4
?!>arr)eror) Gour)ly press. I
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HENRY H. MULLIN,
Editor ami Manager.
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REPUBLICAN NOMINATIONS.
For Auditor General,
EDMUND B. HARDENBERGU. of Wayne.
C'ongress-at-Large,
GALUSHA A. GROW, of Susquahanna.
SOBERT 11. FOERDERER, of Philadelphia.
Congress,
JOSEPH C. SIBLEY, of Venango.
COUNTY ORGANIZATION.
B. W. GREEN, Esq., Chairman,
i C. BI.UM, Esq., Secretary,
EDITORIAL HENTION.
Our total foreign trade this fiscal
year is likely to exceed two and a
quarter billion dollars.
Kansas has experienced a few I
oydones, but they were not all ol'
sufficient severity to offset the pros
perity now raging in the state.
Middle-of-the-road Populism pos
sese.s tlie courage of its convic
tions. I Jut the other variety pos
sesses the falcutv of political dick
ering.
Pettigrewism is the running
aaate of pessimism,and Tillraanism
> hooked up with tiffishness. The
iaee of Democratic leadership is
joiutantly turned gloom ward.
When Kansas City convention de
nounces trusts the Tammany dele
gation will ask for a special dispen
sation in favor of its ice combine.
Indications are that our total
foreign trade for the fiscal year,
Gliding June *>o next will be s:>oo,-
; K)0,000 larger than in the year
Muling June .'>(•, 1
Wt have imported 870,000,000
4"or(h more free goods this fiscal
year, up to April 30, than in the
corresponding ten months of the
hist fiscal year.
the Illinois Republicans have
ruined a large batch of Democratic
expectations by holding a harmon
ious < (invention and placing an ex
cellent ticket in the field. The in
dications are that this is going to
he a record breaking year for
Democratic disappointment.
Birmingham is shipping three
train loads of pig iron per day to
New Orleans, where it is loaded on
■:> ssels for the foreign trade. This
in a measure accounts for the ex
pansion sentiment in Alabama.
The only regret in tliis connection
: foil ml in the faci that the output
>i I lie nirmingham furnaces is car
led abroad in foreign bottoms.
Republican- are willing that the
f < nited States (Jovernment should
ntribute to the upbuilding of an
American merchant marine, so
ti .it the ship.- employed in doing
our import and export carrying
ccin\ be built by Americans in our
&oiue shipyards. Democrats on
she other hand, favor the purchase
of ships built abroad by aliens,
112 hielly ilie English.
\n Epidemic of Whooping Cough.
Jjjtcit winter daring an epidemic of i
whui>p?og cough my children contracted '
the disease, having severe coughing spells.
We had used Ohuml r!ain s ('oujdi Rein- ]
jti*« very successfully I' .'croup and natur- |
ally .- irncd to it at that time and found it j
relieved the couidi ; : 1 effected a corn- !
pjete cure. —JonN E. CLIFFORD, Pro- 1
i,ii. tor Norwm. 1I! .a* X«.r-.000 X. \. j
This remedy is for sal* y !,. Taggart.
mar •
POINTED COnnENT.
The policy of condensed American
| ism is not making any perceptible
gains.
t t
+ +
The wage-raising employers are also
1 raising Cain with the Democratic plat
j form-makers.
t +
+ +
The per capita circulation is now
$26.58. This is another Democratic
prediction destroyer.
+ +
+ +
The Hon. Arthur Sewall is going
abroad this year in preference to going
on the Chicago platform again.
+ +
+ +
In addition to its other troubles the
Democratic party now has a severe case
of bifurcated Populism on its hands.
+ t
! Abdul Hamid shows a disposition to
I join Aguinaldo in holding out in the
i hope of Democratic success in Novem-
I ber.
A Republican platform will fit any
! State in the Union. A Democratic
j platform would be embarrassing if it
| were to stray over a State line.
+ +
During the ten months of the current
| fiscal year ending with April 30. our
i exports were §135,918,857 greater in
j value than in the corresponding months
! a year ago.
+ +
The scarcity of issues for Democratic
campaigning is shown in the eagerness
of the leaders of that party to lug in the
South African war and other foreign
questions.
-f
+ +
The Republican party has always de
pended upon commercial tranquility
and prosperity for its success. Demo
j cratic hope is founded upon strikes and
j business depression.
+ 112
In April we exported $13,485,765 more
i than we imported, and we exported
I $30,130,000 more of American products
j and manufactures than in April, 1899.
! Expansion still continues.
The Virginia Democrats didn't do a
particularly bright thing when they
hissed Admiral Dewey. The Demo
cratic party is not so heavily stocked
with heroes that it can afford to hiss
them.
+ +
The Kentucky Democrats are clam
oring for the election of United States
Senators by the direct votes of the peo
ple. At the same time they are com
mitted to the policy of electing gover
nors by the skullduggery of partisan
legislatures.
Secretary Hay quickly made it clear
to the Boer envoys that the Adminis
tration could not do more than it al
ready has done to bring about peace in
South Africa. The United States Gov
ernment acted promptly when an op
portunity offered, through the appeal
mado to the representatives of the
various nations at Pretoria, and was
the only nation which did act. As its
oflVr of mediation was then courteously
declined by England no further oppor
tunity is now afforded.
Democrats who are so eager to show
their hostility to Great Britian by try
ing to involve the United States in a
war with that country on account of
the Boers in South Africa, are at the
same time doing their utmost to secure
the passage of an act of Congress that
would permit British-built ships to be
registered as American. Democratic
preaching is different from Democratic
practice.
-»■ +
While interested in watching the
contest between the two German steam
ship lines as to which shall build the
biggest and the fastest steamship for
their trade with the United States, the
American people should not forget that
they are paying the bills. If we did
our duty to our country we would be
building those ships in the United
States, and manning them with our
own citizens, as the shipping bill, still
unacted upon in Congress, provides.
Protection has built up the great land
industries of the United States until
they are able to make the country un
precedentedly prosperous. Free trade
upon the sea has so decimated our
shipping during the same time, that we
have but one-third as much tonage un
der our flag to-day as we had forty years
ago, although our commerce is four
times as great now as it was then. The
shipping bill, now pending in Congress,
would, if adopted, change all this.
At last the truth is out. A private
letter from Porto Rico says that every
body there is pleased with the new
tariff' except one man. That man is the
j British consul at San Juan, Mr. Finley,
! who had bought up all the sugar and
| tobacco in sight, anticipating its free
I entrance into the United States. No
j wonder the Democrats in Congress
i were BO anxious for a free trade with
; Porto Rico! They were up to their old
j tricks of trying to fling the benefits of
j the American market into the laps of
' the British, just as they did by the
! Wilson bill.
Subscribe for the PRESS.
CAMERON COUNTY PRESS, THURSDAY, MAY, 31 1900.
MEMORIAL SERVICES
Continued from Ist page.
way we must not forget has added its
contingent to the list of heroes who
have died in the nation's battles—has
marked the beginning of a new era in
our internal history; for it lias demon
strated the unfeigned loyalty of the
Southjto country's flag. Its people have
not, indeed, as a matter of sentiment,
repudiated the cause for which they
fought in the Civil War. It would be
asking too much of human nature to
expect that. But all the more we must
admire and commend the strong, man
ly, good sense which leads them to re
gard their cause, however just from
their point of view, as irrevocably lost
and buried, and to turn their faces res
olutely to the present and future, ac
cepting cheerfully their destiny as
citizens of the great republic. They
have given ample proof that they have
accepted the nation's flag as their own,
and that Southern swords will leap as
quickly from their scabbards, as will
the swords of the North, when that
glorious Hag is assailed. It is therefore
in no sectional spirit that we glorify
the cause for which you fought, and
for which so many of your comrades
laid down their lives.
Much less do we glorify that cause
in any spirit of political partisanship.
No political party has a monopoly of
virtue and patriotism. The cause for
which you fought was not the cause of
a party; it was the cause of the nat.on.
No political party is divine; but the
nation, we hold, is divine. And the
noble man and great statesman
who stood at the head of the govern
ment during that fearful crisis, whose
spirit inspired and dominated, whose
wisdom guided,whose strength upheld,
tiie nation —-his name is the heritage,
not of a party alone, but much more of
the nation.
With this much of explanation we
need not make any apology for calling
attention to something of the higher
meaning of the victory which you
helped to win, in the most momentous
strife of the century.
In most of the war songs which had
their birth during the period of the
Civil War, the dominant note is tiie
note of freedom. In "Marching
Through Georgia," in "Rally Hound
the Flag," and in the "Battle Hymn of
the Republic," it isthenoteof freedom
that gives these songs their life and
power of inspiration. "As Christ died
to make men holy, let us die to make
them free." And yet, the war, as
fought by the North, was not ostensi
bly or primarily a war for liberty.
Rather it was the South that was pro
fessedly fighting for liberty. The
Southerners asserted their independ
ence of the Federal Government and
Constitution, and they fought to estab
lish it. They thought that their cause
was the same sacred cause for which
the fathers of the Revolution had con
tended in 177(». Our sympathies natur
ally go out to a people numerically
weak and of limited resources, who
make a heroic struggle for independ
ence in the face of overwhelming odds.
That is one reason why public senti
ment in England was to a great extent
on the side of the South during the
Civil War. Why should the liberty
loving people of the North have resist
ed the demands of the South? And
how came it that the people of the
North, in compelling the South to re
turn into the Union, should have been
inspired with the feeling and convic
tion, that instead of destroying free
dom, they were actually lighting to
maintain and spread the cause of free
dom? How could those whom the
South denounced as tyrants and op
pressors, make use of the name of
Freedom as their rallying battle cry?
From the point of view of our tradi
tional love of independence and liberty
there was much to bo said 011 the side
of the seceding states. They could
point to the undoubted fact that the
Union of 1757 was formed through the
free and unforced consent of the states
which entered the union. When the
Union was first established, it was gen
erally understood as being of the na
ture of a confederation or partnership.
None of the thirteen states were forced
into it; none entered it until they were
quite ready to do so. This partnership,
-aid the South, was for the mutual ben
efit of the parties contracting it, and if
ever the time should come when any
of the parties to the compact should
become dissatisfied with the arrange
ment, they had a perfect and sovereign
right to withdraw from it. It is doubt
ful if any person in 1787 would have
called such a statement into question.
Had any of the states chosen to remain
outside the Constitution, there would
have been no attempt 011 the part of
the other states to compel them to en
ter the Union; or had any of the states
attempted to withdraw from the Union
during the first few years after the
adoption of 1 he < it is more
than probable that no forcible opposi
tion would have been made to the .'it
tempt. The whole tendency of the
eighteenth century was to emphasize
the liberty an 1 independence of men,
rather than the right of governments
to coerce men against their wills. The
war for independence was a war to
throw off a tyrannous yoke, and there
was not behind that war any conscious
purpose to establish a new yoke in tiie
sense of a federal government which
should be compulsory upon all. The
prevailing political theory of that time
was Rousseau's theory of the social
contract, the theory that men in an
ideal state of nature are not subject to
government at all; that each man by
nature is absolutely free and independ
ent; but inasmuch as men cannot live
together in society without a collision
of their rights and interests, it becomes
necessary, or highly convenient, for
them to surrender a part of their rights,
for the sake of getting along smoothly
together; aiuf ■> lawsandgovernments
come into existence, which are thus
the result of men getting together and
agreeing to live under a more or less
widely extended private agreement of
their own making. Thistheorv taught
that a government is only a partner
ship arrangement, and that those living
under it can abolish it at any time, and
all go back to a primitive state of na
ture, whatever such a procedure might
mean. To a thorough-going advocate
of this theory there could be 110 such
thing as loyalty to a nation in the tru
est sense of the word. Loyalty with
him would be nothing more than keep
ing faith with a contract or promise.
If he saw fit, he could at any time give
notice that lie would terminate his
connection with the partnership.
Rousseau's theory was everywhere 111
the air in the last half of the eighteenth
century. Franklin, who spent much
time in France, must have been influ
enced by it; and Thomas Jefferson was
an avowed advocate of it. The result
of the Union under the Constitution
was generally understood at the time
to be a confederation rather than a
nation. The peculiar name, or rather
designation, of our country—the Unit
ed States —seems to show this. When
in the preamble to the Constitution it
is stated that the Constitution is or
dained and established by the people
of the United States, it was generally
understood then as meaning, not the
people of the nation as a whole, but
the people of the separate states.
There was thus from the time of the
adoption of the Constitution an appar
ent presumption in favor of the doe
trine of state sovereignty, since the
states were the units which voluntarily
entered the Union and ratified the
Constitution. And the right to secede
was a corollary of the doctrine of state
sovereignty. If the Constitution did
not become binding upon a state until
it had of its own unforced choice rati
fied and accepted it; surely, had not
that same state a right at any time to
give notice of a dissolution of the com
pact? This was the legal theory upon
which the secession movement of 1860-1
was based, it was a most plausible
theory; it appealed strongly to the hu
man love of liberty and independence;
and when the issue first arose, the
friends of the Union were at a hard
loss to answer the arguments of the
champions of secession and states'
rights.
But time, and the spirit of progress,
and a higher constitution, a constitu
tion not made with hands, were all
against the theory of the South. "The
very stars in their courses fought
against Sisera." If human society
were but an artificial structure, if in
stitutions of law and government rest
upon no other foundation than the ar
bitrary will of men, if the states of the
Union were only so many lifeless sticks
held together in a bundle by an exter
nal band; then, indeed, there would
have been no ground upon which to
resist the claims of secession. But the
Union, whatever may have been the
thought of those immediately con
cerned in the adoption of the Constitu
tion, was not an artificial structure; it
was a living organism. It was not a
house built with hands, the stones and
timbers of which were putin place by
human hands, and which human hands
could therefore take apart at any time;
it was a living temple, the result of
living growth, and not of artificial con
struct ion. Just as the rite of marriage
is not the artificial creation of a rela
tionship, but is the solemnization of a
union already made by the divine laws
of nature; so the adoption of the Con
stitution was not the artificial creation
of a union between the states, but was
simply the formal consumation of a
union already existing in the nature of
things. The Constitution was no more
the effective bond between the states
than is the splint the effective bond
which holds a grafted branch to the
tree, or than is the surgeon's thread
the effective bond which heals a gap
ing wound. Had the states been mere
dead sticks, held together by an ex
ternal band, the removal of this band
could at any time let the sticks fall
apart; but the Union was of such a na
ture that the members of it could no
more fall apart thus than could the
living branches of a tree fall away
when the splints which once held the
grafts in place are removed. To break
up the Union it would bo necessary,
not merely to undo what man once
had done, but to undo also what the
forces of living growth had done; in
other words, what God had done. Al
though the marriage relationship is
one into which men and women may
enter voluntarily and unforced, yet it
is a relationship which God Himself,
and not man, has made, and from
which men and women may not volun
tarily depart when fancy may seize
them or convenience may dictate.
What God hath joined together let no
man put asunder. Equally sacred was
the union of states, for it was the work
of God; those who sought to sever its
bonds were seeking to put asunder
what God had joined together. Just
as the marriage relationship becomes
in time the foundation and center of
other relationships, relationships which
imperatively demand the sacred per
manence of the marriage bond, out of
which they have grown; so out of the
Union of 1787 there had grown a vast
and complex set of institutions and re
lationships, new states, for instance,
not adopted into the Union from with
out but born and brought up within
the bonds of the Union, just as children
are born and brought up within the
family; a vast network of social and
industrial relations, binding the people
of the several states into one great
commonwealth —all of which implied
and demanded the sacred perpetuity of
the Union, and the permanence of the
nation as a nation. The fundamental
error of secession lay in the failure to
recognize that the Union does not be
long to that lower class of compacts,
like business partnerships, which may
be terminated and dissolved at the con
venience of one of the parties to it; but
that it belongs tot hot higher class of
compact like the marriage bond, which
man did not make and which he has no
right to unmake.
Titus,the can ;e of the Union was the
cause o ' a .- acred and divine institu
tion. ft was the principle that this
people is a nation; and that the Union
lias its root, not in the sufferance of
tiie units which compose it, but in the
laws of nature and of God; the princi
ple thai if we shall trace the nation to
its roots we shall find that it is im
planted in heaven. And so we may
set; a fitness in adapting to this prin
ciple the words of St. Paul in our text:
"Our citizenship -our commonwealth
—is in heaven."
Tiie conception of the nation as a
living organism which must be pre
served inviolate from dismemberment,
will solve for us the strange paradox of
the North shouting the battle-cry of
Freedom, as it went forth to reduce
the South to subjection. In a living
organism, the well-being of each part,
as well as of the whole, demands the
subordination of each member to its
proper place in the whole. In the
human body, for instance, the body
is nothing without its members, and,
011 the other hand, the members are
nothing if servered from the body.
If the hand should preversely complain
of its limitations, if it should complain
1 a.- : its freedom of action is restricted
b-- 'cause it is attached to the body, and
it must move about with the
body and minister to the body; and if
it should thereupon seek to sever its
connection with the body; would it
really find freedom thereby ? It would
find that the freedom of separation
and isolation is the freedom of death
It would certainly bring death to it
self, and its loss would horribly maim,
if not kill, the body from which it had
separated itself. The well-being, the
life, the true freedom, of the body and
all its members, are inseparably
bound up together. If one of the
members suffers, all the members, yes,
and the body as a whole, suffer with it.
The hand is freest and healthiest,
when it is in most vital connection
with the body, and most faithfully
serves the body, and is in turn nour
ished and strengthened by the life cur
rents which pulse through it from the
body. Liberty and union are indeed
one and inseparable. It was a true in
stinct, therefore, which led the North
to think of the nation's cause as the
cause of freedom. Perhaps this was
owing somewhat to the fear of an in
vasion of the North by the Southern
armies; it certainly was owing in no
inconsiderable degree to the anti
slavery sentiment of the North; but
back of all it was due to the instinct
ive conviction that the cause of the
Union and the cause of freedom are at
bottom the same. Freedom does not
lie in the path of isolation, it does not
lie in the path of separateness, it does
not lie in the path of a blind and head
strong desire for independence. It
lies in the path of organic union,
j and in the harmonious co-operation of
every one of the parts with the whole
I organism. Every being is free, only
so long as it continues in the place
which God has marked out for it. A
bird of the air is not free in the water;
neither is a fish free in the air. A lo
comotive might complain because its
movement is restricted to the rails on
which it runs; but let it escape from
the rails, and let it bump over ties and
rocks, and it will quickly find that its
new-found freedom is only freedom to
wreck itself. It was the instinctive
conviction that the destruction of the
Union meant the destruction of liberty
that caused the North to fight the na
tion's battles to the rallying-cry of
freedom.
What higher type of loyalty and
patriotism can exist than that inspired
by a conviction of the divine origin
and nature of the nation ? This kind
of loyalty is not called forth by a busi
ness partnership, however extensive.
Monarchists, especially those who be
lieve in the divine right of kings, claim
a monopoly of the sentiment of true
loyalty. A lady who was a monarchi
cal enthusiast once said to me, "I
could never in the world be an Ameri
can; you are a people without a mon
arch; you have no one to whom to be
loyal!" But the truth is that there is
110 people 011 the earth that knows a
deeper, truer, or purer sense of loyalty
than clo Americans. The only true
object of patriotic loyalty, whether in
monarchy or republic, is the nation it
self; and" that sentiment is truly felt
wherever it is recognized that the na
tion itself is a divine institution.
And if loyalty of a more concrete
and personal kind be demanded, rev
erance and loyalty for a personality as
the representative and embodiment of
the nation's life;we are lacking neither
in that. The regard of Americans for
their chief magistrates is quite as pro
found and genuine, though not per
haps so marked in outward ways, as is
the regard which monarchists feel to
wards their sovreigns. And in our
roll of immortals there are names
which we cherish as sacredly as do
others cherish the memories of those
kings called Great or Good. We shall
make mention of but one such name—
the name of Abraham Lincoln, since
he was the President during the per
iod of the Civil War, and since he was
in a superlative degree the embodi
ment of those conceptions and senti
ments which have made America
great and noble He it was whose
whole soul thrilled with a deep sense
of the sacred nature and origin of the
nation. His personality, great beyond
the measure of common minds, the
embodiment of clear-sighted vision of
what the nation really is and is meant
to be, the embodiment of the most pro
found reverence and loyalty for the
nation, and of the most devoted con
secration to the nation's service—his
personality and life was the chief in
strument chosen of God to bring the
nation to a true and full consciousness
of itself. A double crown of glory he
wears, as the saviour and uplifter of
his nation, and the emancipator of a
subject race.
In saying all these things about the
cause for which you fought, and about
your leader in that struggle, I have
had constantly in mind the conviction
that these are practically the same
principles which lie at the foun
dation of religion as well as
of true patriotism. I have tried to
point out that your course was the na
tion itself, which is a living organism,
fashioned of God, and not of man; the
living temple wherein dwelleth free
dom; and the spirit of which was re
vealed tous and entered into 11s large
ly through tii:' character and example
of one givat, personality. There is a
parallel between this and the Gospel
of Christ, whose minister lam. That
Gospel is the Gospel of a Heavenly
Nation, which is called in the New
Testament the Kingdom of God. St.
Paul calls it a commonwealth in Heav
en; Christian men have sometimes
called ib she republic of God. This
Heavenly Nation has its earthly repre
sentative and embodiment in the
Christian Church. This Heavenly
Kingdom is a nation which infinitely
transcends the highest glories of the
greatest nations of the earth. It is no
mere dream of fancy; it is no mere fig
ure of speech. It is real; it is substan
tial; it is an organism which embraces
the realm of spirit, and it is tiie sphere
within which alone the divine spirit of
man can find life. It is our home, it is
the city where we belong; it is the or
ganism from whence flow all the cur
rents of spiritual life. Within that
kingdom we have life; cut off from it
our life must perish, and our strength
decay. Freedom does not lie in iso- j
lated independence of that glorious
kingdom; it is in vain we utter our
puny declarations of independence, ;
and say that our religion is our own !
exclusive individual business, and that j
we will be the head of our own little
church. Isolation from the Kingdom i
of the Spirit means death and slavery; !
but surrender to Clod, perfect, whole
hearted subordination to our true place
in that kingdom of God, means free
dom and life. The service of God la
perfect freedom; but secessson from
the Kingdom of Heaven, self-willed
revolt against God, will land us in the
weakness and slavery of death.
And it is through a personality that
we realize this kingdom of Heaven,
and enter into it. It is the Kingdom
of God, but a God with a human heart,
and with a human experience; and so
that glorious kingdom is Christ's king
dom. What Lincoln was to us as the
interpreter of the nation, and as our
leader into the true life of the nation;
that, in an infinitely higher degree, in
an unspeakable higher degree, is Christ
to us, as the interpreter and revealer
of the Heavenly Kingdom and as our
Leader into its life. He whose ascen
sion from earth we at this season com
memorate is the great Personality and
Power which fills and dominates the
unseen world, that realm of the etern
al realities, that realm which is the seat
and source of all life; out of which we
have come, and back to which it is our
destiny to return. It is impossible to
separate between the Kingdom of
Heaven, and Christ, who is the Life
and Soul of that Kingdom. We can
not separate between loyalty to that
Heavenly Nation, and loyalty to Him
in whose character and life is realized
the fulness of the life of that King
dom.
And since there is such a striking
parallel between the cause of the
nation for which you fought, and the
cause of Christ; is it not reasonable to
infer that the same divine power has
inspired both. And ought not every
soldier of the nation to be also a faith
ful soldier of Christ, as loyal to the
nation in Heaven as to the nation on
earth ?
And if we prize union in the earthly
nation, should we not equally prize
union in the Heavenly nation ? Does
not the same logic which points to the
unity of the nation, point also to the
unity of the Church? It would be
strange indeed if the same patriots
who fought so bravely that the nation
might not be rent asunder, should
view with complacency and approval
the spectacle of a Christendom split
into countless sects. But already the
conviction has taken deep hold upon
the hearts of Christian men of all de
nominations, that our unhappy divis
ions in the Church are a deplorable
evil; and I have no doubt that the logic
of our political history has had its
marked influence in bringing us to see
that Church secession is as deplorable
an evil as is political secession. The
day has not yet come when unity can
bs restored; but a long step in that
direction has been taken, now that
Christian men everewhere recognize
the evils of division, and are praying
that "as there is hut one Body and
one Spirit, and one hope of our calling,
one Lord, one Faith, one Baptism, one
God and Father of us all; so we may
be all of one heart and of one soul,
united in one holy bond of truth and
peace, of faith and charity, and may
with one mind and one mouth glorify
God."
Yesterday the graves of the patriotic
dead were strewn with flowers—com
rades and committees being appointed
to visit all the cemeteries of the county.
Thus closed another Memorial Day and
a grateful Nation has again manifested
its respect for the illustrious dead
The graves of nearly all in the silent
city, aside from those of the departed
soldiers, displayed tokens in profusion,
from the hands of loving friends who
wist not to forget their dead, and in
consequence of this elaborate manifes
tation of keen memoriam the cemetery
never before presented so beautiful an
appearance. "Dead, but not forgot
ten."
The ancients believed that rheumatism
was the work of a demon within a man.
Any one who has had an attack of sciatic
or inflammatory rheumatism will agree
that the infliction is demoniac enough to
warrant the belief. It has never been
claimed that Chamberlain's Pain Halm
would cast out demons, but it will cure
rheumatism, and hundred.-: bear testimony
to the truth of this statement. One ap
plication relieves the pain, and this quick
relief which it affords is alone worth many
times its cost. For sale by L. Taggart.
mar
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