THE MESSAGE! president Roosevelt's First Communication to I Congress. ffo the Senate and House of Representa tives : The congress assembles this year under also shone as an example to all our peo- , I'le because of his conduct in the most sa- ! cred and intimate of home relations. There j could be no personal hatred of him, for he | never acted with aught but consideration for 1 the welfare of others. No one could fail to i respect him who knew him In public or pri vate life. The defenders of those murderous ; criminals who seek to excuse their erimln- | allty by asserting that It Is exercised for j political ends, inveigh against wealth and Irresponsible power. But for this assassina tion even this base apology cannot be urged, j The shock, the grief of the country, are j bitter In the minds of all who saw the dark days, while the president yet hovered be- ! tween life and death. At last the light was etilled In the kindly eyes and the breath went from the Hps that even in mortal ngon.v uttered no words save of forgiveness to ills murderer, of love for bis friends, and of unfaltering trust In the will of the Most High. Such a death, crowning the glory of euch a life, leaves us with Infinite sorrow, tint with such pride In what he had accom- j pllshed and in his own personal character, j that we feel the blow nol as struck at him, i but as struck at the nation. We mourn a (rood and great president who is dead ; but while we mourn we are lifted up by the splendid achievements of his life and the grand heroism with which he met his death. When we turn from tlie man to the na- 1 tlon. the harm done is so great as to excite our gravest apprehensions and to demand our wisest and most resolute action. This criminal was a professed anarchist, inflam ed by the teachings of professed anarchists, and probably also by the reckless utterances of those who, on the stump and in the pub lic press, appeal to the dark and evil spir its of malice and greed, envy and sullen hatred. The wind is sowed by the men who preach such doctrines, and they cannot es cape their share of responsibility for the whirlwind that is reaped. This applies alike to the deliberate demagogue, to the exploit er of sensationalism, and to the crude and fool.'sb visionary who, for whatever reason, apologizes for crime or excites aimless dis content. The blow was aimed not at this president, tint at all presidents : at every symbol jf government. President McKinle.v was as emphatically the embodiment of the popular will of the nation expressed through tho forms of law as a New England town meet ing is In similar fashion the embodiment of j the law-abiding purpose and practice of the people "112 the town. Un no conceivable the ory could the murder of the president be ! accepted us due to protest against "inequal ities in the social order," save as the mur der of all the freemen engaged in a town meeting could be accepted as a protest against that social Inequality which puts a malefactor in jail. Anarchy Is no more an 1 expression of "social discontent" than pick ing pockets or wife-beating. The anarchist, and especially the anarch ist in the United Slates. Is merely one tvp# of criminal, more dangerous than any other because he represents the same depravity in a greater degree. The man who advocates anarchy directly or indirectly. In any shape or fashion, or the man who apologizes fir anarchists and their deeds, makes himself morally accessory to murder before the fact. The anarchist is a criminal whose perverted Instincts lead him to prefer confusion and chaos to the most beneficent form of social order. I-Ils protest of concern for working- : men Is outrageous In its impudent falsity : foi if the political Institutions of this conn- I trj do not afford opportunity to every lion- I est and Intelligent son of toil, then the door ! of hope is forever closed against him. The ■ anarchist is everywhere not merely the en- , emy of system and of progress, but the dead !y foe of liberty. If ever anarchy is trlum- 1 phant, its triumph will last for but one red moment, to be succeeded for ages by the gloomy night of despotism. For the anarchist himself, whether he preaches or practices his doctrines, we neeil not have one particle more concern than for any ordinary murderer. He is not the vic tim of social or political injustice. There are no wrongs to remedy In his case. The cause of his criminality is to be found in his own evil passions and in Hie evil con duct of those who urge him on. not in any failure by others or by the state to do jus- I tlce to him or his. lie is a malefactor and nothing else. lie is in no sense, in no shape i or way, a "product of social conditions." save as a highwayman Is "produced" by the i fact (hat an unarmed man happens to'have a purse. It is a travesty upon the great ami holy names of liberty and freedom to permit them to be Invoked In such a cause. No man or body of men preaching anarchistic doctrines should be allowed at large any more than if preaching the murder of some specified private individual. Anarchistic speeches, writings and meetings are essen tially seditious and treasonable. I earnestly recommend to congress that It should take Into consideration the corn ing to tliis country of anarchists or persons professing principles hostile to all govern ment and Justifying the murder of those placed In authority. Such individuals as those who not long ago gathered in open meeting to glorify the murder of King Hum bert of Italy perpetrate a crime, and the law Should ensure their rigorous punishment. They and those like them should be kept oil! of this country; and if found here they should be promptly deported to the country whence they came: and far-reaching provi sion should be made for the punishment of those who stay. No matter culls more ur gently for the wisest thought of congress. The federal courts should be given juris diction o»,-r any man who kills or attempts to kill llif president or any man who by the constitut.on or by law is In line of succes sion for the presidency, while the punish ment for au unsuccessful attempt should be proportioned to the enormity of the offense against our institutions. Anarchy is a crime against the whole hu man race; and all mankind should band against the anarchist. Ills crime should be made an offense against the law of nations, like piracy and that form of manstealing known as the slave trade; for h i\ of f-u --blacker infamy than either. It sboicld be so declared by treaties among all civilised pow ers. Such treaties would give to the federal government the power of dealing with the crime. A grim com ■>mt%ry upon the fo ly of the anarchist position was afforded by the atti tude of the law towanl this very criminal who had just taken the life of the president. The people would have torn him limb from limb if it had not been that the law he de fied was at once Invoked in Ills behalf. So fur from Ills deed being committed on!*»'- half t'.f the people against the government, the government was obliged at once to ex ert its full police power to save him from Instant death at the hands of the people. Moreover, his deed worked not the slightest dislocation in our governmental system, aud the danger of a recurrence of such deeds, no matter how great it might grow, would work only in the direction of strengthening and giving harslmtsu to the forces of wider. No mnn will ever be restrained from becom- | Ing president by any fear as to his personal safety. During the last five years business confi dence has been restored, and the nation Is to be congratulated because of Its present j abounding prosperity. Such prosperity can never be created by law alone, although It Is easy enough to destroy It by mischievous laws. If the hand of the Lord Is heavy I upon any country. If flood or drought comes, human wisdom is powerless to avert the ca- ; lamlly. Moreover, no law can guard us against the consequences Of our own folly. The men who are Idle or credulous, the men 1 who seek gains not by genuine work with i head or hand but by gambling lu any form. | are always a source of menace not only to 1 themselves but lo others. if the business \ world loses its head. It loses what legisla- | tfon cannot supply. Fundamentally the wel- ' fare of each citizen, aud therefore the wel fare of the aggregate of citizens which makes the nation, must rest upon individual thrift and energy, resolution and Intelll- | gence. Nothing can fake the piace of this Individual capacity; but wise legislation aud honest and Intelligent administration can give it tho fullest scope, the largest op- j portunit.v to work to good effect. TICI'STS AND COMBINES. The tremendous and highly complex In- j dustrlal development which went on with ! over accelerated rapidity during the latter j half of the nineteenth century brings us j face to face, at the beginning of the twen tieth. with very serious social problems. | The old laws, and the old customs which had almost the binding force of law, were once quite sufficient to regulate the aecu- | mulatlon and distribution of wealth. Since ' the Industrial changes which have so enor- I mously increased the productive power of mankind, they are no longer sufficient. The growth of cllles has gone on beyond comparison faster than the growth of the country, and the upbuilding of the great industrial centers has meant a startling In crease, not merely in the aggregate of wealth, but In the number of very large in- | dividual, and especially of very large cor- j porate, fortunes. The creation of these ' great corporate fortunes has not been due to the tariff nor to any other governmental i action, but to natural causes In the business ; world, operating In other countries as they i operate in our own. The process has aroused much antagon- ! Ism, a great part of which Is wholly with- i out warrant. It Is not true that as the rich have grown ric her tlie poor have grown poorer. On the contrary, never before has I the average mnn, the wage-worker, the j fnrmer, the small trader, been so well off as in this country and at the present time, j There have been abuses connected with the ; accumulation of wealth ; yet It remains true [ that a fortune accumulated In legitimate business can be accumulated by tlie person specially benefited only on condition of con- i l'erring immense Incidental benefits upon others. Successful enterprise, of the type ' which benefits all mankind, can only exist j 11' the conditions are such as to offer great | prizes as the rewards of success. The captains of industry who have driven tho railway systems across tills continent, who have built up our commerce, who have developed our manufactures, have on the whole (lone great good to our people. With out them the material dcvelopmeni of which we are so justly proud could never have tak en place. Moreover, we should recognize the Immense importance to tills material ; dtvelopment of leaving as unhampered as is j compatible with the public good the strong I and forceful men upon whom the success or , business operations inevitably rests. The 1 slightest study of business conditions will : satisfy any one capable of forming a judg- j ment that the personal equation Is the most important factor In a business operation ; that the business ability of the man at tlie head of any business concern, big or llttie, Is usually the factor which fixes the gulf between striking success and hopeless fail ure. An additional reason for caution In deal ing with corporations is to be found In the International commercial conditions of to day. The same business conditions which have produced the great aggregations of corporate and individual wealth have made them very potent factors la International commercial competition. Business concerns which have the largest means at their dis posal and are managed by the abltrjt men are naturally those which take th' lead In the strife for commercial supremacy among the nations of the world. America has onlv just begun to assume I hat commanding posi tion in the Internal ionai business world which we believe will more and more be hers. It is of tlie utmost importance that this position be not jeopardized, especially at a lime when the overflowing abundance i of our own natural resources and tlie skill, business energy, and mechanical aptitude of our people make foreign markets essential. Under such conditions it would be most un wise to cramp or to fetter the youthful strength of our nation. Moreover, it cannot too often be pointed out that to strike with ignorant violence at the Interests of one set of men almost in evitably endangers the interests of all. The fundamental rule In our national life—the rule which underlies all others —is that, on tlie whole, and in the long run, we shall go up or down together. There are exceptions; and In times of prosperity some will prosper far more, and In times of adversity some will suffer far more, than others : but speak ing generally, a period of good times means that all share more or less in them, and In n period of hard times all feel the stress to a greater or less degree. It surely ought not to be necessary to enter into anv proof of this statement : the memory of the lean years which began In 1893 is still vivid, and we can contrast them with the condi tions in this very year which Is now closing. Disaster to great business enterprises can never have Its effects limited to the men at the fop. It spreads throughout, and while It is bad for everybody. it % is worst for those farthest down. The capitalist may be shorn of his luxuries; but the wage-worker may be deprived of even bare necessities. The mechanism of modern business Is so delicate that extreme care must he taken not to interfere with It in a spirit of rash ness or ignorance. Many of those who have made It their vocation to denounce the great Industrial combinations which are popular ly. all hough wi'.h technical Inaccuracy, known as "trusts," appeal especially to hatred and fear. These are precisely the two emotions, particularly when combine j with ignorance, which unfit men for the ex ercise of cool and steady judgment. In fac ing new industrial conditions, the whole his tory of the world shows that legislation wIU generally he both unwise and Ineffective un less undertaken after calm inquiry and with sotier self-restraint. Much of the legisla tion directed at the trusts would have been exceedingly mischievous hail it not also been entirely ineffective. In accordance with a well-known sociological law. the ig ; norant or reckless agitator lias been the really effective friend of the evils which lie lias been nominally opposing. In dealing | with business Interests, for the government to undertake by crude and 111-considered leg islation t<> do what may turn out to be bad, would be to Incur the risk of such far-reach ; ing national disaster that It would bo pref erable to undertake nothing at all. The I m -n who demand tlie Impossible or the un i desirable serve as the allies of the forces ! with which they are nominally at war. for I they hamper those who would endeavor fo I find out in rational fashion what the wrongs i really are and to what extent and In what j manner it Is practicable to apply remedies. All this Is true: and yet It is also true that there are real and grave evils, one of j tho chief being over-capitalization because j of lis many baleful consequences: and a res olute and practical effort must be made to correct these evils. There Is a widespread conviction In the minds of the American people that the great corporations known as trusts are In certain of their features and tendencies hurtful to the general welfare. This springs from no spirit of envy or uncbarltahleness. nor lack of pride in the great Industrial achievements that have placed this country at. the head of the nations struggling for commercial supremacy. It does not rest upon a lack of Intelligent appreciation of the necessity of meeting changing and changed conditions of trade with new methods, nor upon Ignorance of the fact that combination of capital in the effort to accomplish great filings is nec | essary when the world's progress demands that great tilings be done. It is based upon sincere conviction that combination and concentration should be, not prohibited, bin supervised and within reasonable iiiniis controlled: and In my judgment this con viction is right. It is no limitation upon• property rights or freedom of contract to require that when men receive from government the privilege of doing business under corporate form, which frees I hem from Individual responsi bility, and enables them to call Into their enterprises the capital of the public, they shall do so upon absolutely truthful repre sentations as to the value of the property In which the capital Is to be invested. Cor porations engaged in interstate commerce should be regulated if they are found to ex ercise a license working to Ihe public injury. It should be as much the aim of those who seek for social betterment to rid the busi ness world of crimes of cunning as to rid the entire body politic of crimes of violence. Oreat corporations exist, only because they are created and safeguarded by our insti tutions; and it Is therefore our right and our duty to see that they work in harmony I with these institutions. CAMERON COUNTY PRESS, THURSDAY, DECEMBER 12, 1901. The first essential In determining how to deal with the great Industrial combinations Is knowledge of the facts—publicity. In the interest of the public, the government should have the right to Inspect and examine the workings of the great corporations engaged In Interstate business. Publicity is the only sure remedy which we can now Invoke. What further remedies are needed in the way of governmental regulation, or taxa tion, can only be determined after publ'elty has been obtained, by process of law, and in the course of administration. The first requisite Is knowledge, full and complete—• knowledge which may be made public to the world. Artificial bodies, such as corporations and joint stock or other associations, depending upon any statutory law for their existence or privileges, should be subject to proper governmental supervision, and full and ac curate information as to their operations should lie made public regularly at reason able intervals. The large corporations, commonly called trusts, though organized In one state, al ways do business In many states, often do ing very little business In the state where they are Incorporated. There Is utter lack of uniformity in the state laws about them : and as no stale has any exclusive Interest In or power over their acts. It has In prac tice proved Impossible to get adequate reg ulation through state action. Therefore, in the interest of the whole people, the nation should, without interfering with the power of the states In the matter Itself, also as sume power of supervision and regulation over all corporations doing an interstate business. This is especially true where the corporation derives a portion of its wealth from the existence of some monopolistic ele ment or tendency In its business. There would be no hardship in such supervision : banks are subject to it, and in their case It is now accepted as a simple matter of course. Indeed. It is probable that super vision of corporations by the national gov ernment need not go so far as is now the case with the supervision exercised over them by so conservative a state i.s Massa chusetts, lu order to produce excellent re sults. When the constitution was adopted, at the end of the eighteenth century, no human wisdom could foretell Ihe sweeping changes, alike in Industrial and political conditions, which were to take place by the beginning of the twentieth century. At that time it was accepted as a mutter of course that the several states were the proper authorities to regulate, so far as was then necessary, the comparatively insignificant corporate bodies of Ihe day. The conditions are now wholly different "and wholly different action is called for.l believe that a law can be framed which will enable the national gov ernment to exercise control along the lines above indicated ; profiting by the experience gained through the passage and administra tion of the interstate commerce act. If. however, the judgment of congress is that it lacks the constitutional power to pass such un act. then a constitutional amendment should be submitted to confer the power. There should be created a cabinet officer, to be known as secretary of commerce and Industries, as provided in the bill introduced at the last session of congress. It should be his province to deal with commerce in its broadest sense ; including among many oth er things whatever concerns labor and all matters affecting the great business corpora tions anil our merchant marine. THIS CHINESE EXCLUSION LAW. With the sole exception of the farming Interest, no one matter is of such vital mo ment to our whole people as the welfare of the wage-workers. If the farmer and the wage-worker are well off, It is absolutely certain that all others will be well off too. IL I.s therefore a matter for hearty congrat ulation that on the whole wages are higher to-day in the United States than ever before In our history, and far higher than in any other country. The standard of living is also higher than ever before. Every effort of legislator and administrator should be bent to secure the permanency of this con dition of things and its Improvement wher ever possible. Not only must our labor bo protected by the tariff, but it should also be protected so fur as it is possible from the presence in this country of any laborers brought over by contract, or of those who, coining freely, yet represent a standard of living so depressed tliat they can undersell our men in the labor market and drag them to a lower level. I regard it as necessary, with this end In view, to re-enact Imme diately the law excluding Chinese laborers and to strengthen it wherever necessary In order to make its enforcement entirely ef fective. LABOR LEGISLATION. The national government should demand the highest quality of service from Its em ployes ; and in return it should be a good employer. If possible legislation should be passed, ill connection with the Interstate commerce law, which will render effective the efforts of different states to do away with tiie competition of convict contract labor in the open labor market. So far as practicable under the conditions of govern ment work, provision ohould be made to ren der the enforcement of the elgnt-hour law easy and certain. In all industries carried on directly or Indirectly for the United States government women and children should be protected, from excessive hours of labor, from night work, and from work un der unsanitary conditions. The government should provide in its contracts that all work should be done under "fair" conditions, and in addition to setting a high standard should uphold it by proper inspection, ex tending if necessary to the subcontractors. The government should forbid ail night work for women and children, as well as excessive overtime. For the District of Co lumbia a good factory law should be passed ; and. as a powerful indirect aid to such laws, iirovlslon should be made to turn the in lublted alleys, the existence of which Is a reproach to our Capital City, into minor streets, where the Inhabitants can live un ucr conditions favoruble to health and mor als. American wage-workers work with their heads as well as their bunds. Moreover, they take a keen pride in what they arc do ing ; so that. Independent of the reward, they wisli to turn out a perfect job. This Is the great secret of our success in compe tition with the labor of foreign countries. The most vital problem with which this country, and for that matter the whole civ ilized world, has to deal, is the problem which has for one side the betterment of social conditions, moral and physical, in large cities, and for another side the effort to deal with that tangle of far-reaching questions which we group together when we speak of "labor." The chief factor in the success of each man—wage-worker, farmer and capitalist alike—must ever be the sum total of ills own individual qualities and abilities. Second only to this comes tne power of acting In combination or associa tion with others. Very great good has been and will be accomplished by associations or unions of wage-workers, when managed with forethought, and when they combine Insist ence upon their own rights with law-abiding respect for tho rights of others. The dis play of these qualities in such bodies is a duty to the nation no less than io tiie asso ciations themselves. Finally, there must also in many cases be action by tiie govern ment in order to safeguard the rights and Interests of all. Under our constitution there is much more scope for such action by the state and the municipality than by the nation. But on points such as those , touched on above the national government can act. When all is said and done, the rule of brotherhood remains as the indispensable prerequisite to success in the kind of na tional life for which we strive. Each man must work for himself, and unless he sft works no outside help can avail him: but each man must remember also that he Is Indeed his brother's keeper, and that while no man who refuses to walk can be carried with advantage to himself or any one else, yet that each at stumbles or baits, that each at times needs to have the Irelping hand outstretched to him. To be perma nently effective, aid must always talce the form of helping a man lo help himself ; and we can all best help ourselves by joining together in the work that is of common in terest to nil. i Our present immigration laws are unsat isfactory. We need every holiest and effi cient immigrant fitted to become an Ameri can citizen, every immigrant who comes here to stay, who brings here a strong body, a stout heart, a good head, and a resolute purpose to do ills duty well in every way and to bring up his children as law-abiding and God-fearing members of the community. But there should be a comprehensive law enacted with the object of working a thrce folil Improvement over our present aysteni. First, we should aim to exclude absolutely not only all persons who are known to be believers in anarchistic principles or mem bers of anarchistic societies, hut also all per sons who are of a low moral tendency or of unsavory reputation. This means that we ! should require a more thorough system of I inspection abroad and a more rigid system j of examination at our Immigration ports, i tiie former being especially necessary. The second object of a' proper immigra : tion law ought to lie to secure by a careful and not merely perfunctory educational test some intelligent capacity to appreciate American institutions and act sanely as American citizens. This would not keep out all anarchists, for many of them belong to the Intelligent criminal class. liut It would do what la also in point, that U, tend to decrease the sum of Ignorance, so potent In producing the envy, suspicion, malignant passion, ond hatred of order, out of which anarchistic sentiment inevitably springs. Finally, all persons should be excluded who are below a certain standard of economic fitness to enter our Industrial field as com petitors with American labor. There should .be proper proof of personal capacity to earn an American living and enough money to Insure a decent start under American condi tions. This would stop the influx of cheap labor. THE TARIFF. There Is general acquiescence In our pres ent tariff system as a national policy. The first requisite to our prosperity is the con tinuity and stability or this economic policy. Nothing could be more unwise than to dis turb the business Interests of the country by any general tariff change at this time. I>oubt, apprehension, uncertainty are exact ly what we most wish to avoid In the Inter est of our commercial and material well being. Our experience In the past lias shown that sweeping revisions of the tariff are apt to pn 1 ■••e conditions closely ap proaching panic in the business world. Vet It Is not only possible, but eminently de sirable. to combine with the stability of our economic system a supplementary system of reciprocal benefit and obligation with oth er nations. Such reciprocity Is an Incident and result of the firm establishment and preservation of our present economic policy. It was specially provided for in the present tariff law. Reciprocity must be treated as the hand maiden of protection. Our first duty is to see that the protection granted by the tariff in every case where it is needed is main tained, anil that reciprocity be sought for s> far as It can safely be done without in jury to our home Industries. Just how far this Is must be determined according to the Individual case, remembering always that every application of our tariff policy to meet our shifting national needs must be condi tioned upon the cardinal fact that the du ties must never be reduced below the point that will cover the difference between the labor cost here and abroad. The well-being of the wage-worker is a prime consideration of our entire policy of economic legislation. Subject to this proviso of the proper pro tection necessary to our industrial well being at home, the principle of reciprocity must command our hearty support. The phenomenal growth of our export trade em phasizes the urgency of the need for wider markets and for a liberal policy in dealing with foreign nations. Whatever Is merely petty and vexatious In the way of trade re strictions should be avoided. The natural line of development for a pol icy of reciprocity will be in connection with those of our productions which no longer require all of the support once needed to establish them upon a sound basis, and with those others where either because of natural or of economic causes we are beyond the reach of successful competition. I ask the attention of the senate to the reciprocity treaties laid before it by my predecessor. OUR MERCHANT MARINE. The condition of the American merchant marine Is such as to call for Immediate remedial action by congress. It Is discred itable to us as a nation that our merchant marine should be utterly Insignificant in comparison to that of other nations which we overtop In other forms of business. We should not longer submit to conditions un der which only a trilling portion of our great commerce is carried In our own ships. To remedy this state of things would not merely serve to build up our shipping in terests. but It would also result in benefit to all who are Interested in the permanent establishment of a wider market lor Ameri can products, and would provide an auxil iary force for the navy. Ships work for their own countries just as railroads work for their terminal points. Shipping lines, if established to the principal countries with which we have dealings, would be of political as well as commercial benefit, it should be made advantageous to carry lean goods in American-built ships. At present American shipping is under certain great disadvantages when put In competition with the shipping of foreign countries. Many of tho fast foreign steam ships. at a speed of 14 knots or above, are subsidized ; and all our ships, sailing vessels and steamers alike, cargo carriers of siow speed and mall carriers of high speed, have to meet the fact that the original cost of building American ships is greater than la the case abroad ; that the wages paid Ameri can officers and seamen are very much high er than those paid the officers and seamen of foreign competing countries : and that the standard of living on our ships is far superior to the standard of living on the ships of our commercial rivals. Our government should take such action as will remedy these Inequalities. The American merchant marine should be re stored to the ocean. THE CURRENCY. The act of March 14, 3900. Intended un equivocally to establish gold as the stand ard money and to maintain at a purity therewith all forms of money medium in use with us. has been shown to bu timely and judicious. The price of our government bonds In the world s market, when compared with the price of similar obligations issued by other nations, is a flattering tribute to our public credit. This condition it is evi dently desirable to maintain. in many respects the national banking law furnishes sufficient liberty for the prop er exercise of the banking function ; but there seems to be need of better safeguards against the deranging influence of commer cial crises and financial panics. Moreover, the currency of the country should be made responsive to the demands of our domestic trade and commerce. I call special attention to the need of strict economy in expenditures. The fact that our national needs forbid us to be nig gardly in providing whatever is actually necessary to our well-being, should make us doubly careful to husband our national re sources, as each of us husbands his private resources, by scrupulous avoidance of any thing like wasteful or reckless expenditure. THE INTERSTATE COMMERCE LAW. In ISB7 a measure was enacted for the regulation of interstate railways, commonly known as the Interstate commerce act. The cardinal provisions of that act were that railway rates should be just and reasonable and that all shippers, localities and com modities should be accorded equal treatment. A commission was ureated and endowed with what were supposed to be the neces sary powers to execute the provisions of this act. That law was largely an experiment. Ex perience has shown the wisdom of its pur poses, but lias also shown, possibly that some of Its requirements are wrong, cer tainly that the means devised for the en forcement of its provisions are defective. The act should be amended. The railway Is a public servant. Its rates should be just to and open to all shippers alike. The government should see to It that within its jurisdiction this is so and should provide a speedy, inexpensive and effective remedy to that end. The subject is one of great importance and calls for the earnest atten tion of congress. FORESTRY. Public opinion throughout the United States has moved steadily toward a just ap preciation of the value of forests, whether planted or of natural growth. The great part played by them in the creation and maintenance of the national wealth is now more fully realized than ever before. The preservation of our forests is an imperative business necessity. We have come to s»e clearly that whatever destroys the forest, except to make way for agriculture, threat ens our well-being. The practical usefulness of the national forest reserves to the mining, grazing, irri gation and other Interests of the regions in which Ihe reserves lie lias led. to a wide spread demand by the people of tho west for their protection and extension. The forest reserves will inevitably be of still greater use lu the future than in the past. The wise administration of the forest re serves will be not less helpful to the inter ests which depend on water than to those which depend on wood ami grass. The water supply Itself depends upon ths forest. In the arid region it is water, not land, which measures produttion. The western half of the United States would sustain a population greater than that of our whole country to-day if the waters that now run to waste were saved and used for irriga tion. The forest anil water problems are ['perhaps the most vital Internal questions of the United States. The forests are natural reservoirs. By restraining the streams in flood and replen ishing theift In drought they make possible the use of waters otherwise wasted. They prevent the soil from washing, ami so pro tect the storage reservoirs from tilling up with silt. Forest conservation Is therefore an esseutial condition of water conservation. THE ARID LANI) PROBLEM. The forest alone cannot, however, fully regulate and conserve the waters of the arid region. Great storage works are nec essary to equalize the flow of streams and to save the flood waters. Their construc tion has been conclusively shown to be an undertaking too vast for private effort. Nor can II be best accomplished by the In dividual states acting alone. Far-reaching interstate problems are involved: and the resources of single states would often be in adequate. It is properly a national func tion. The government should construct and maintain these reservoirs as il dues other public work*. Where their purpose la to regulate the flow of streams, the water should be turned freely Into the channels In the dry season to take the sauie course un der the same laws as the natural flow. The reclamation of the unsettled arid rubllc lands presents a different problem, lere It is not enough to regulate the now of streams. The object of the government Is to dispose of the land to settlers who will build homes upon It. To accomplish this object water must be brought within their reach. There remain vast areas of public land which can be made available for homestead settlement, but only by reservoirs and main line canals Impracticable for private enter prise. These Irrigation works should be built by the national government. The lands reclaimed by them should be reserved by the government for actual settlers, and the cost of construction should so far as possible be repaid by the land reclaimed. The distribution of the water, the division of the streams among Irrigators, should be left to the settlers themselves In conformity with state laws and without Interference with those laws or with vested rights. The policy of the national government should be to aid Irrigation In the several states and territories In such manner as will enable the people In the local communities to help themselves. The reclamation and settlement of the arid lands will enrich every portion of our country, just as the settlement of the Ohio ant 1 Mississippi valleys brought prosperity to the Atlantic states. The Increased de mand for manufactured articles will stimu late Industrial production, while wider home markets and Ihe trade of Asia will consume the larger food supplies and effectually pre vent western competition with eastern ag riculture. Whatever the nation does for the exten sion of Irrigation should harmonize with, and tend to improve, the condition of those now living on irrigated land. We are not at the starting point of this development. Over 5200.0U0.000 of private capital has al ready been expended In the construction of Irrigation works, and many million acres of arid land reclaimed. A high degree of enterprise and ability has been shown in the work itself; but as much cannot be said in reference to the laws relating thereto. The security and value of the homes cre ated depend largely on the stability of titles to water : but the majority of these rest on the uncertain foundation of court rendered in ordinary suits at law. In the arid states the only right to water which should be recognized Is that of use. In irrigation this right should attach to the land reclaimed and be inseparable therefrpm. (Granting perpetual water rights to others than users, without compensation to the public, is open to all the objections which apply to giving away perpetual franchises to the public utilities of cities. Our aim should be not simply to reclaim the largest area of land and tirovide homes for the largest number of people, but to cre ate for tills new Industry the best possible social and Industrial conditions: and this requires that we not only understand the existing situation, but avail ourselves of the best experience of the time in the solution of its problems. HAWAII, PORTO RICO AND CUBA. In Hawaii our aim must be to develop the territory on the traditional American lines. We do not wish a region of large estates tilled by cheap labor; we wish a healthy American community of men who them selves till the farms they own. All our legislation for the islands should be shaped with tills end in view ; the well-being of the average home-maker must afford the title test of the healthy development of the islands. The land policy should as nearly as possible be modeled on our homestead system. It Is a pleasure to say that It Is hardly more necessary to report as to I'orto Rico than as to any state or territory within our continental limits. The Island Is thriving as never before, and it is being administered efficiently and honestly. Its people are now enjoying" liberty and order under the pro tection of the United States, and upon this fact we congratulate them and ourselves. I ask the attention of congress to the need of legislation concerning the public lands of l'orto Rico. In Cuba such progress has been made toward putting the independent government of the Islund upon a firm footing that before the present session of congress closes this will be an accomplished fact. Elsewhere I have discussed the question of reciprocity, in the case of Cuba, however, there are weighty reasons why the policy should be held to have a peculiar application, and 1 most earnestly ask your attention to the wisdom of providing for a substantial re duction In the tariff duties on Cuban Im ports into the United States. THE PHILIPPINES. In the Philippines our problem Is larger. They are very rich tropical Islands, Inhabit ed by many varying tribes, representing widely different stages of progress toward civilization. Our earnest effort is to help these people upward along the stony and difficult path that leads to self-government. We hope to make our administration of the islands honorable to our nation by making It of the highest benefit to the Filipinos themselves; and as an earnest of what we Intend to do, we point to what we have done. Already a greater measure of ma terial prosperity aad of governmental hon e?tv and efficiency lias been attained in the Philippines than ever before In their history. History may safely be challenged to show n single Instance in which a masterful race such as ours, having been forced by the exi gencies of war to take possessino or an alien land, has behaved to its inhabitants with the disinterested zeal for their progress that our people have shown In the Philippines. To leave the islands at tills time-would mean that they would fall into a welter of murderous anarchy. Such desertion of duty on otir part would be a crime against hu manity. In our anxiety for the progress of the Philippines, it may be we have gone too rapidly in giving them local self-govern ment. It Is on this side that our error, if any. has been committed. The time has come when there should be additional legislation for the Philippines. Nothing better can be done for the islands than to introduce Industrial enterprises. Nothing would benefit them so much as throwing them open to Industrial develop ment. It is necessary that congress should pass laws by which the resources of the Islands can be developed ; so that franchises (for limited terms of years) can be granted to companies doing business in them, and every encouragement be given to the incom ing of business men. i call your attention most earnestly to the need of a cable to Hawaii and the Phil ippines. to be continued from the Philip pines to points in Asia. We should not defer a day longer than necessary the construc tion of such a cable. THE ISTHMIAN CANAL. No single great material work which re mains to be undertaken on this continent Is of such consequence to the American people as the building of a canal across the isth mus connecting North and South America. Its Importance to the nation Is by no means limited merely to Its material effects upon our business prosperity: and yet with view to these effects alone it would be to the last degree Important for us immediately to begin It. While its beneficial effects would perhaps be most marked upon the Pacific coast and the gulf and south Atlantic states, it would also greatly benefit other sections, it is emphatically a work which it Is for the Interest of the entire country to begin and complete as soon as possible ; it Is one of those great works wlilcn only a great nation can undertake with prospects of success, and which when done are not only permanent assets in the nation's ma terial Interests, but standing monuments to its constructive ability. I am glad to be able to announce to you that our negotiations on this subject with Great Britain have resulted in my being able to lay before the senate a treaty which ll' ratified will enable us to begin prepara-' tior.e for an Isthmian canal at any time, .hVin which guarantees to this nation every rviglit that it has ever asked in connection with the canal. In this treaty, the old Clavton Htilwer treaty, so long recognized as 'inadequate to supply Ihe base for the construction and maintenance of a neces sarily American ship canal, is abrogated. It provides that the United States alone shall do the work of building and assume the responsibility of safeguarding the canal r.r.d shall regulate Its neutral use by all na tions 011 terms of equality without the inter ference of any outside nation from any quarter. TUB MONHOE DOCTRINE. The Monroe doctrine should be the cardi nal feature of the foreign policy of all the nations of the two Americas, as It is of the United States. .lust 78 years have passed since President Monroe In his annual mes sage annotine. 'hat "The American conti nents are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future cololzatlon by any European power." In other words, rue Monroe doctrine is a declaration that there must be no territorial aggrandizement by any uon-Amerlcan power at the expense of any American power on American soil. It is "in no wise intended as hostile to any na tion In the Old World. Still less is it In tituled to give cover to any aggression by one New Woild power at the expense of any i other. It Is simply a step, and a long step, i toward assuring the universal peace of the world by securing the possibility of perma ! nent peace on this hemisphere, i i>urliig the past century other influences have established the permanence and Ind»- | pendente of the smaller states of Europe. ; Through the Monroe doctrine we hope to be i able to safeguard like independence and se | cure like permanence for the lesser among i the New World nations. TUB NAVY. The work of upbuilding the navy must be j steadily continued. No one point of our ! policy, foreign or domestic. Is more impor tant than this to the honor and material I welfare, and above all to the peace, of our I nation in the future. Whether we desire it or not, we must henceforth recognize that we have International duties no less than international rights. Even if our flag were hauled down in the Philippines and Porto Itico, even If we decided not to build the Isthmian canal, we should need a thorough ly trained navy of adequate size, or else be prepared definitely and for all time to aban don the Idea that our nation Is among those whose sons go down to the sea In ships. Unless our commerce Is always to be car ried In foreign bottoms, we must have war craft to protect It. Inasmuch, however, as the American peo ple have no thought of abandoning the path upon which they have entered, and especial ly In view of the fact that the building of the isthmian cnnal is fast becoming one of the matters which the whole people are united In demanding. It is Imperative that our navy should be put and kept in the highest state of efficiency, and should b« made to answer to our growing nc-ds. There .should be no cessation in the worli of completing our navy. So far Ingenuity has been wholly unable to devise a substi tute for the great war craft whose hammer ing guns beat out the mastery of the high seas. It Is unsafe and unwise not to pro vide this year for several additional battle ships and heavy armored cruisers, with aux iliary and lighter craft In proportion: fo* the exact numbers and character I refer yoa to the report of the secretary of the navy. Itut there is something we need even mor* than additional ships, and this Is addition al officers and men. To provide battleship* and cruisers and then lay them tip. with the expectation of leaving them unmanned un* t'l they arc needed in actual war, would be worse than folly; it would le a crime against the nation. To send any warship against a competent , enemy unless those aboard It have beea | trained by years of actual sea service, In- I eluding incessant gunnery practice, would be to invite not merely disaster, but the bit" I t«*est shame and humiliation. Fottr thou* | sand additional seamen and I.OOU addition al marines should be provided. We now have 17 battleships appropriated | for.of which nine are completed. There- I malning eight will be ready In from two te I four years, but it will take at least that time to recruit and train the men to fight | them. It is of vast concern that we have I trained crews ready for the vessels by tha ' time they are commissioned. The naval militia forces are state organl ; zations, and are trained for coast service, I and In event of war they will constitute tha j Inner line of defense. They should receive I hearty encouragement from the general gov ernment. Itut in addition we should at once provide for a national naval reserve, organized and trained under tin- direction of the navy de partment, and subject to the call of tha chief executive whenever war becomes Im minent. it should be a real auxiliary to the naval seagoing peace establishment, and offer material to be drawn on at once for manning our ships in time of war. It should be composed of graduates of the naval academy, graduates of the naval mili tia, officers and crews of coast-line longshore schooners, iishing vessels, and steam yachts, together with the coast popu lation about such centers as life-saying sta tions and lighthouses. THE ARMY. It Is not necessary to increase our army ; beyond Its present size at this time. Hut' It ! Is necessary to keep it at the highest point jof efficiency. The individual units who as officers and enlisted men compose this army I are, we have good reason to believe, at least ! as efficient as those of any other army In ! the entire world. It is our duty to see that I their training is of a kind to insure tue ] highest possible expression of power to these units when acting In combination. A general staff should be created. As for I the present staff and supply departments, they should be tilled by details from the line, the men so detailed returning after a while Ito their line duties. It is very undesirable to have the senior grades of the arniy com- I posed of men who have come to fill the posl- I tions by the mere fact of seniority. A sys | tem should be adopted by which there shall be an elimination grade by grade of those | who seem uutit to render me best service In the next grade. Justice to the veterans of the civil war who are still in the army would seem to require that in the matter of retirements they be given by law the same privileges accorded to their comrades In the navy. | The process of elimination of the least fit l should be conducted In a manner that would ! render it impossible to apply political or so- I cial pressure on behalf of any candidate, I so that each inan may be judged purely on j his own merits, l'ressure for the prorno , tion of civil officials for political reasons Is I bad enough, but it Is tenfold worse where j applied on behalf of officers of the army or ! navy. Every promotion and every detail under the war department must be mads I solely with regard to the good of the service and to the capacity and merit of the man himself. No pressure, political, social, or ! personal, of any kind, will be permitted to | exercise the least effect In any question of ! promotion or detail. ! Action should be taken In reference to the ! militia and to tlie raising of volunteer forces. Our militia law Is obsolete and i worthless. The organization and armament I of the national guard of the several states, I Which are treated as militia in the appro i priations by congress, should be made iden tical with those provided for the regular ' forces. The obligations and duties of tha I guard in time of war should be carefully de fined, anil a system established by law un der which the method of procedure of rals | ing volunteer forces should bo prescribed in i advance. _ THE CIVIL SERVICE. The merit system of making appointments I is in its essence as democratic and Amerl | can as the common school system itself. It simply means that in clerical and other po ! sition's where the duties are entirely non ; political, all applicants should have a fair ! Held and no favor, each standing on hie j merits as he is able to show them by prac tical test. Written competitive examina tions offer the only available means In many cases for applying this system. In other cases, us where "borers are employed, a system of registration undoubtedly can be widely extended. There are, of course, places "where the written competitive exam ination cannot be applied, and others where it offers by no means an ideal solution, but where under existing political conditions it is. though an Imperfect means, yet the best present means of getting satisfactory re sults. It Is important to have this system ob tain at home, but It is even more important to have it applied rigidly In our insular i possessions. .Not an office should be filled I In the Philippines or I'orto Itico with any regard to the man's partisan affiliations or services, with ai.y regard to the political, ."social or personal Influence which be tornf i have at his command ; in short, ffeould j b- paid to absolutely nothing save t'.e man's ; own character and capacity au-J the needs of the service. The administration of these I islands should be as wholly free from the ! suspicion of partisan politics as the admin- I istration of the army and navy. I THE ST. LOUIS EXPOSITION. I bespeak the most cordial support from congress and the people for tlie St. Louts I exposition to commemorate the one hun j dredth anniversary of the Louisiana pur- I chase. This purchase was the grealeist ln | stance of expansion in our history, it defi nitely decided that we were to become a great continental republic, by far the fore most power in the western hemisphere. It is one of three or four great landmarks in our history—the great turning points in our I development. It is etninetnly tilting that | all our people should join with heartiest good will in commemorating it. THE CHARLESTON EXPOSITION. The people of Charleston, with great en ergy and civic spirit, are carrying on an ! exposition which will continue throughout most of the present session of congress. I heartily commend this exposition to the I good will of the people. .t n THE CENSUS BUREAU. For the sake of good administration. I sound economy, and the advancement or I science, the census office as now constituted should be made a perin&nent government bureau. This would Insure better, cheaper, and more satisfactory work, in the interest not only of our business but of statistic, economic and social science. THE POSTAL SERVICE. The remarkable growth of the postal BOP- I vice is shown in the fact that Its revenues have doubled and its expenditures have nearly doubled within 12 years, its devel opment compels constantly Increasing out lay, but Its receipts grow so much fssier i than its expenses that the annual deficit has been reduced from $11,411,770 lc 1897 to ¥"..'.ej:!.727 In 1801. Among recent postal advances the success of rural free delivery wherever established lias been so marked, i and actual experience has made its benefits ; so plain, that the demand for Its extension Its general and urgent. THEODORE UOOSKYKMt Dec. 3, 1901, 3