anybody
eise is ab'e to It II what bey ifre.
The e'eeUr-.thm of J'r. HoU that he would
not r-vji v. hat he knew 011 this suhject, and
Mr. statea.ei.t that Hit. D.cs told
him that ihe iaaid St-.nton tell something
about U, which she does i.et repeat, is all th
faidlsvS. voc ( 1 i tn on ihe point. Yet you
nfli.-ii: that this most iic-.robaota aul e'.auder
ous story i- not o;:'.y Jru. but sustained by
the ceehiratij.,s o! Mr. S.aoOjn m crodiblo
witiie.se. , an i t..e pjshive arerimruis of Jos.
Holt " t'-stt tills be ir.ery iaT&nce? I am
tempted to believe that you hare gone about
the bu.-o.t-Ss with u sci. purpose to rake your
self riJieiiio.o
1 fear very much that on this question, a
on so m ;r.y o.i-ers, voa bars fcetu guilty of a
wilful scria:!.: oio vtai. L'l.l you not know
tb'tt Mr. iioit's testimony would he against
you, you too":; j.dv,;.i::ge of his scruples
shout giv .i. ' h? 1 ...i ..-ot Mm. Li cs recol
lect more ii.iiu y . have i'Ati! I trcty be
wrong io this tes- lcio.i; but a xasu who man
gles a pubhe rtcvra mu-c i.t complain ii his
good laiih is doubted wi.tu Lt presetted pri
vate evidence.
Mr. Attorney-O-r.tral II::ir, bolieTinj this
scandal to be true, trie: it. good laith to get
the eviueaca wl.ieh nedd pre. e :t. When ha
found it to be f..i-e, 1 e p..v;c;t ox er to you the
letters which hu hid ci hi tha eo-!r,.e of his
search, and y jj j rinle.l lhtiu. The lawyer
s too honest to reawrt a tula which Lm
dlscovvieJ to he unfounded; hut the politician
had not niiignuniiaity cnotira t. retract it, and
tltcreiuie he let yoa burn your fingers wae;
he would lo.L ;.i:t his o'a::.
This sv.rv uf a "Cabinet Scene," a.3 it flo.it
tn about among inp-o.sr.s.oio ne.vs mongers,
seemed fur a -a Idle like a f'-rmid.ibla shtuder;
bat you have a; a la it at'crlv coj.iem;.titil.
" I. Your account of .Vr. t'a.iieron's retire
ment flora ti e war de .artaic-at and Sisuton's
npcoii imeui :i hi. sugge-sti, ue;n in. led re
lutation, becu.ee it not only jerverte-i and
i..isiep:estnted a fact of nome general impor
tance, hat v.ts a sciioas iiij.ay to Ur. t-.nto".i's
character as it thin stol. Heiwren these two
Men it oil i:i.f, scim as if there conn be any
1 elation whieh i::'-iitd confidence or lrien
shi,e if Stanton hinrelt w.ns any authority
1".- his own sentiments, he h.id 110 respect for
eitht-r the horse ci n'raets or tne "negro arm
ing" (as lie called ii) oi his predecessor, and
)ir. Biiicoin h.id j'ist little. Siaeton was
appointed not t j tAtiar 01 r but to pot an 00
to Cameron's policy with nil its coiru;;ion-.
1 admit that since the evidence you Imve lur
nished cf Mr. St;::tons t'aj licity in other rr. al
ters, it become? po-:b!e t be'.icre lm may
ha e been pineere about tins also. Still your
attempt to deceive the public was inexcusable.
Of hit own knowle I know nothing about
Caatcroti's arpoin'.rneut cr removal; but I will
give you the mnn facts brh rly ar.d witLout the
alia ENOHMiA us I h'ive thtin on undoubted
authority , ai.a afji firmly fieVere t'r.etn. A.
bargain was made at the Chicago convention
ot iftio, ii,;.; iii cie of Lincoln's i!o:.-i!::.tiou
ami election Cameron should receive a cabh.et
ujiT oiuiiiiti.t. Mr. Lii.Ce-'::) w8 no party to
this contract, but &ier mo.'.; orsuasioa and
pres.--i: 1 e hp cui'snted to ratify it by trying
Cam tact, ft? secretary o! vrar. Before the end
of l ine months the iioeiiaie::'. e:Hled, us you
kow and everybody eiso knows, hi a cbKp!et
ami total failure, id r. l.hicohi. seeing this, de
lermh.i: ! to t rid of
es; it.-
his
resolution in :i letiei' jiddre. -ed to Mr. Camer
on and curled by Mr. Chase, t'.sn secretary of
ihe tiorisury. 'i he Iei.tr is not tow in exist
ence, but ilr. Ch.4-e de-c:ibed it us ooaf
ih-.it is to cay, lain, short and Jitcct. Mr.
Cameron uioitistovd ar.d felt it as aa vbrupl
dismissal- lie iioerv.r.rds got it -ao preyed,
and a corn-.-pondeiice u'f!ere:;t in i's whoia
tenor and tlt'e.-t s.ubs;itutd in its t.i.tce. Bver
since ti.cii be has been trying to create the
orhiion tii.it he retired from a U; artmeRt full
of rich jobs, not only without compulsion , but
in s;.ite of the President's a'Vect wtiate d?s'.ie
tli.it he should rcu.aia and in.oc.gc ti.eiu as he
had iio:.e before, and rc.-.l-.es it a (.art of lue
sti ry that he was pf-rti:tt:c 1 to dtsionie Li
succcs-or. Becomrived to prodaet? some be
I ef of thirf en thu rmuj of .Mr Ch&so; but if
Mr. Chaso had known it"rouf Cii'Tuii 's char
acter and pietiotis hltory, he u.i-ht have bee
less ereda'o is.
Of the laci that S'oK.ion Kpj-o'mtei on
Cameron V segge.-'.ion te hae rei a spaik of
direct eridci.ee except Cameion's own state
ment, and ail the eirt 1. m-uncea make thai im
probable. If the Free.. lent made up his iuia-1
to len-.OTO tho incwmhei-'t. he certainly wui.M
not have prcctt.ied lo t xt-.ectc 1." 1 f .-e'.C'.io.i
by writing him a erl leiltr cd ci:-:'!;s:iai wiih
tut having settled upon somebody to s i. eeed
him; Ki at seel: a titna r. - ikm be could uot
mean to leave the war dej rtmcut ach n a loos
while he would be hunting a L. : d for it But
concede that 1:0 tho'.'ghl whs takp;. lor the new
otlicer before the removal ot the o'J one, can
it be that the President decided the whole
OjUestioii iu favor of a never nenlioi.ei
before, n the mere sc. gges'ioi; of the offi'jtr
he was discard!; !', and without eik;og rdvice
from those members of ti.o cabinet who stilt
retained bis favert 1 be sar-rresse 1 letter
therefore, not only au iicpciiar.i luct in itself,
bet it has the gravest influence on the oi edibil
ity of Mr. Camtrori's v. Lola tale. Other ques
tions signify but little in comparison to that.
If the coiTespohdenee afterwards published was
not that which actually took dace, we mt:?t
presume everything against the party fci wbeia
or at whoe instance the spoliation was co
rnitted. The short, plain, ciiect. curt note,
with whieh Mr. Lincoln opened tee business
would have explained everything, if it Lad been.
permittsJ to ee the l ht; and it could loi
have been destroyed except for the yarpe of
making a false iiuprei.-ioii. TIT: compel me
to show that your cuuduct in tha afVuir baa been
audi us admits of no justif cxuon except that
burning loyalty aid i:;t:ise patriotism which
converts ail vice into virtue.
After your first article appeared, and tsioie
my answer to it, a leading and very dlv.ia
iiished member of the repub'.lcau pa;ty ia thl
State told you that you had mi.-tteJ the facts
concerning Mr. Cameron's iciircaitai, naid es
ICeial'y Ihe important and piim-iral lactuf tho