Special
HOLIDAY
Edition.
Pages.
vwwvvvwvvv
VOL ao
mm
MUST SUBMIT
Text of the President's
Venezuela Message.
The Utile Republio Will Be Pro.
tected by Forcr, If Nocccasary
No Calamity Bo Great an Ruplno
Subtnlaslon to Wrong Tho Mon
roe Doctrlno Applies Ho Heroin
mend the Selection of a Cnnimli
Ion to Ascertain I ho Boundary
Lord Salisbury's Note.
Washington, Dec. IS. The following
In the full text of tho message sent to
Congress yesterday by President Cleve
land In connection with tho Venezuela
correspondence:
"To tho congress In my minimi
menage to the congress on the 3d Inst.
1 called attention to the pending boun
dary dispute between lirc.'it Itritnin
and tho republic of Venezuela, und re
cited tho substance of a representation
imido by thin government to her Bri
tannic majesty's government, suggest
tag reasons why such dispute should bo
submitted to arbitration for settlement
and inquiring whether it would be so
submitted. Tho answer of the British
government, which was then awaited,
has since been received, nnd, togcthtv
with tho dispatch to which it is a re
ply, is hereto appended. Such reply is
embodied in two coiumuuicutious ad
dressed by tho liritish prime minister
to Sir .lu linn Pauneefote, the British
atnbussudor ut this capital. It will be
seen that one of these communicatijns
is devoted exclusively to observations
lipon tho Monroe doctrine ami eluims
that lu tho Dresent instance a new and
Ktrango extension and development of
tho doctrine is insisted upon by the
United Mates; tliatttio reasons jusuiy
ing an appeal to tho doctrine enunci
ated by President Monroe nro gener
ally Inapplicable 'to tho state of things
in which we live at the present day,'
and especially inapplicable to a contro
versy involving tho boundary line be
tween Great Britain and Venezuela.
Monroe Dnclrlno Bound.
"Without attempting extended argu
ment in reply to theso positions, It
may not bo amiss to suggest that the
doctrine upon which we stand is strong
and sound because its enforcement is
important to our peace and safety as a
nation and is essential to tho integrity
of our free institutions and the tran
quil inaiutenanco of our distinctive
form of government. It was inteudod
to apply to every stage of our national
life, and cannot become obsolete whilo
our republic endures. If the balance of
power is justly a cause for jealous anx
iety among tho governments of the
old world, and a subject for an abso
lute non-iuterferenee, none tho less is
an observance of tho Monroe doctrino
of vital concern to our people and their
government. Assuming, therefore,
that we may properly insist upon this
doctrino without regard 'to tho state
of things in which we live,' or any
changed conditions hero or elsewhere,
it is not apparent why its application
may not be invoked in the present con
troversy. If a European power, by an
extension of its boundaries, takes pos
session of the territory of one of our
neighboring republics against its
will and in derogation of its rights, it
is difficult to see why to that extent,
Buch European power does not there
by attempt to extended its system of
government to that portion of this con
tinent which is thus taken. This is the
preclso action which president Mon
roe declared to be 'dangerous to our
peace and safety,' and it can make no
difference whether the European sys
tem is extended by an advance of fron
tier or otherwise
Exclusive American 1'rliiclplei.
"It is also suggested in the British
reply that we should not seek to apply
the Monroe doctrine to the pending dis
pute, because it does not embody any
principle of international law which 'is
founded on the general consent of na
tions,' and that 'no statesman, however
eminent, and no nation, however pow
erful, are competent to insert into tho
code of international law a novel prin
ciple which was never recognized bo
fore, and which has not since been ac
cepted by the government of any other
country.' Practically, the principle for
which we contend has peculiar, if not
exclusive, relution to the United
States. It may not have been admitted
in so many words to the code of inter
national law, but since in international
counsels every nation is entitled to
rights belonging to it, if the enforce
ment of the Monroe doctrine is some
thing we may justlyclalm. it has its
place in the code of international law
as certainly and as securely as if it
were specifically mentioned, and when
the United States is a suitor before the
high tribunal that administers interna
tionullaw tho question to b acter
mined is whether or not we pi
claims which tho justice or mat con
Jaw can Hud to bo Hgm anu iuU
rlne finds its recogi
inlM of intermit
law which are based upon tho tlJ"y
thr.t everv najtion shall have h ru
protected r.nd its just claims enforced,
t Icnr llluhm and Undoubted Claim
"Ofcourse this government Is entirely
confident that, under the sanction of
this doctrine, we have clear rights and
undoubted claims. Nor is this ignored
in tho liritish reply. Tho prime minis
ter, while not admitting that the Mon
roe doctrine is applicable to present
conditions, states. In declaring that
the United States Vnikl resist any
such enterprise if it was contemplated,
President Monroe adopted a policy
which received the entire sympathy of
the English government of thut date.'
He further declares: 'Though the lan
guage of President Monroe is directed
to tho attainment of objects which
most Englishmen would agree to be
titulary, it is impossible to admit
that they have been Inscribed by any
adequate authority in the code of in
ternational law.' Again he says: 'They
(her majesty's (government, fully con
cur with tho view vhich President
Monroe npparently entertained, that
any disturbance of the existing terri
torial distribution in that hemisphere
by any freNh acquisitions on the part
of any European state, would be a
highly inexpedient change. Anxious
to learn in a satisfactory manner
whether Great ltritain sought under a
claim of boundary, to extend her pos
sessions on this continent without
right, or whether she merely sought
possession of territory fairly included
within her lines of ownurship, this
government proposed to tho govern
ment of Great ltritain a resort to arbi
tration as the proper means of settling
the question, to the end that a vexatious
boundary dispute between tho two con
testants might be determined and our
exact standing and relation In respect
to the controversy might be made
clear.
Our Cnurso Is Clear.
"It will be seen from the correspond
ence herewith submitted that this pro
position has been declined by tho lirit
ish government upon grounds which,
in the circumstances, seem to bo far
from satisfactory. It is deeply disap
pointing that such an appeal, actuated
by the most friendly feedings towards
both nations directly concerned, ad
dressed to the sense of justice and to
the magnanimity of one of tho great
powers of tho iU'ld and touching its
relations to one comparatively small
and weak, should havo produced no
better results. Tho course to be pur
sued by this country, in view of tho
present condition, does not appear to
admit of serious doubt. Having labored
faithfully for many years to induce
Great ltritain to submit this dispute to
impartial arbitration, and having been
now finally apprised of her refusal to
do so, nothing remains but to accept
the situation, to recognize its pluin re
quirements, and to act accordingly.
Great Britain's present proposition has
never thus far been regarded ns admis
sible by Venezuela, though any ad
justment of the boundary which that
country may deem for her advantage
and may enter into of her own free will
cannot, of course, be objected to by tho
United States. "
The United States Must Act.
"Assuming, however, that the atti
tude of Venezuela will remain un
changed, the dispute has reached such
a stage as to make it now Incumbent
upon tho United States to take meas
ures to determine with sufficient cer
tainty for its justification what is tho
true divisional line between the repub
lic of Venezuela and British Guiana.
Tho inquiry to that end should, of
course, bo conducted carefully and ju
dicially, and due weight should bo
given to all available evidence, records
aud facts in support of the claim of
both parties.
Must Iteslst By Every Means.
"In order that Buch an examination
should be prosecuted in a thorough and
satisfactory manner, I suggest that
the congress make an adequate appro
priation for tho expenses of a commis
sion to be appointed by the executive,
who shall make the nooessary investi
gation and report upon the matter
with the least possible delay. When
such report is made and accepted It
will, in my opinion, be the duty of the
United States to resist by every means
in its power as a wilful aggression
upon its rights and interests tho ap
propriation by Great Britain of any
lands; ir the exercise of any govern
mental jurisdiction over any territory
which after investigation we have
detefiiined of right belong to Vene
zuela. In making those recommenda
tions I am fully alive to the full re
sponsibility Incurred, and keenly real
ize all the consequences that may fol
low. No Calamity Like Supine Submission
"I 'bin, nevertheless, firm In my con
vtetio that whilo it is a grievous thing
to coi template the two great English
speaking people of the world as being
othtrvvise than friendly competitors in
therinward march ot civilization, anu
uous and worthy rivals In all tno
f peace, there Is no calamity
a great nation can invite which
that which follows a supine
don to wrong and Injustice and
;equent loss of national selt-re-
id honor, beneath whloli is
,ind defended a people's safety
greatness.
"UllU V JiU VUE, buaa -.
BL00MS1JURG, PA.. FKIDAY. DECEMBER 20.
H I,IM(L KV.H REPLY.
The Monroe Dnctrlno Not Applica
ble to tlio Venezuela Depute.
Washington, Pec. in. The BHtish
sidu of the. Venezuela dispute ii embod
ied H two notes fr.n Lord Salisbury
to Mr Julian l'auncefote. Both notes
em dated tho same day, and one, which
the ambassador is directed tocominunl
eat to Secretary Olney, is of the high
est Importance, as in it Lord Selisbury
goes broadly Into the Monroe doctrino.
The main points are as follows:
Differs with Olney.
"On tho 7th of August I transmitted
to Lord Gough a copy of the dispatch
from Mr. Olney, which Mr. Bayard
had left with mo that day, and of
which he had read portions tome. I in
formed him at the time that it could
not be answered until it had been care
fully considered by the law ollicers of
tho crown. I havo therefore deferred
replying to it until after tho recess.
I will not now deal with those portions
of it which deal exclusively with the
controversy that has for some time
past existed between the republic of
Venezuela and her majesty's govern
ment in regard to the boundary which
separates their dominions. I tako a
very different view from Mr. Olney of
vsrious matters upon which ho touches
fn that part of tho dispatch. Tho con
tentions set forth by Mv. Olney are rep
resent! by him as being an applica
tion of the political maxims which are
well known in American discussion un
der the name of the Monroe doctrine.
No Danger of European Imposition.
"As far as I am aware, this doctrino
has never before been advanced on be
half of tho United States in any writ
ten communication addressed to tho
government of another nation, but it
has been generally adopted and r.s
sumed as true by many eminent writers
and politicians in tho United States. It
Is said to have largely influenced tho
government of that country in the
conduct of its foreign affairs; though
Mr. Clayton, who wns secretary of
state under President Taylor, expressly
stated that that administration hnd in
no way adopted it. The dangers which
were npprehendal by President Mon
roe have no relation to the state of
things in which we live at the present
day. There Is no danger of any alli
ance imposing its system upon any
portion of the American continent, and
there is no danger of any European
state treating any part of the Ameri
can continent as a fit object of Europe
an colonization.
Purely a Personal Dispute.
"Tho British empire and tho repub
lic of Venezuela are neighbors, and
they differ as to the lino by
which their dominions are separated.
It is a controversy with which the
United States have no apparent prac
tical concern. It is' difficult, indeed,
to see how it can materially affect any
state or community outside those pri
marily interested, except, perhaps,
other parts of her majesty's dominions,
such as Trinidad. It is simply the de
termination of the frontier of a British
possession which belonged to tho
throne of England long before the re
publio of Venezuela came into exist
ence." What England Would Do.
The second note of November 25 is
wholly devoted to a discussion of tho
boundary dispute, exclusive of its re
lation to the Monroe doctrine. This
dispatch, however, sounds the keynote
of Great Britain's position with refer
ence to Mr. Olney's representations.
Lord Salisbury states that Great Brit
ain has repeatedly expressed its will
ingness to submit to arbitration the
conflicting claims of Great Britain to
territory of great mineral value, and
follows this statement with these im
portant words:- "But they (the British
government) cannot consent to enter
tain or to submit to tho arbitration of
another power or a foreign jurist,
however eminent, claims based on ex
travagant pretensions of Spanish of
ficials in the last century, and involv
ing the transfer of large numbers of
British subjects who have for many
years enjoyed the settled rule f the
British colony, to a nation of different
race and language, whoso political
system is subject to frequent disturb
ance, and whose institutions as yet too
often afford very inadequate protection
to life and property. No isr.uo of this
description has ever been involved in
the questions which Great Britain and
the United States have consented to
submit to arbitration, and her majes
ty's government is convinced that in
similar circumstances the government
of the United States would be equally
firm In declining to entertain propo
sals of such a nature." Lord Salisbury
concludes with tho statement that her
majesty's government have not surren
dered the hope that tho controversy
between themselves and Vonozuela will
be adjusted by reasonable arrange
ment at an early date.
Throw the Priest Out Bodily.
La lifting, Mich., Deo. 18. A number
of the parishoners of St. Mary's Roman
Catholic church who are opposod to
Father Slattery wont yesterday to the
priest's house, dragged him from bod,
and throw him bodily into tho street.
It is probable that thoy will all bo ex-cA-Vicated.
,"T"":. I -V
UPiLQ
His Action Forceful and Has
General Approval.
The Venezuela Affair the All-absorbing
Toplo oT Conversation In
Washington Views of Sonators
and Representatives The Mes
sage Cheered.
Washington, Dee. 18. President
Cleveland's Venezuela message Is the
all absordlng toplo of conversation in
both official and private circles to-dny
ond the concensus of opinion Is in ef
fect that the president's attitude was
forceful and In thorough accord with
the sentiments of the people generally.
When tho mcssago was read in the sen
ate evidences of approval were equally
strong and significant on both sides of
the chamber perhaps even more so on
the republican than on the democratic
side. Mr. Morgan, dem., Ala., looking
over to tho republican side remarked
that there was "no mistaking the
meaning of that," and Mr. Erye, rep.,
Me., gave an assenting nod, with the
remark "that is capital." The message
and accompanying papers were ordered
printed ami referred to the committco
on foreign relations. The committee
was authorized to sit during any recess
of tho senate. In the house the read
ing of tho message evoked hearty ap
plause on both sides. It was referred
to the committee on foreign affairs.
Views of Representatives.
Mr. Russell, rep., Conn.: Tho message
is good. Anything less would be unpa
triotic and cowardly in a president of
the United Statec A commission will
delay the settlement of the controversy
and furnish Information already known.
Its suggestion is prudent, perhaps, and
allows England a chance to retract.
Mr. McCreary, dem., Ky., who was
chairman of the foreign affairs com
mittee in the 'last congress: It is vigor
ous, powerful and able. As a reaffirma
tion of the Monroe doctrine it will at
tract wido attention and, I believe, be
generally approved by tho people.
Mr. Cummlngs, dem., N. Y.: The mes
sage breathes the spirit of Thomas Jef
ferson, James Monroe and Andrew
Jackson. President Cleveland's action
stands in strong contrast with the cow
ardly action of Lord Sulisbury in Ar
menian affairs. The president stands
by the Monroe doctrino, and he un
doubtedly means every word he says.
Mr. Bartlett, dem., N. Y.: I am glad to
sco that the president has decided in
favor of resisting the aggressions of
Great Britain in respect to the boundary
dispute. I bcliove it is practically con
ceded that England's title to a large
part of the disputed territory is a title
which might alone gives. We should
force Great Britain to recede from her
position and relinquish the territy.
South Amerloau Diplomats Pleased.
The diplomatic representatives of
American republics in Washington
were highly elated over the message
and nearly all of them cabled copious
extracts of the document to "ttieir re
spective governments. Ever since the
Corinto affair they had been somewhat
despondent over the supposed indispo
sition of tho United States to resist
foreign aggressions on the" American
continent, but now they cannot find
language adequate to express their ad
miration for the president's forcible
utterances, particularly in regard to
the possible resort to other competi
tions than those "in the arts of peace."
None of the American ministers or
charge d'affaires, however, consented
to speak authoritatively for their gov
ernments in the absence of instructions
nor would any be led into a public in
terview on the subject.
Expressions of Senators.
Mr. Gorman, dem., Md. : It is a very
thorough, emphatic and strong Ameri
can message. It looks very much as if
the president intended to enforce the
Monroe doctrine. Mr. Call, dem., Fla. :
It is excellent, splendid. The matter
is still open to arbitration and I am
sure England will finally consent.
Mr. Lodge, rep., Mass.: The message is
tho most serious and important utter
ance which has been submitted by any
president to congress for many years.
As a matter of course I heartly ap
prove of its spirit and the general posi
tion taken. '
REBELS TWICE DEFEATED.
Government Success In Cuba Re
ported at Madrid.
Madrid, Dec. 18. A dispatch to the
Impareiul from Santiago de Cuba says
thut a government force under the
command of Col. Garrido has twice de
feated the rebels under Jose Macco at
Peladoros. Tho dispatch further say
that Col. Zumara has routed 800 Insur
gents at Jamal. The Spanish losses in
each of tho engagements was slight.
Rebel Do Tout Reported.
Madrid, Deo. 18. A dispatch to the
Impurolal from Havana says that
Colonel Arizon has defeated Gomez and
Macoo with heavy loss at Mai Tiempe.
The rebels retreated hastily, burning
the railway bridge at Flore behind
them and cutting off communication.
1S95.
flSKDIH
British Press Comment on
the Message.
The Views Advanced by President
Cleveland Are Vigorously Com
batted The Monroe Doctrine a
Matter Only of History Now, the
Newspapers Claim.
London, Dee. 18. The Dally News,
commenting on President Cleveland's
message to congress on the Venezuelan
question, will to-day say: "The presi
dent's communication is a remarkable
document, though its consequences are
not likely to be serious. Neither Mr.
Olney nor the president seem to realize
that the Monroe doctrine cannot be
quoted as authoritative in negotiations
with a foreign power. Botli of them
are certainly as far as possible from
suspecting that the real author of tho
doctrine was Canning, not Monroe.
Great Britain in 1833 was jealous of
tho Spanish encroachments in South
America and induced Monroe to protest
egainst European aggression on Ameri
can soil. The seventy-two years that
have since elapsed havo entirely
changed that situation. The Monroe
doctrine is now purely of historical in
terest. Tho definition of tho doctrine,
however, is u matter for the Americans
themselves. It binds nobody else.
The president in his account of the
doctrine surrenders the whole case. It
follows from the message thut Guiana,
and, indeed, Canada, have no right of in
dependent existence on American soil.
Tho concluding portions of Mr. Cleve
land's message are not expressed in
the language usually employed by one
friendly power to another. They are
aggressive, even menacing.. England is
threatened with war unless she permits
Mr. Cleveland to adjust the boundaries
of Venezuela. Happily, there is some
sense of humor in the American people.
Regarded as a party move, the message
is not unskilful. It puts the republi
cans in a hole."
AVIth Blank Astonishment.
The Chronicle will say: "The mes
sage will be read in this country with
blank astonishment. An American
commission to determine what terri
tory a British colony can call its own,
and failing our compliance with its
finding, war by land and sea with
Great Britain. Can these be serious
words addressed to us by the descend
ants of the little shipload of English
folks who sailed in the Mayflower? We
will not take things too seriously.
We will suppose that the president is
engaged in the familiar work of twist
ing the lion's tail. There is one answer
to President Cleveland and America.
I f a n enlarged application of a neglected
doctrine is to be enforced with all the
might of the United States at least let
us be assured of the correlative that
tho United States will make itself re
sponsible for the foreign policy of all
the petty, impetuous little states on
the two continents of America. There
is no international right without cor
responding duty. We can only express
genuine regret at tho tone of the docu
ment, which meets no argument made
by Lord Salisbury, and which applies
a threat of force from a daughter
state to the motherland over an ob
scure, trumpery dispute in which the
United States has no real interest, but
the message cannot obscure of defeat
the affection which subsists between
the two countries, or break tho ties of
blood that must needs bine them in in
dissoluble union."
Outdone the Republicans.
The Morning Post says: "President
Cleveland has outdone the republican
party in his effort to show his dislike
for this country, yet he has not com
mitted himself to anything. The inter
national law tribunal that President
Clevelund asks congress to set up
can have no more binding effect on this
country than would a decision by the
supreme court at Washington."
Cleveland's Position Preposterous.
The Standard says: Most Englishmen
will read the message with unfeigned
astonishment. The position taken by
Mr. Clevelund is preposterous. There
can be only one answer to such a de
mand. We decline to humiliate our
selves and refuse to accept the decision
of the United States' executive in mat
ters altogether outside of his jurisdic
tion. As British subjects have settled
up to the Schomburgk line, we cannot
possibly withdraw our protection and
leave them to the risks of the revolu
tions and misrule of tho republic; but
beyond tho pale of settlement we are
quite willing to accept arbitration. By
the same rule the United States might
be asked to submit their title to Alaska
to tho judgment of impartial umpires.
Congress would Indignantly reject such
a demand. So will the British govern
ment reject tho present demand."
ALLEN O. THUHMAN'S WILL.
An Estate of About $100,000 Left.
Three Children Survive Him.
Columbus, 0., Deo. 18. The will of
Allen G. Thurman will be read in pro
bate court Thursday. Tho estate is
worth about 8100,000. There are three
children Elizabeth T. MeCormack, "
Mary T. Halliday and Allen W. Thui ,
NO 51
Riots Attend Philadelphia's
Traction Strike.
Not a Wheel of tho Company In
volvod Turning This Morning and
Only One Line In the City In Oper
ation Mob, Composed Mostly of
Roys, Wreck About 800 Cars.
Philadelphia, Dec. 18. Riot and de
struction marked the opening day of
the great strike of the street car em
ployes of the Union Traction company.
Aided by the mischievous, lawless ele
ment, the strikers succeeded in com
pletely tieing up the lines of the Union
Traction company this morning, with
the exception of the one line not con
trolled by the company Involved in the
strike, not a street car wheel was turn
ing in Philadelphia. Never before in
the history of the city has there been
witnessed such widespread disorder.
To the credit of the strikers it may bo
said that the disorders were created by
too ardent sympathizers. Boys held
up cars and drove the motormen and
conductors from their posts with vol
leys of bricks and stones and then
smashed the glass in the windows of
the cars, cut the trolley ropes, pulled
out tho fuses, smashed in the cash
registers und tore off the fenders in
front of the cars. In all about 300 cars
were badly wrecked, and lust evening
tho traction company gave up the ef
fort to run ears, and, with the aid of
the police, withdrew their shattered
and abandoned rolling stock back Into
the car sheds.
More Trouble Anticipated.
The mayor issued a proclamation
calling upon all good citizens to pre
serve the peace and asking them to
refrain from gathering in crowds on
the streets, lie further added that
violence and riot would be met with
force and that the peace of the city
will be preserved at all hazards. While
the crowds attacked the cars, the
spirit of the mob seemed to be one of
malicious mischief more than threaten
ing temper that marks a real riot. Tho
suddenness of the numerous outbreaks
seemed to take the police by surprise,
and for a time cars were wrecked with
impunity In the very heart of the re
tail shopping district. Then the
patrolmen were massed at every
threatened point and this morning
every policeman in the city is on
duty. Tho company made no attempt
to run cars last night, but under polico
protection they will start tho Market
street branch of their line some time
to-day, and trouble is sure to follow,
and to-day may witness more serious
rioting than took place yesterday.
Strikers Made No Disturbance.
The strikers attempted no interfer
ence with the cars, but confined their
efforts to trying to dissuade tho motor
men and conductors who were not with
them from going out on tho cars. They
met them as they went to work and
talked with them, and in many cases
were successful. Where a man would
refuse to join them he might get sharp
ly spoken to, but beyond this he was
not threatened. In anticipation of any
trouble six squads of policemen were
massed atHhe various oar stables as the
most likely places where it would oc
cur. The polico allowed no congrega
tions of men around the car stables,
but they met with the greatest annoy
ance from women and boys who stood
by and jeered and hooted at tho motor
men and conductors as they went out.
There was no concerted movement to
attack tho cars, but in a dozen different
places at once obstructions were put
on the track. When the cars came to a
stop somo ono would throw a stone.
Then missiles of every description
would strike the car until not a window
was left. In no case were the motor
men or conductors very roughly han
dled, tho crowds being content to
wreck tho cars.
Boys the Wreckers. '
I
Some of the worst destruction oo
curred on Chestnut street. A little
bootblack alongside a stalled car
swung his box and dashed it through
one of the windows. Every boy in the
crowd immediately proceeded to take a
hand in the destruction and in less
time than it takes to think of it every (
light in the car was broken. The stall
ing of this car banked up behind it as
far as Thirteenth street thirteen other
cars. The mob swept up tho street
with stones and clubs and drove tho
conductors and motormen away and
wrecked tho cars. Because a motor-1
man, ho was being hooted at by a ;
store messenger boy, mude a kick at
the younster a gang of his companions
dragged tho motormun and conductor .
from their platforms and wrecked the '
car In a twinkling. Just above Ninth
street a policeman was standiug be
side ono of the wrecked cars hemmed
In by the crowd. A boy about 17 year
of ago jumped on tho car and tukinif
a heavy Iron switch rod proceeded to
deliberately wreck the interior. After
he had finished his work he disap
peared. Tho police were powerless to
top him.