THE COLUMBIAN. BLOOMSBURG, PA.
HARD TIMES
AND THETARIFF.
SPEECH OF EON. CHARLES R. BUCK-ALEW.
Delivered l the Court-Houso at Sunbury,
Tuesday Evening. Sept. 25, 1894.
An old and powerful party has au
thorized me to speak for it in the
present canvass as its nominee for
Congress in this Congressional Dis
trict. I have accepted this trust as its
representative for the time being with
alacrity, but deeply sensible of the
obligations and duties which that po
sition imposes. Would that I could
speak with almost unearth'y wisdom,
with supernatural power, in behalf of
these principles and policies with
which our great party has been identi
fied in the past and to which it is com
mitted at the present time. But you
must accept in what I have to say to
night such imperfect utterances as
shall be given me at the moment when
they are expressed.
Gentlemen, we are emerging from
a period of calamity and suffering
commonly described as hard times,
but not so severe and appalling as the
hard times of 1S72-73 which swept
over the country to the great distress
of our people, under a system of high
taxation similar to that under which
we have recently suffered. Allow me
in the outset of my remarks to con
gratulate you, and I do so most hearti
ly, upon the signs of improvement,
gradual but sure, to be fulfilled en
tirely, and consummated only, under
the beneficent operation of laws re
cently enacted, for the full fruition of
which time alone is required.
The Democratic . party, or its ad
ministration of the affairs of the nation,
did not bring upon this country the
hard times. They began before it was
seated in power. The retiring Tresi
dent of the Republican party informed
us in his final message that our exports
had fallen off two hundred million of
dollars. We were informed partially
by his secretary of the treasury, and
more fully upon investigation, that
the treasury at that time was unable
to meet its public obligations. That a
loan even in time of peace would be
necessary. Appropriations made by
Congress were withheld because there
was not sufficient money in the treas
ury to pay them. Our party took
power, therefore, when this great col
lapse, if it was one, in public and pri
vate credit was under way. Our party
could not have prevented what fol
lowed. It is not chargeable with the
results which came to us in '93 and
partially in '94. All intelligent men
know this, or ought to know it, and
even the humblest citizen, with the
most limited intelligence, ought now
to be able to see that this is true ;
that the hard times were the result of
causes much more extensive, much
more deeply seated, than a change of
political power in the United States
by its passage from one party to
another.
One of the miin causes was the col
lapse of trade and business in other
countries of the world, preceding our
calamitous conditions here ; for in
remote Asia, in South America, in
Europe, even in the Islands of the
Sea, before the hard times came to
us they had spread over those great
portions of the earth. It was impossi
ble that this great country of ours,
with one thousand five hundred mill,
ions of commerce with other countries,
should escape the cyclonic movement
of that great disaster. We have from
seven to nine hundred million of
exports and about an equal amount
of imports annuallv. showing the
intimate relations we occupy in trade
and commerce with other countries oj
the world. Therefore, it was inevitable
that hard times should come to these
United States and that our people
should feel them severely. Over pi 0
duction in certain channels of enter
prise and business in our own country
had accumulated objects of trade
and commerce that no longer could
find foreign markets. To illustrate,
wheat from Chicago and other parts
of our country could no longer go
abroad in large volume and bring to
us returns. Wheat, as you all know,
has fallen even below sixty cents a
bushel, because the channels of for
eign trade were closed to it. Foreign
countries could no longer receive and
disburse the results of our farming in
dustries in the great valley of the
Mississippi or anywhere else where
cereals were produced.
' There was another cause for the
hard times, and one of much impor.
tance, and that was the unwise policy
of our own Government, especially in
the two sessions of the 51st Congress,
when Mr. Thomas B. Reed presided
over the House of Representatives,
when there was a large Republican
majority in the Senate, and when the
same party held the office of President
of the United States. It is not for
me now, because I desire to speak
upon other matters, to go over the
history of that Congress and of that
administration and point out to you
what I consider to be their misdeeds,
the unwise measures which they adopt
ed, the headstrong and heedless
measures that were enacted into laws,
the effects of which yet remain to us
and constitute a considerable element
in the paralysis of industry, trade and
business which we yet feel in all our
borders and in all our homes. Even
that measure on which they most
pride themselves as a patty, in praise
of which their leaders yet speak and
write with vehemence, which cut off
sixty millions of revenue from one
article alone the duty upon sugar.
They also expended and scattered the
sixty millions of dollars left in the
treasury by the first administration of
President Cleveland. They laid violent
hands upon the fifty-four millions of
reserved money in the treasury, placed
there by law to sustain the credit of
the Government paper in all its forms.
They and the Democratic members
of the House passed no additional
pension act, which providej for ex
pending some forty or fifty millions
more a year upon a benevolent and
generous policy with reference to our
soldiers in the war j but the responsi
ble majority in Congress did not pro
vide the necessary means for paying
the increased amount thus charged
upon the treasury, along with other
appropriations, and for that I arraign
them.
In order to retain political power in
the silver states of the west they pass
ed the Sherman silver bill, requiring
the Secretary o! the Treasury to buy
over nity minions 01 silver ever)- year,
which the Government did not need
and which the people would not take
They proceeded in the McKinley act
upon which they pride themselves, to
vote large sums of money to those
people who would grow sugar cane in
Louisiana and beets and sorghum
Kansas and California putting their
nanus upon the public moneys con
fided to their care as trust funds, and
mane uonauons inereirom to men
1 - 1 - . .1 r
engaged in particular branches
industry south and west. The amount
for the year ending last July was
about twelve millions of dollars, and
for the present year, based upon ap
plications made to the treasury.
amounts to about sixteen millions of
dollars, and for the next year an es
timated amount of twenty millions or
more, bo they imposed on us, In the
form of gifts to favorite interests, the
expenditure of from twelve to twenty
million dollars per annum.
1 might go on with other points,
but I refrain. What was the practical
result f When President Clevelanc
tame mio power ine 1 reasury was
substantially unable to pay its debts,
Decause appropriations had been with
held for want of funds. The hard
times were inflamed by these unwise
and protitless measures to which
f f m . . .
nave referred, and which struck at
public credit and impaired it. Gov
ernment credit, if not the foundation,
is ine mainstay ot corporate and in
dividual credits in this country as in
others. If the Government is weak
and feeble in its finances, it is waste
ful and profligate in its outlays, unwise
in its legislation, all trade and monev
fnterests suffer, as naturally as eftect
lonows cause in any other case which
uc mentioned, uia not we see
our Government four per cent, loans
fall from 121 to 109 within a short
time, the principal falling to an
amount equal to three years interest
upon these loans? Of course other
commercial transactions sympathize
with the downward movement of
trade in public securities.
l pause, because this narrative of
mismanagement, with the evil results
to our people might occupy the whole
evening in ine narration. I will as
: -1 . ...
sume, tnereiore, that the hard times
were partly caused by our relations to
other countries because they could not
buy from us the usual amount 1 that
over-production had been going on in
our own country, and vast quantities
01 produce and articles of trade and
commerce remained unsold and prices
icii, anu wuustriai and manufacturing
establishments, in all their branches.
were paralyzed, throwing men out of
employment and those who remained,
working at reduced wages, and we had
10 contemplate strikes and popular
disturbances. For all this, beyond all
honest denial in the judgment of any
fair-minded man, no matter what may
be his affiliations politically or socially,
the Democracy of the United States
was in no way responsible.
Now what are they responsible for
in this connection ? If for anything
they are responsible through their
president and congress for what they
have done in reference to hard times,
to alleviate them and to improve the
condition of our people, Have they
performed the duty expressed by Mil
ton in his versification of one of the
psalms" To raise the man in deep
distress by just and equal laws." Now
what have they done ? Some people
over-estimate the powers of govern
ment for good. They think the gov
ernment can do almost any thing to
make everybody rich and happy. Un
fortunately this is not so. What of
ficials can do for the benefit of the
people over whom they arc placed is
comparatively limited. Take that
thought with you, turn it over in your
mind and you will see how true it'is.
The main source of prosperity of
the American people consist in their
ability to act for themselves. They
are a free people. They have not
only well developed physical powers,
but their intellects have been cultiva
ted by experience and by education.
They ate a people who act in the
main for themselves, and the young
man who goes out from the paternal
roof seeks some employment in which
r.e can increase and amass property
and come in possession of the good
things of the community in which he
lives. He enters upon a trade, a call
ing, a business ; he puts his hand to
ine plow, to machinery in the manu
facturc of useful products; he goes out
to do something useful and to act for
the benefit of others as well as himself.
It is this characteristic or self help
which makes us great beyond all other
people on the race of the earth and
our future promising and lrlorions.
Whenever the American people cease
to depend upon their personal effort,
their thrift and their enterprise, and to
100K to the Government like the
Coxeyite for support, then has begun
for us a period of degeneracy and de
cay. But, I return to my main thought,
from which this is a digression. What
has the Democratic party through its
President and Congress done with
reference to the hard times ? Let us
see. In the first place in order to re
store governmental credit, which was
deeply shaken, to restore confidence
which had almost ceased to exist, Con
gress was called together to repeal the
foolish and dangerous- I had almost
said, the absurd Sherman Silver Pur
chasing Act. After months of effort
in Congress that bad law was repealed.
In this our party fulfilled one of the
pledges of its platform, made when
Cleveland was nominated, and that
was that we would maintain the parity
of silver with gold. There should not
be two kinds of dollars in this country,
the one for the laboring man, worth
fifty or sixty cents, and another for the
rich man, worth one hundred cents.
Our government kept the pledge which
our party had made by repealing that
act and restoring public credit and
confidence 111 the money of the coun
try ; not only its money, which means
gold and silver only, but its currency,
which means what :s improperly called
paper money or securities. The lead
ing men of the Republican party in
both Houses of Congress were com
pelled to vote with us on that measure
and did so. Even John Sherman, the
author of the act which was struck at,
voted for its repeal.
What next ? The cold reserve of
one hundred millions was impaired be-
lore Mr. Harrison had retired ; a re
serve which it was judged by Congress
necessary to keep on hand to support
the enormous mass of paper currency
which the government issued and for
which it was responsible. That re
serve was impaired to the extent, I
think, of eight or ten millions before
President Harrison retired. The pro
cess of drainage upon that sacred re
serve was kept up until it dropped
down to about seventy millions. Spec
uiation began ami the cold was drain
ed out of the different treasury deposi
tories. What was done? Mr. Car
lisle, the Secretary of the Treasury,
Douiiy and Honestly, but in strict con
formity with existing law. made a i'old
loan of fifty millions of dollars, nego
tiating it at a very lavoraule rate so
that it did not cost quite three per
cent. 1 hus was the gold in the treas
ury replenished and the solidity of our
credit carried iorward until we could
emerge from the condition in which
we were.
I pass by other matters of economy
in the administration of the affairs of
government, in which Mr. Cleveland
and his secretaries have restricted gov
ernment outlay without impairing Gov
ernmental efficiency, and I now come
to the main measure with which our
party lias confronted the hard times
and by which they have kept their
pledge to the people substantially, if
not wholly, given when Mr. Cleveland
was nominated, that we would reform
the tariff laws of the United States.
hear men complain that the new
revenue measure was not acted unon
and passed in due time, and conse
quently they blame those concerned
in its passage with delay. The Mills
bill, a similar measure, covering the
whole field of duties upon imports.
was under consideration in the qoth
Congress until the 21 day of October
tollowing the December when Con
gress met, and then was not even
voted upon in the Senate and failed of
enactment. The McKinley bill was
not passed until the end of September,
1890, although the party which passed
it had both Houses of Congress by
decided majorities, as well as the
President, and were not embarrassed
by a close vote in either the Senate or
House m its enactment. The present
law was enacted by the present Con
gress early in August, nearly two
months earlier than the McKinley bill
was passed by the Republican Con
gress four years ago. It therefore does
not lie in the mouth of the party op
posed to us to complain of time lost.
Our party through its representatives
n Congress, was two months speedier
than they were when in power, in the
enactment of a general tariff measure.
But I will pass all these things which
lie on the outside of the main matter
upon which I propose to speak to you
to night. I dislike very rruch some
speeches made in political contests.
Speeches that consist of vituperation
of men who may differ from us in
opinion. Speeches which in the ab
sence of sound ideas and sound reas
oning consist of abusive expressions
and slang, without enlmhtenins the
people, and yet excite in them pas-
sions ot hatred towards their fellow
citizens. I prefer speaking to the
merits of measures and discussing
them, if possible, with clearness and
ustice. If in proceeding in this mat
ter I or my party stand condemned.
be it so. Mr. Jefferson said all errors
should 4e brought to the bar of reas
on for trial and judgment, and just
so it is with these government meas
ures wnicn irom lime to time arise
for the consideration of the free and
independent voters of these United
States.
inow what is this great revenue
measure, covering almost the whole
field of government income, which
Congress has enacted ? I will endeav
-1 . at
or 10 (icscrioe it and be as Driel as
possible, and with the doing of this
my main object this evening will bi
accomiihshed.
In the first place, this new law, call
cd the Wilson bill named from the
Chairman of the Wavs and Means
Committee of the House who oriein
ally teported it, relieves from taxation
altogether, or reduces greatly, the
several articles in the tariff schedules
which constitute the tood and cloth
ing, shelter and fuel of our people
in brief, the necessaries of life. t
powerful hand has been reached out
to the aid of our people, and burdens
are to be lifted from their shoulders.
and the good and necessary things of
mis worui, wnicn must be had by all
our people to continue life, health and
comloit, are to be cheapened and
placed within the reach of all. To
those things the hand of the govern
nient has been reached out benevo
lently and wisely, and in my judgment
we are this night better off than we
were a year ago in the matter of taxa
tion upon the necessaries of life to
which I have referred. The McKin
ey act of 1890 taxed many things
which were free before, articles of
food and clothing never thought of by
me taxing power until that measure
was passed. Jiesides, some that were
taxed before had the burden increas
cu. iiieytaxeo potatoes ae cents a
-.1 ni
bushel. Now, let me illustrate how
that worked. The next season after
the passage of that bill the potato
ought swept over northern New York;
The farmers there could not raise po
tatoes tor their own consumption,
and they were obliged to go over the
Canadian border to get sound pota
toes, wnere me potato blight had not
prevailed. They had also to go over
mere to get sound tubers lor planting
meir own land lor tne ensuing year,
They were met with this 25 cents Mo
Kinley tax on potatoes. To this may
be added, say, 10 cents a bushel for
transportation and charges, making a
tax of 35 cents. So potatoes that
might otherwise be bought for 45
cents a bushel would cost 80. That
did not mean additional cost to the
farmer alone ; it meant that much ad
ditional added to each bushel of pota
toes that any citizen used as food in
his home.
Now, off in Atlantic Ocean, 800
miles south of New York, arc located
tiie Uermuda Islands. They are
washed along all their shores by the
warm waters of the Gulf Stream, so
they have an early summer, and in
February or March the potatoes
grown in the Bermudas may be found
in; the great hotels of Boston, New
York, Philadelphia and Baltimore,
and so on until June when our own
new crop comes into use. The im
portation of Bermuda potatoes, there
fore, would be a good thing to all our
people who chose to have new pota
toes before our severe climate permits
their production, but in order to ob
tain them we must pay about 35 cents
a bushel, a tax of 25 cents imposed
by the government and the 10 cents
as merchant's charges thereon. The
rich hotels, that have business men
for customers, who can afford to pay
three or four dollars a day, serve them
to their guests as a luxury, while the
great mass of the people cannot afford
to buy. those potatoes at 80 or 90
cents a bushel, and perhaps more.
What good does this law do to any
body ? I have shown you two cases
in which its evil effects are perfectly
apparent and its unwisdom manifest,
but the McKinley tariff act smote
that innocent and useful article of
food with a heavy hand.
Again, in our great cities, in our
manufacturing districts, and in our
mining regions, a bountiful supply of
eggs is a good thing, and they ought
to be had cheaply. When the McKin
ley act was being enacted it was found
that eggs by the million were being
brought into the United States and
distributed in those places of dense
population. They were not supplied
in our own country because thines
more profitable could be produced
here. That act taxed them 5 cents
a dozen. You can easily see what
that means to a man with a family of
four or five perso'ns who uses eggs
freely during the year. He is com
pelled to pay tL tax to our govern
ment which to him is considerable.
although to the millionaire it would
be nothing. That act even taxed
cabbage heads three cents --each, and
were I disposed to joke I would say
that the men who made that law were
cabbage heads themselves.
But I will not weary you with de
tails. This new law abolishes many
of the taxes upon food, and reduces
most of the remainder, and brings
them within more moderate limita
tions, and perhaps it ought to have
gone farther in that direction. So far
as it has gone it is a righteous law
and one of wholesome operation to
wards the great mass of our people.
Now what is the second feature of
this new law ? It reduces very heavi
ly the taxes upon clothing, especially
upon woolens, which are the ordinary
kinds of fabric from which clothing is
made. If you will follow that law
through all the schedules which relate
to or are connected with articles of
clothing, you will be astonished at
the amount of relief which the law
extends to the American people. It is
impossible for you at a hasty glance
to compare the old specific duties with
the new advalorem duties. You must
have the treasury estimates for
scries of years in order to make the
comparison. But I will venture to
say, speaking within bounds, that the
clothing taxes are reduced fully one-
third under the new law, and some
crudes of goods reduced more than
one-half. This was rendered possible
from two causes : First, by the repeal
of tax upon wool and other raw pro
ducts which enter into manufacturing,
and, secondly, by the imposition of
two taxes which were new at the
time when this recent law was enact
ed, taxes of which I will speak pre
sently.
I pass now to the third c haracter
istic of the new law, and that is the
release in whole or in part of the raw
material used by manufacturing indus
tries from Governmental tax. The
tax on iron ore is reduced from 7S to
40 cents per ton s upon bituminous
coal from 7 s to 40 cents per ton.
There is no tax upon anthracite coal
and has not been. Of course tanlT
reformers insist that bituminous coal
should be on the same looting as
anthracite ; that it should not be tax
ed at all because it is necessary to
manufacturing industries and may be
classed as raw material, although con
sumed in the using.
By the release of the tax upon wool
an enormous change in American
industries will doubtless be produced
woolen establishments, that some
years ago failed in all parts of the
country in large numbers, may be
restored to activity, and those still in
existence, notwithstanding the diffi
culties they have encountered, will be
enabled to extend their business, and
new establishments will be erected
and carried on among us. The result
will be the employment of large
niTmbers of men. Even our own wool
growers, who produce wool in the
west, especially where they can graze
their sheep upon government land,
will find the price of their wool in
creased, because this new law has ex
tricated us from the restrictive sys
tem which before hampered thede-
velopement of our manufacturing
establishments. The price of wool is
now going up in consequence of the
passage of this law. Owing to increased
business in the woolen industry I sup
pose it will be reasonable to say that
the price of wool to the American
wool growers has gone up from 20 to
30 per cent. Those of you who have
paid attention to statistics know, per
haps, better than I how that fact may
be. It is better for the wool men of
our own country that this new law
has been passed making wool free, so
that their wool can be mixed with
foreign wool in the manufacture of
various grades of goods.
So it is with the makers of iron.
For many years Eastern iron men
have required foreign ores to mix
with their native ores in order to carry
on their business. Just so it will be
with the wool growers of the west and
wherever wool can be produced in
this country. The great difficulty met
with in growing wool in this country.
as I pointed out on a former occasion,
indicated by a single word, and
that word is "winter," A farmer
amongst us has to feed his flock five,
six or seven months in the year, sim
ply to continue its existence over the
winter. To do this he has to grow up
on his farm large amounts of food
which is consumed in the winter. He
cannot, therefore, count upon being
able to produce wool in competition
with such countries as South America,
t-ape ot 000a Hope, Australia and so
on. I will finally say with regard to
this matter of wool, of which we have
heard a great deal, that if no other
results come to us except the freeing
of wool for the manufacturing indus
tries, and lowering of the tax of wool
en and worsted goods, the one thing
going with the other, we have received
rich reward for all the trouble, all
the expense and annoyance of tariff
agitation for last ten or twelve years,
or since Mr. Cleveland's celebrated
message in his first administration, in
which he raised this issue for the de
cision of the American people.
I pass on to speak of another promi-
nent feature of the new law. namelv.
the income tax upon wealthy persons
and wealthy estates. Why should not
Incomes be taxed reasonably ? I mean
incomes which amount to over four
thousand dollars a year. The new law
taxes the excess a per cent. If a man
as an income of five thousand a vear
above the limit fixed bv the law hi.;
tax is one hundred dollars, and if an
income of ten thousand a year above
mc umu it is only two hundred, and
so on. Upon what eround is this ta
mposed? Why, because the great
properties require extraordinary pro
tection from the government, much
more than the smaller estates or pro
perties held by the mass of people.
The government needs the thirty mill
ions that will come from the income
tax. It needs it in order that it mav
ighten the burdens of the laborim?
man of the United States in his food
and clothing, as I have been describing
.. i neeus mat money in order that
lie treasury, depleted bv the unwise
egislation of the cist Congress, sha'l
be restored and the government's
credit maintained. There is iioihin.r
unjust or unreasonable in its
llllpo.
sition.
I come next to suar. When Die
heavy hand of the McKinley bill was
laid upon numerous new articles of
taxation, and the old taxes in many
cases increased, it was seen that great
complaint would be made throughout
the country against that law and it
was to be sweetened to the public
taste by what ? By abolishing all taxes
upon raw sugar undet sixteen Dutch
standard, which by the way the people
do not buy at all except in small quan
tities, but the great mass of which is
bought by the sugar refineries. There
lay the juggle. Of course it would
enable the sugar refiners in a small
degree to cheapen the price of refined
sugar, that reduction, however, being
traceable to several other causes which
I have not time now to discuss.
Among other causes for the enormous
cheapening in the price of sugar was
improved machinery in its mannfac.
ture ; improved modes of cultivation
of the sugar cane, sorghum and the
beet. Labor w.u better organized in
the South after a lapse of time than it
was at the close of the war. Under
our trade relations with the Hawaiian
Islands we got our sugar from those
islands without tax. Large tracts of
land in our country that had not been
devoted to the raising of sugar were
brought under cultivation for that pur.
pose. In other countries the amount
of sugar raised was cnormonsly m
creased and all these causes contribu.
ted to the cheapening of sugar. It
was not the McKinley act that" drove
down the price of granulated sugar
from 9 or 10 to s or 6 cents.
I repeat that the raw sugars which
the McKinley bill made free were all
under 16 Dutch standard, and the
great bulk of it goes to the sugar re
fineries for the purpose of being refin
ed. It made their material free to
them although other raw materials
used by our manufacturing industries
were heavily taxed by th same law.
What else did that McKinley bill do?
It gave sugar refiners a duty of half a
cent a pound upon imported refined
sugar. Then it gave a differential
duty of one-tenth of a cent upon re
fined sugars imported from countries
where refined sugars were taxed higln r
from raw sugar. In order to execute
this purpose of favoring the sugar
trust, which was the undoubted object
of these provisions I have described,
without utterly destroying the planters
of Louisiana by the sudden and vio
lent change, and the sorghum and the
Deet growers in the other States I have
referred to, they concluded to make a
gift to them of from twelve to twenty
million of dollars a vear in the three
of four years from the passage of the
law.
Now let us see what the new law
does. It imposes a tax of 40 per cent,
upon raw sugar below 16 Dutch stand
ard. Most of that is bought by the
sugar refiners and not by the people.
It reduced the tax on refined sugars
which the people buy to one-fourth of
what it was before, that is, instiad of
a duty of half a cent a pound it re
duced it to one-eighth of a cent. The
sugar bounties are entirely swept away.
No more, gilts from the treasury of the
United States to citizens in a particu
lar pursuit.
I have however to express an opin
ion, which is that within a few years,
when it is found that the new law will
procure abundant revenue for the gov- ,
ernment and I do not doubt it will
that certain duties can be taken off
and the duty upon sugar reduced from
40 per cent, to 20 or 25, about one
half of what it now is. I would then,
as has been proposed by the House
of Representatives, take off the tax
upon iron ore, upon soft coal and upon
the farmers barbed wire. He must
have barbed wire for fencing, as the
wooden fences of former times are
not available for him. He has a hard
enough time to carry on his farm under
the depreciation of farm products ami
tne decreased price of farm land.
Now, without wearviner vou any
further I will sum up by saying that I
have gone over every prominent feat
ure ot the new law with the single ex-
ception of the administrative provis
ions : those provisions which re ate to
the manner in which duties shall be
collected, paid into the treasury and
so on, which do not relate to the prin
ciples of the measure. As compared
with the former law is it not a most
wise, most beneficient, most just ami
righteous enactment ? It was passed,
as I have already ,said much earlier
than the Republicans were enabled to
pass their law, and after it was passed
it is a much better measure than than
the one they enacted. That seems to
be the difference between the two.
I believe the hard times and the
changes in our revenue system are the
two topics about which the people are
at present principally concerned. I
have spoken upon both of them, giv
ing expression to such ideas as occurr
ed to me, but most sincerely, I believe
in everything which I have said, not
in order to make votes, but because it
is rny sincere opinion and you are en
titled to know what those opinions
are. If vou concur with me in the
niain in this view on these two ercat
subjects, hard times and our amended
revenue system, support the candidates
of our party at this time, including
among the others the Democratic
candidate for Congress in your own
congressional district. (Applause.)