2
CAMERON COUNTY PEESS.
H. H. MULLIN, Editor.
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I have a few words to say about
Street car etiquette, said a writer re
. „ cently in the Cin-
I Street Car J .
cinnati Commercial
Etiquette. Trlbune| and they
■will be sprinkled with actual occur
rences. Let me premise by saying
that a few years ago I noticed a
competition in an English Journal for
the best definition of a gentleman and
lady. One specification impressed me.
It was to this effect: "A gentleman
is one who has always perfect and
kind consideration for the rights and
privileges of others." Now, that is
a strong statement, but I have no
ticed hundreds of times that it fills
the bill. i!ut what has that to do
with etiejuette in cars? A gentleman
and his wife were coining to town on
a drizzly, sloppy evening to attend
the theater. The gentleman was
properly attired in evening dress. Sit
ting beyond him was a woman with a
bedraggled skirt, muddy ' and wet.
When she started to leave the car
the gentleman saw lier gather her
skirt in a mass and prepare to sweep
by him, leaving in his lap and on his
clothes a bright and elegant sample
of the mud and slime that is gathered
upon macadamized streets. He guard
ed himself by placing liis umbrella,
so that she would be compelled to
miss him entirely. But she. couldn't
get by. There was some mutual
glowering. "Then: "Will you please
remove jour umbrella?" And he
said: "Certainly, if you will drop your
skirt, so that I will not be made a
sight by the mud that you will drench
me with." She did, and the event
■was over. Now, as to the- comment.
The man was right, for the way wom
en sweep their skirts to one side —and
many times they are filthy and dirty
—and sweep the knees of men, leav
ing a dirty, ugly trail, is useless and
inconsiderate. Lift them gently at
the back, and you will not incur the
wrath and cuss words of men who
like to appear neat. As to a man.
Two women, well gowned and in
shades quite easily soiled, were in a
car. There entered a man who was
mud from head to heel. Perhaps he
had worked in a trench —which was
not to his discredit —but there was
no reason for forcing himself into
the narrow space between them.-Ab
solutely, they were compelled to
stand or undergo the expense of hav
ing their nice clothes ruined by the
black and white mud with which ttie
man was covered. They stood up. A
delicate-looking woman was com
pelled to sit by a man with a half
consumed cigar, not of the finest.
The smoke persistently drifted to
ward her face. It was a case of
nausea or get up. She got up. Now,
why will men hang to a poor, half
smoked "stump" and annoy their
neighbors, mostly women, by the
rank odor which inevitably comes
from a half-consumed cigar that is
expiring gradually? Again as to the
■women. Why will they not walk to
ward the front of a car, when there are
vacant seats, instead of lingering list
lessly by the door, waiting for nine or
ten to move up to make a place for them?
Have a bit of independence, please,
and take a seat in sight, without dis
commoding a dozen. Go 'way up and
sit down.
A new law has just gone into ef
fect in Minnesota the provisions of
which are so admirable that the won
der is why they were not adopted
Jong ago in all the states. The new
law provides that the man who re
fuses or neglects to support his fam
ily is guilty of a felony, while the
former law, made such non-support
merely a misdemeanor. The new
statute applies to a class of offend
ers deserving of no sympathy and
requiring a great deal more punish
ment than is generally meted out.
Francis E. Itigby, a wealthy Chicago
renL estate man, left a will as follows:
"Haif of my fortune to Ann Itigby Fow
ler, of Leeds, Yorkshire; half to my
wife." This on a scrap of paper, with
hastily scrawled signature and the
names of three witnesses, disposes of
the estate, for lawyers regretfully ad
mit that with such brevity, that qual
ity being the soul of wit, and wit ar
guing sanity, there is.no place to get a
•tart for a contest.
IIA\ 7 ON DIPLOMACY.
United States Guided by Monroe
Doctrine and Golden Rule.
Bfprf(nry of Stnte Onlllnfß I'lHiia of
McK Inley W lilch Are Sow llfliiK
Carried Out I»>' III* Suc-
CCHMOr,
Standing in tlie place of President
McKinley, who just before his assas
sination aeceptVd an invitation 1o he
present, Secretary of State John Hay
spoke to the guests at the one hundred
and thirty-third banquet of the New
York chamber of commerce Tuesday
evening l , Novmber 19, on "Our Diplo
macy," describing the plans of the
murdered president which President
Koosevelt, aided by the diplomatic
corps, is striving to consummate. He
said:
"I am a?ked tn say something about our
diplomacy. There was a time when diplo
macy was a science of Intrigue ami false
hood, of traps ami minis and counter
mines. It may be another Instance of that
credulity with which I have often been
charged by European critics when I say
that 1 really believe the world has moved
onward in diplomacy as in many other
matters. In my experience of diplomatic
life, which now covers more years than. I
like to look back upon, and In the far
greater record of American diplomacy,
which I have read and studied. I can say
without hesitation that we have generally
told squarely what we wanted, announced
early Jh negotiation what we were willing
to gife, and allowedi the other side to ac
cept or reject our terms. During the time
which I have been prominently concerned
in our foreign relations I can also say that
we have been met by the representatives
of other powers In the same spirit of frank
ness anil sincerity.
"As to the measure of success which our
recent diplomacy has met with, it Is diffi
cult, If not Impossible, for me T7i speak.
There are two Important lines of human
endeavor in which men are forbidden even
to allude to their success—affairs of the
heart and diplomatic affairs.
Simple ( hurt tile Sflfent.
"But if we are not permitted to boast
of what we have done, we can at least
»ay a word about what we have tried to
do, and the principles which have guided
our action. The briefest expression of our
rule of conduct Is, perhaps, the Monroe
doctrine and the golden rule. With this
simple chart we can. hardly go far wrong.
"I think I may say that our sister re
publics to the south of us are perfectly
convinced of the sincerity of our attitude.
They know we desire the prosperity of
each of them, and peace ami harmony
among them. We no more want their ter
ritory than we covet the mountains of the
moon.
"As to what we have tTled to do—what
we are still trying to do—in the general
field of diplomacy, there is no reason for
d'Oubt on the one hand or reticence on the
other. President McKinley in his mes
sages during the last four years fias made
the subject perfectly clear. We have
striven, on the lines laid down by Wash
ington, to cultivate friendly relations with
all powers, but not to take part in the
formation of groups# or combinations
among them. A position of complete In
dependence Is not incompatible with rela
tions Involving, not friendship alone, but
concurrent action as well in important
emergencies.
Flrnt of All. Pence.
"We have kept always In view the fact
that we are preeminently a peace-loving
people; that our normal activities are in
the direction of trade and commerce; that
the vast development of our industries
imperatively demands that we shall not
only regain and confirm our hold on our
present markets, but seek constantly by
all honorable means to extend our com
mercial interests in every practicable di
rection. It is for this reason we have nego
tiated the treaties of reciprocity which
now await action of the senate; all of them
conceived in the traditional American spir
it of protection to our own industries., ar.d
yet mutually advantageous to ourselves
and our neighbors. In the same spirit we
have sought successfully to Induce all
the great powers to unite in a recognition
of the general principle of equality of com
mercial access and opportunity in the
markets of the orient. We believe that 'a
fair field and no favor' is all we reejuire,
and with less than that we cannot be sat
isfied
Vnut Field In the Pacific.
"We consider our interests II? the Pacific
oce.an as great now as those of any other
power, and destined to indefinite develop
ment. We have opened our doors to the
people of Hawaii; we have accepted the
responsibility of the Philippines which
Providence imposed upon us; we have put
an end to embarrassing conditions in which
we were involved in Samoa.
"Next in order will come a Pacific cable,
and an Isthmian canal for the use of all
well-disposed peoples, but under exclusive
American ownership and American control
—of both of which great enterprises Pres
ident McKinley and President Roosevelt
have been the energetic and consistent
champions.
"Sure as we are of our rights in these
matters, convinced as we are of the au
thenticity of the vision which has led us
thus far and still beckons us forward, I
can yet assure you that so long as the ad
ministration of your affairs remains in
hands as strong and skillful as those to
which they have been and are now con
fided, there will be no more surrender of
our rights than there will be violation of
the rights of others.
"The president to whom you have given
your invaluable trust and confidence, like
his now immortal predecessor, is as in
capable of bullying a strong power as he
Is of wronging a weak one. He feels and
knows—for has he not tested it in, the
currents of heady fight as well as in the
toilsome work fff administration?—that
the nation over whose destinies he pre
sides has a giant's strength In the works
of war as in the works of peace.
V III Sot AIMIKC HIM Power.
"But that consciousness of strength
brings with it no temptation to do injury
to any power on earth, the produest or the
humblest. We frankly confess we seek
the friendship of all the powers; we want
to trade with all peoples; we are conscious
of resources that will make our commerce
a source of advantage to them and also
profit to ourselves. But no wantonness or
strength will ever ineiuce us to drive a hard
bargain with another nation because it Is
weak, nor will any fear of ignoble crit
icism tempt us to Insult or defy a great
power because It Is stroi:g, or even because
it Irs friendly.
"The attitude of our diplomacy may be
indicated in a text of Scripture which
Franklin—the first and greatest of our
diplomats—tells us passed through his
mind when he was presented at the court
ol \ i rsallles. It was a text his father used
to <|Uote to him In the old candle shop In
Boston w hen he was a boy 'S( est thou ;i
man diligent In his business, he .-hall stand
before kings.'
"Bet us be diligent in our business and
we shall stand—stand, you see, not crawl
nor swaggt r—stand, as a frit nd and equal,
asking nothing, putting up with nothing
but what is right and just, among our
peers in the great democracy of nations."
C.Mr. Bryan must be still thinking
up something that he can print about
the results of the recent election in
general and about the result in his
own state in particular. Albany
Journal.
CAMERON COUNTY PRESS, THURSDAY, DECEMBER 5, 1901.
POLICY OF DEMOCRATS.
The Outlook for a Vigorous noil In
telligent Opposition Not Kn
coiirni£ln|&'.
Senator Bailey, of Texas, formerly
democratic leader in the house, is
quoted as saying that there will be
no meeting of the democratic mem
bers of congress to outline a policy
of opposition, but that events will
be allowed to take their course. I'rob
ably this is the best that can be
done. For you cannot tell what
you are going to oppose until you
know what is going to be done, says
the Indianapolis News (Ind.). Thus,
to a certain extent, the democrats
must meet issues us they rise, and be
governed largely by circumstances.
Vet it does not seem to be remem
bered that opposition to be effective
and to command respect must grow
out of certain well-defined and firmly
htjd principles. If the democrats
were conscious e>f having these, they
would understand that their opposi
tion was not something born of the
occasion, but the necessary and inev
itable result of their doctrines. Where
there was no issue between them and
the republicans there would be no
disagreement for the mere sake of
For instance, Senator
Bailey says that is for the isth
mian canal, and that if the new
treaty is as strongly American as it
is said to be, lie will support it. This
is proper, of course. Yet the diffi
culty is that the democrats are like
ly to find so many points of agree
ment with t lit* republicans that they
will generally be supporting repub
lican policies. Most of the democrats
are expansionists, and so will favor
holding to our new possessions. They
cannot oppose the republican party
for refilling to enact further cur
rency legislation—as it may do. It
will be hard to make an issue either
for or against reciprocity. Even in
antagonizing subsidy legislation, the
democrats will find many republic
ans with them.
So it will be seen that it is a diffi
cult matter not simply to map out a
programme in advance, but to lay
down any broad general principles
for the guidance of the party. This
is one of the great weaknesses of
the present democratic organization.
It has the appearance of waiting idly
and helplessly for something to hap
pen that may give it a chance again.
It may be that nothing better than
this can be expected at the present
time. But even if this be so the
situation is none the less unfortu
nate. Ihe outlook for a vigorous,
aggressive and thoroughly intelli
gent opposition party is not encour
aging- The democratic party is as
badly off as the liberal party in (ireat
Britain, and nothing worse than this
could be said.
THERE WILL BE NO TINKERING
Proapority In Here mid It Will He
Well to I.et It Keiuuln
Willi I N.
Democratic papers are able to ap
plaud one republican member of the
congress about to assemble, and that
is Representative Babcock, of Wis
consin, who has prepared a bill to re
vise the iron and steel tariff sched
ule. Mr. Babcock assumes that his
bill would regulate prices in the in
terest of American, consumers. That
point is entirely conjectural. Amer
ican consumers are not complaining,
unless it is of a shortage of railway
cars get iron, steel and other man
ufactured products as fast as they
are wanted. American workers in
stee! and iron industries are not com
plaining. They are all employed at
good wages. The rule of letting well
enough alone is good. Within ten
years there have been three pro
longed periods of tariff revision. The
last brought forth the tariff which
Xelson Dingley shaped and President
McKinley approved. Both were great
masters of the tariff question. Their
object was to restore prosperity, it
is here, says the St. Louis Globe-Dem
oerat. and it. would be unwise to
risk existing conditions by experi
menting with theories like the one
advanced by Mr. Babcock.
The tariff question cannot be re
opened at one single point. A pro
longed change in the steel and iron
schedule means a corresponding at
tack on many other schedules. Mr.
Babcock is not the only tariff the
orist in congress. The others are
equally sure that they can guess re
sults Tariff making at
best is disturbing to business. Ma r
gins of profit are involved in scores
of industrial interests. Tariff changes
often settle the question whether a
factory shall keep on or close. A
tariff contest in congress induces, for
the time being, inaction in business."
The United States is enjoying under
the present tariff the busiest and
most prosperous times the country
has ever known. Mr. Babcock's the
ory will be much safer on the shelf
beside the tariff lobby tlflm as an en
tering wedge to admit the whole
army of tariff rippers. Ostensibly
aimed at large steel and iron estab
lishments, it would hit the people. It
is distinctly an ill-advised hazardous
proposition.
COMMENT AND OPINION.
ETCoI. Ban Lamont was closer to
the presidency in the days of (iro
ver Cleveland than lie ever will be
agai n. Chieago Tribune.
We regret to observe that the
democratic party in the state of
lowa bears a striking resemblance to
a canceled postage stamp.—Hartford
Times.
tr"Those who are impressed with
the necessity of tariff revision must
at least admit that the country has
done fairly well under the present
tariff.—Kansas City Journal.
WHAT THE PEOPLE KNOW.
Adviinliitd'n Hevii/ttiiK from the
\\ urLlni; Om. of ItriiulilitMiii
I'oliclra,
"It would secnl," wistfully re
marks .Mr. Bryan, in comment on the
recent elections, "that republican pol
icies ought to arouse overwhelming
opposition among the wealth pro
ducers of the country, for surely 110
man who earns his living can point
to any advantages which the repub
lican party brings to the masses of
the people. Hut they evidently fail,"
he plaintively adds, "to appreciate
the viciousness of the principles
which are at work."
What Mr. Bryan fails to appreciate,
says the Chicago Inter Ocean, is tlu;
fact that the people can and do un
derstand the advantages that repub
lican policies bring to them. In
order to understand they have but to
contrast their present condition with
that under which they suffered a few
years ago. Then one faction of the
democratic party had paralyzed in
dustry by destroying the confidence
of capital in its profit-making pow
ers. As a result hundreds of thou
sands of artisans ware forced into
idleness.
For this calamity the democratic
faction led by Mr. Bryan proposed a
most wonderful remedy. It, was
nothing less than to cut in two the
value of the artisan's wages. The
republican party, however, proposed
to continue to pay the artisan in 100-
cent dollars, and at the same time
to assure his getting them by restor
ing capital's confidence in the profit
making powers of industry.
The majority of the people under
stood and approved the republican
party's policies and returned it to
power. It restored capital's con
fidence in the future industry and in
the security of investment. It as
sured labor of employment and that
its wages would be paid in currency
worth exactly what it professed to
be. The result of this restoration of
confidence and assurance .if justice
was speedily seen. The coantry en
tered upon an era of prosperity
greater and more generally diffused
than it had ever been before.
The republican party did more. It,
led the nation to victory in war, vin
dicated its honor, delivered millions
long oppressed, and enlarged the
boundaries of freedom. Mr. Bryan
sought to convince the people that
they were going forward, not, to
glory, but shame—that the expan
sion of their dominions was not an
extension of liberty, but the estab
lishment of slavery—and that their
only salvation was to run away from
their plain duty and destiny.
Once more the people, it* a ma
jority, even more overwhelming, ap
proved republican policies and re
jected Mr. BrvanSi. Incapable him
self of understanding the people, Mr.
Bryan now takes refuge in* the last
argument of the defeated and dis
credited politician. He wails that the
people do not understand, and com
plains of their stupidity.
A DEMOCRATIC PROBABILITY.
liidlcnf lOTlH of n Violent Sulnß: of the
I'arty I't-n il ti Iu m in
1»04.
Daniel S. Lamont, of New York,
is likely to be a candidate for the
presidential nomination in the next
democratic tiational convention, ac
cording to reports which come out
of the east. The men who bring this
news are friends of Mr. Lainont, and
they believe that what they hear is
true, says the Chicago Kecord-Her
ald.
The Lamont suggestion as a mat
ter of course, comes from and finds
favor with those democrats who be
lieve in Grover Cleveland, and have
not yet lost all faith m bis bratnl of
democracy. They see no salvation
for their party except a return to
the "ancient faith." In Mr. Lamont
they are willing to believe they
would have a candidate who would
bring back into aggressive action for
democratic tickets those influences
which were lost in 1 S«»0 011 account
of the silver question, and yet a
candidate against whom many of the
objections to other men in the "gold
bug" wing of the party would not
lie.
Mr. Lamont. it will be remembered,
came into prominence as secretary to
the president during the first Cleve
land term, and in that subordinate
position was about the biggest man
in the country, according to the pub
lic's view, after the president himself.
That all came from his faculty for
handling men democratically as well
as adroitly. Nothing of that repu
tation was materially damaged dur
ing the second Cleveland administra
tion. when he was secretary of war.
Mr. Lamont is now a rich man. He
is a director in many large corpora
tions. including the Northwestern
Security company, which is effect
ing virtually a consolidation of the
Great Northern, Northern Pacific,
Burlington and Union Pacific rail
road interests. This is the one fact
which looms largest in the eyes of
the democrats to whom the Lamont
suggestion has been advanced as a
possibility oi the future.
It is generally believed that the
democratic pendulum is <piite ready
for such a violent swing—from
Bryan, of IS9<> and 1!)00, to an active
representative of some of the na
tion's largest corporations.
rySome extremists in Germany are
talking of a tariff war against the
i nited States. But the talk will
probably come to nothing. No conn
try which is dependent on others
for many necessaries of life, includ
ing food articles, is in a position to
wage a tariff war—especially against
the nation which is the chief sou v -s
at supply,—Troy Times.
PROFESSOR DEFENDS FASHION.
Chicago I nlv<*r«ltj- Tenclier Oral*
I'nyiliolo-I.ull) wltli tlie Modem
Social l.il<•.
That fashion is necessary to and
formative of social life and that
George Washington was one of the
early exponents of fashion—these
statements were made the other day
by Prof. George JC. Vincent, of the
University of Chicago, in an addresss
before the Daughters of the Amer- !
iean Revolution. The subject was j
"The 'Psychology of Fashion." He ;
said that efforts to break down the j
barriers of fashion such as are at- j
tempted in the church sociables were
dismal failures. Persons who insist
on ultra conventionalism he referred 1
to as snobs, and others, who, because ;
they are self-conscious and unable to j
fit into the social structure, ridicule |
fashion, were designated as boors. !
"The basis of fashion in this coun- j
try," declared Prof. Vincent, "is com
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Facsimile Signature oF
Thirty Years
frVTV.., - ,
THE CKMTAUn COMPANY. NEW YOU* CITY
"WhAR DEW I CUM IN?"
(Being the Soliloquy of a Farmer on the Free Raw Sugar Question.)
Thar's a mighty lot er talkin' about farmers 'n thar rights,
'N the wonderful prosperity thet beet growin' invites.
Thar's er heap of foolish crowin' 'n the "beats" begin ter shout
'N holler fer the Tariff ter keep free raw sugar out!
But I notis thet the beet-producin' farms are very few.
An' the farmers through the country aint got much ef it ter dew.
The hull land aint a-raisin' beets, 'n aint goin' ter begin,
Beet growin's right fer sum, I guess—but, whar dew I cum in?
I?he farmer gits four dollars now fer every ton o' beets —
A hansum price, I must allow—but hidin' sum deceits.
Beet sugar manyfacterers admit es they hev found
Thet "granylated" costs 'em sumthin' like tew cents a pound.
In fact thet leaves a profit on which they'd greatly thrive
And —if it kin be sold fer three, why should we pay 'em FIVE?
It seems ter r.ie es tliet's a game thet's mighty like a skin —
But—if thar's any benefit —waal—whar dew /cum in?
When Uncle Sam's in want o' cash we're glad ter help him out,
'N we'll stand all the taxes thet are needed, never doubt,
But when his pocket-book's well lined an' nary cent he lacks,
Et seems ter me his duty's ter repeal thet sugar tax.
Them fellers wot is interested sez it's to protect
The beet-producin' farmer thet the duty the/ collect,
But I guess thet explanation es a little bit too thin—
The sugar maker, — he's all right;—but—whar dew ice cum in?
Take off raw sugar duty an' the price will quickly fall,
To everybody's benefit, fer sugar's used by all.
The poor will bless the Government thet placed it in thar reach—
('N millions of our citizens free sugar now beseech)
The dealer 'll be delighted—less expenditure fer him—
More demand 'n bigger profits—which at present are but slim.
An' the farmer 'll be as well paid as he ever yet hes ben —
But he'll buy his sugar cheaper—thet's whar he an' I'll cum in.
Now, whar's the sense er reason of the sugar tax to-day,
When our treasury's a-bulgin' an' we hev no debts ter pay?
The duty on raw sugar's Fifty million every year—
An' the people's got ter pay it —thet's a fact thet's very clear.
Fifty million ! Great Jerusha! Ter protect beet magnates, too,
Why should they tax ALL the people—just ter help a scattered FEW?
And the FEW ? Beet-sugar MAKERS ! Don't it really seem a sin
Thus ter help an' fill thar coffers ? Whar dew you an' I cum in ?
The farmer growin' beets hes got a contract price fer years,—
Free raw sugar wouldn't hurt him, an' of it he has no fears,
But mebbe, like myself—he's also growing fruit so nice—
Ter preserve it—-at a profit —he needs sugar— at ciprice!
The repealing of the duty, surely cuts the price in two—
Thet'll make a mighty difference, neighbor, both ter me an' you i
Let the sugar manyfactrer make such profits as he kin—
Ter him it may seem right enuff—but whar dew I cum in?
An' I aint agoin' ter swaller all the argyments they shout
Thet the farmers need protection—an must bar raw sugar out.
Common sense is plainly showin' that the people in the land
Want raw sugar free in future —an' its freedom will demand.
'Tis a tax no longer needed —hateful to the public view, —
Taxing millions of our people to enrich a favored few.
They can't blind me any longer with the foolish yarns they spin,—
While they're busy makin' money—whar dew you and I cum in?
I'm agoin' ter keep on hustlin', talkin', pleadin' with my frends, —
Aint no sense in lcttin' others gain thar selfish privet ends.
I'm agoin' ter write termorrer to my Congressman 'nd say
Thet he ougliter do his best ter kill that tax without delay!
Feller-farmers, do your utmost— whether you grow beets or not—
To repeal the tax on sugar—you can but improve your lot!
Cheaper sugar helps your pocket, greater blessings you can win—
When we've three-cent granylated—that's whar you an' I cum in 1
petitive imitation. Each person, in
whatever station of life, but more
particularly in the upper and mid
dle classes, attempts to outdo a
neighbor in the style of garments and
architecture of manners laid down
some leader."
Liberty of Interpretation.
A church was a considerable timft
I without a pastor. A great number of
I persons of varied talents preached to
| them with a view to obtaining the
i post. A very ambitious young man
j was asked to supply them for a Sab
' bath. All went well until he gave out;
J the text: ".See that ye refuse not
I him that speaketh." Imagine the
; consternation the people experienced
\ when he read out the text in a lofty
. and commanding manner. He was
1 unaware of the feeling he created.
| The people did the opposite from the
1 text. The young man was not called.
Th* beauty seen is partly in him who sees
it. —Uovee.