The Columbian. (Bloomsburg, Pa.) 1866-1910, March 01, 1867, Image 1

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VOL. I.-NO. n.
POETRY.
SLANG.
I wns courting a lionutlful girl, one nlnlit,
Whom I worshipped ns nlmost tllvlue,
Anil longed to lienr breathed ttio sweet lltllo word
That told mo alio would lio mine)
I wo praising tlio wenlth of her chestnut lmlr,
And her ojres of mntchleu lilup,
When (lie lnlil her denr check on my shoulder
and said I
"Hurrahl Hint's bully foryoul"
J started In terror, but mnnnged to keep
From showing; my lntenso surprise.
And pressed my lips lightly on brow nnd on check,
And then on her meekly-closed eyes,
X told her my love wns ns deep as tho son,
(As I felt her heart go pltty-patter,)
I would worship her always lfsho would he mine,
And she whispered! "Oil! that's what's tho
matter I"
I told her her cheek would tho row put to shame,
Her teeth tho famed Orient pearl,
And the ocean's rich coral could never comparo
Willi tho lips of my IkiuiIIiuI girl ,
That her voice was like music that mines to the
car,
tn tho night-time and sweet wns her smllo
A that of an nngel, nnd softly sho breathed ;
"Ou thut, you can Just bet your pile !'
In tho lmsli of tho starlight I still whispered on,
And pressed her more close to my breast;
Talked swetfrer than Homco, dearer than Claude,
And told her how true love wn4 blost:
Of bliss In n cottage, of flowers and birds,
(Though I felt some times strange out of Joint.)
When sho looked, with a smile, and daintily Us-d
In my car: " I can't quite ecu the point I"
I pressed her more closely, I talked still more
sweet.
Called tho stars to look down on our love,
Made love rhyme to dove, nnd my kiss rhymo to
bliss,
And vowed by tho heavens above,
I'd Inconstant and true If she'd only bo mine.
Pressed her Hps and caressed her bro-vn locks
When sco answered me back, with a rich, saucy
laugh;
"Look'er here; ain't ycr after tho rocks 1"
POLITICAL.
UK91AUKS OF
HON. THOMAS OHALFANT,
jfEMDmi FltOM MONTOUR COUNTY
In the House of Jlepretentattees, Wed-
netuay ajlernoon, January UUM, 18U7,
on Senate bill Xo. !J, entitled Joint res
olution to ralW the fourteenth article
of the Constitution of the United
Slates.
Mr. CHALFANT. Mr. Speaker, tlio
first ami second suctions of the nnicml
ment to the Constitution of tho United
States, now presented for our consider
ntlon and approval or rejection, have
been so thoroughly and amy discussed
by gentlemen on this side of tho House
that It would bo superfluous in nio to
attempt to add anything to what has
already been advanced. I fully concur
with thoso who have addressed tho
House in opposition to tho adoption of
the proposetl amendments in all they
have said of tho evils and dangers which
must result to us as a nation, as well as
the several States of which tho nation
is composed, from tho adoption of the
ilrst anil second sections of tho amend
ment. Tho right of citizenship, which
tho first of these proposes to confer on
nil the inhabitants of tills country, ex
cept two classes, viz: Indians not taxed
and persons of foreign birth not natur
alized, would, of itself, perhapsj bo
harmless, wero It not for home ol the
incidents connected, or that almost nec
essarily result therefrom. It Is very
evident, from the second section, tfiat
tho first is designed only as the basis for
the rearing of the structure of univer
sal sutfrage, which this second section
proposes to confer upon all without re
spect to color or nationality. The dan
gers which must result from tho pro
posed degradation of the ballot-box,
bliould bo apparent to even tho least
dlscrimlnatliiEr: and If they cannot, af
ter tho expositions that have been niailo
seo these dangers. I should havo but lit
tic hopo of being able to furnish them
any additional light. I may say to
them, however, that what they propose
is not an experiment, winch can u
tried, and if not found to work well,
abandoned, Rights, privileges and
immunities, once conferred by the-Government
on a class hitherto not permit
ted to participate in its administration,
win never uo surrendered again to tne
former "ruling class." Tho tendency
of tho peoplo of all freo governments
nas always been nrsttowarasan enlarge
ment of the urea of freedom, and exten
sion of the rights nnd immunities of tho
people, a restriction ana limitation ol
tho powers of the Government until
freedom became lawlessness and govern
ment an unmeaning theory ; and tho
result, as nnv ono might havo conll
Uently predicted, has been anarchy, ter
minating In despotism. And I greatly
fear. Mr. Speaker, looking at tho action
of the present dominant nartv. noting
their wild theories uf government, their
utter disregard, as legislators, ot an
tho checks and balances framed by our
Wise forefathers to maintain a proper
equilibrium between tho co-ordluato
branched of the General Government,
that wo aro but following tho same
downward path to our own destruction
.as a free and independent nation.
Thero is, however, ono incongruity
between tho ilrst and second sections,
whleh I will notice. Tho Ilrst section,
after conferring on all inhabitants ex-
eept foreigners unnaturalized, tho rights
of citizenship, prohibits any Stato from
making or enforcing nnv laws whlcl
shall abridgo t'" privileges or immu
nities ot citizens 01 tno united mines.
Tho second section declares that if any
Ktato shall deny to any male Inhabitants
or such stato tno right or voting, or in
amy way abridgo such right, tho -repre-ontatlves
of such Stato shall bo reduced
In tho same proportion. Now. if tho
right of suffrage is ono of the privileges
and Immunities of cltlzonchlp, then by
the first section, no State can constitu
tionally deny or abridgo such right.
Tho 'state right" Is barred bv this
amendment; mid the second section, if
its purpose wero merely to comer tno
right of voting upon all citizens, would
bo useless. Hut tho object of tho second
section reaches further. It provides
that if any Stato shall deny, or in any
way abridgo tliu right of any male in
habitants (not malo citizens, it will bo
observed) to vote for certain State ami
national officers, tho basts of representa
tion In such Stnto shall bo reduced in
llto proportion which tliu number of
such malo citizens (hero you bco tho
word citizen Inserted) shall bear to, tho
wholo number of malo Inhabitants over
tweutv-nno vears of aire. .Now. 1 ask.
whether under this second section tho
thousands of unnaturalized foreigners
residing!!! Pennsylvania, mule Inhabi
tants of said State, but by tho Constitu
tion and laws thereof denied tho right
of suffrage, aro to bo excluded from tho
count in ascertaining tho basis of repre
sentation ? Tlieso persons aro mnlo In
habitants of tho State, nnd the right of
suffrage Is denied them by tho Stnto.
How then, aro they to bo included
nmong those who constitute tho basis of
our representation? If this bo so, tlint
this class must bo excluded, then Penn
sylvania must cither submit to a reduc
tion of her representation in Congress,
or confer upon these unnaturalized male
Inhabitants tho right of suffrage. I
sav Pennsylvania, lint nlhor Mlnto nrn
in mo same condition, but I have in
stanced Pennsylvania because sho is ono
of tho States embracing tho largest for
eign population nnd hence would bo ono
of tho greatest sufferers under this
amendment. California, ton. must rem.
fer 111)011 her Chlnosn nml nthor Aslntle
"malo Inhabitants" this solemn right of
stiurage, orsno win oo iicgrtuietl uy a
diminution of representation. And
Lwhlle- Pennsylvania loses nnd would
sniier u iiioiossor representation, New
Knglund would actually bo the trainer.
as her whole foreign population does
not equal thoso of tho same class In
Pennsylvania. Now, gentlemen of the
radical party in tins liousc, aro you pre
pared, uy your votes on t n s umenu-
ment, to sacriflco tho intcrestsof our no
ble old Commonwealth to still moro ncr-
grandlzo New England, thathnsalrcady
managed, uirougn tno radical party, to
ncquiru such uuuounucd luuucuco in
our national ronndls? Am vmi u-lll.
Ing still to bo tlio hewers of wood and
drawers of water for that section V Have
you no Stato pride no love for your
native State no regard for tho Interests
of her citizens, that you will do this
tiling? I fear not, or you would refrain
irom casting your vote lor tins amend
ment. Hut I have alreadysald moro than I
intended on tbeso two sections.
I como now to tho third section. Hy
this section every person who has here
tofore been a member of Congress or
guy officer of tho United States, mem
her of tho Legislature, or held any oth
cr executivo or judicial olllco In tho
State, and as such taken tho oath to
support tho Constitution of tho United
States, but who subsequently shall havo
engaged in insurrection or rebellion
against tno same, or given aid nnd
comfort to tho enemies thereof, shall be
ineligible to the olllco from Senator or
Representative in Congress, elector ot
President and Vice President, or hold
any office, civil or military, under the
united states or muter any state.
At- tlrst view, a provision in tlio Con
stitutlon. that no person guilty of trea
son against tlio Government shall be
permitted to hold oflleo under tlutt Gov
ernment, would seem not unreasonable
and to make it moro specially unobjec
tionable In appearance, the frnmers of
this section have limited the disiiunlill
cation to such as had beforo been bold
crs of office, and as such had taken a
solemn oath to support tho Constitution
and vet in violation of this oath had
subsequently engaged in insurrection or
rebellion, or given aid and comfort to
tho enemy. Now, surely, no doubt
thought the framers of this amendment
tho moral sense ami patriotism oi every
mm will sustain such a proposition. Hut
Mr. Speaker, l must no permitted to
say, that notwithstanding tno risic i
may incur of being charged with a want
of "loyalty" or a blunted moral sen-o
regard tills third section as the wick
edet and the most dangerous of tlio
whole live which go to make up this
"amendment."
Lot us scrutinize this section n little
more closely.
"First, then, who aro they what class
ofourcltizcns.thnt by thlsscctlonnro ren
dered illegible to to nfllco in tho Stato
or nation? o will observe It Is not
those who havo been legally convicted
of tho crime of treason (or, in the lan
guage of this section, of the crime of
being engaged in insurrection or rebel
lion against tho Government, or of giv
ing aid and comfort to tho enemies
thereof.) No no legal conviction is re
quired ueioro tno uisquaiiiication at
taches. If ho has been guilty, ho is dis
qualified for office, whether ever tried
and convicted of thccrlmo or not. Hut,
you will say, ami say properly, that in
order to make this section of any effect
whatever, the gulltmust ba established.
I grant it. Hut here conies tho difficul
ty. Hero begins the danger. Look
over this section carefully and tell mo
if vou llnd in it anything which re
quires that an individual shall not bo
ineligible 10 oiuco until no mis uvea
tried ami convictod of treason, or of
the crime mentioned in said act, by a
court of competent Jurisdiction. Thero
is nothing of the kind in W. How then
Is the person charged to bo tried? Heforo
what tribunal can ho bo required to
nioet tliu charge of treason or disloyal
tv ? What opportunity is to bo nllbrd-
ed to him to exculpate himself? Sup
pose tun ease ot a member elect to tno
present Congress, or tho ono which will
meet on the fifth of March next. Ho
appears before tlio House with his cer
tlfiratn of election, duly authenticated
and claims his seat; but ns ho is about
to tnko tho oatu, an nonorauio meiuuer
rises in his place, and charges that this
member elect is ineligible under this
section of tho amendment by reason of
his having given nitl and comfort to tho
enemy during the rebellion. Of course
this suspends nil further proceedings
until tho question of guilt or innocenio
shall have been disposed of. Hut what
court, what tribunal shall udjudieato the
eao? You answer, "tlio Jlouso In
which ho claims a seat." I grout you
that each Hou-o of Congress has tliu
right to Judge of mid decldo upon tlio
qualilkiition of its own members. If
it llntls il member ineligible It may re
ject him. Hut if tho disqualification or
ineligibility resuusiroin ii uuu iui mm
he is amenable to law, should not the
Iouso require trial aim convicuou in u
proper court beloro it proceeds 10 uecmu.
islt.posslblo that tho framers or this
ameiuiinent Intended to transform this
legislative body Into n criminal conn,
for tho trial of its uieuibors on criminal
charges, for criui".s committed years be
foro their election, and for which they
ivm-o nnd urn sllll nmenablo to the
laws of tho land ? A body eonipo-edof
individuals elected from every sect on
or district from every Stato in the L nion
and who represent not only tho inter
ests and Judgment or those by whom
they wero ekvteil, but their passions
and prejudices aNo. Stipposo that the
individual elected and claiming n seat
should comu from ono of tho States for
merly in rebellion, or from ono ot the,
I lemocratle non-rebelllng States. hat
think vou would bohischancuibratrlal,
a fair ami iiiipattlaltrlal.suclitisthot on
dilution and the laws of hlscoiintry glvu
him a right to demand, on n clmrgo of
giving uii-l and comfort to tlio eueniy,
BLOOMSBTJRG, PA., FRIDAY,
beforo tho present Congrcsa, or so far as
wo canjndgo from present indications
of whnt its character will be. tho House
which is to meet on tlio coming fifth of
.uarcur iu very mem ocr or that body
during the trial of tho catiso acts In tho
capacity of njudgo nnd juror, nnd yet
ii. is u notorious lacunat too majority
who control its action, havo prejudged
tho case, and pronounced Hcntenrn of
eviction beforo tho first witness was
examined. Do you say my allegation
is too strong? Js it not n Innttcrof fact
Known to every body, that ovcry promi
nent Democrat, every Dnnincrntln c-nn-
dldato for office especially, for the last
nvo or bix years litis- been publicly
charged with having given nitl nnd
comfort to tho rebels? Is this not truo
With regnrd to every prominent Demo
crat In this Stnto yes, in every State?
la it nut true wiiu respect to tno uenio-
crntie party as a whole, that they havo
been thus charged, and that tho moro
lromincnt members ol that party have
icon hunted and hounded bv tho Hndl-
cals? Is It not truo that tho same, char
ges havo been made, and persisted in
for the ln.t, fl vn vn.-irM bv tlwi vnru nion
who now constitute tho majority, the
controlling power in Congress?' Have
tliev lint iiinn nirpr rinin. nnipin iv nmi
unofficially, denounced the Presltlent of
tne united States, members or tlio cab
lnetjtheir fellow-members of tho House,
as guilty or tlio crime or treason, nml
especially of giving aid and comfort to
tno rebellion?
With somo of them, to havo voted for
John C. Hreckinrldgo In 1800, is conclu
sive evidence of tho guilt of treason.
witu otners, to navo voted lor ucneral
McClellan, was giving aid nnd comfort
to tno rebels, utners, again, pronoun
ced the verdict of "guilty" against every
Democrat who dared to question tho
constitutionality or tho propriety of any
oi tno war measures oi Lincoln's admin
istration. Lincoln was the Government
and to oppose him, was to oppose tho
Government ergo treason, Nay, these
samo men later denounce every man
who sustains tho reconstruction policy
of President Johnson, or dissents from
oven tho most radical measures of tho
present Congress, as guilty of cncotir-
nging treason and inciting a new rebel
lion, i-our years ago, sewaril was ono
of tho chief priests of these loyalists
and tho tinkle of his little bell eouh
consign any unfortunate Democrat to
tneouugeonsoi a military prison, aow
in tliejudginent of this Congress, Sew
nrd is a traitor. Seward is encouraging
Southern opposition to tlioUovernment
Seward is inciting another rebellion be
cause no stands by tlio i'resident whom
lie nnd they elected, in his cflorts to
restoro tno unity ot tno stntes.
Now, sir, I nsk you I usk every mem
ber of this House, 1 nsk tho freemen of
Pennsylvania, what chance would tiny
State, Nortn or soutn, nave lorn la!
and Impartial trial on n charge of giv
ing aid and conilort to the rebels duiin
the war, before such a body as the pres
cut Congress ? A body whoso proceed
ing.s in tlio Investigation would bo gov
crned by none of the established rules
of evidenco as to tlio competency or
credibility of the witnesses or tho relev
ancy of tho facts proposed to be given in
evidence. A body that (Iocs not recog
nize itself as bound by any established
precedents or controlled by tno law as
expounded by the Supremo Court of tho
United States. Why, sir, do yon sttp
poso that the framers of this amend
ment or its advocates here, would dare
go before tho peoplo of Pennsylvania
nnd seriously propose that any, even the
humblest individual, charged only with
tlio crime of assault and battery, should
bo compelled to go to trial before such a
court a court, every member of which
had pronounced him guilty beforo bis
case was called? Ao, sir. in such cao
an net for a change of venue would bu
applied for and pa-sed. Yet such is the
court beforo which, under this section,
a member elect to Congress must answer
to the grave charge ot treason. 1 repeat,
then, that the House could only fairly
try tho charge and declarotheappllcant
ineligible upon tho proper evidence of
his having been tried nnd convicted of
the crimo in a court of competent Juris
diction. Hut if it be still insisted upon
that the House might try a member
elect on this charge, nnd reject him on
any evidenco they deem sufficient, then
I reply that they can do this without
tins ameiuiinent. i ney can no it under
tho Constitution as It Is or over tho Con
stitution as It is. They have done it again
and again within the last six years.
Hut suppose that instead of a member
of Congress it Is an elector of President
and Vlco President, wlioso eligibility is
questioned under this section, what
court, what tribunal shall try tho case
Shall tho electoral college bo constituted
i criminal court to try ono or twenty of
its members on tlio chiirgo of having
' given aid or comfort to tho enemy dur-
nig tho rebellion ? supposo tliu result
of election for President and Vice Pres
ident depended on tho admission or re
lection of any one member, what would
ho tliu chance in that body for u fair
trial? Suppose, ngain, that tho Po-t
master General should appoint a Post
master at some cross road in tho back
townships of Hradford county, and his
predecessor, unwilling to givo up tho
post of honor and prollt, should nllcgo
that tho nppolnteo had been giving nitl
nml comfort to tho enemy perhaps
charge mm with being engaged in mat
torriblo conspiracy of l-'ishlngcreek.
where General Cadwallader and his
bravo army won such unfading laurels
in arresting peaceable larniersiorsiinpiy
holding Democratic opinions. What
court or tribunal shall tnko chargo of
this cpso? Who shall determine tho
L'ullt or Innocence? Or suppose that it
is tho ca-o of a justice of tho peace or a
constable in ono of the many townships
of this or somo other state wnoso eligi
bility is denied, nnd who Is declared
disqualified under this section of tho
amendment. Heforo what court shall
he appear or to what power shall he ap
peal for an opportunity to defend hlni
selfagainst thohaso charge, or how com
pel lilsiu-cu.sertoliiuku good tho charge,
1 might go on to multiply cases and
increasing tlio difficulties that would
ari.-e under this section, but enough has
been said to show that tho difficulties in
tho way of rendering It effective are as
numerous ns
tlounl, with!
tho officers. Stato and Na-
u tho limits of tho Union,
Hut. perhaps, some one will niiswerthut
under the filth section of this amend-
meat Congress is authorised to provide,
by appropriate legislation, for enforcing
this amendment. This provision Is
scarcely less objectionable than thesec-
tlnn I imvu been considering. Congress
iirovido bv iipnropiiiito legislation I 1
can conceive ot nothing; unless It bo
somo net authorizing tho appointment
of a "commission" to prescribe qualifi
cations and Investigate tho claims of all
candidates or applicants for nlllce. This
would be one nny. Hut uiewe willing,
acting hero as the representatives of tho
icoplo of u great Stato, to plaeo tlio
igbts. tho Interests, tlio character of
our constituents In tho hands of n"comi
mission," to bo appointed by Congress
nr by nny other branch of tho National
Government? Aro wo willing to subject
even tho humblest nnd most obscuro of
our constituents to bo tried on n grave
hargo ol treason ngainst tno uovern-
ment, befero a "commission," whose
members aro not required to possess nny
of tho qualifications of learning or abil
ity considered so indispensable in u
Judge, but who sit us tliu representa
tive), of n political party? Ouroxpcrl
enco in relation to commissions for tho
trial of crimes is not very satisfactory.
Yet thlsis tlioonl v modo that suggests it
self to my mind. And if this Is to bo
tno mode, tiien wo must navo a com-
mission in each countv. nl least. An ir-
responsblo court, to bo governed by no
ru'ios,to be controlled by no law. A court
without tho power to convict, yet pos
sessed of full power to gratify tlio most
hellish nnd malignant passions. A court
that can with Impunity send forth tho
accused with tho stigma of guilt
indelibly stamped upon his character
and not compelled to furnish him the
means of sclf-vindlcntlon. Think of
tlieo things, gentlemen. To-day you
lludlcals aro tlio dominant party. You
Imagino your hold of power cannot bo
sunKcn. Aim an History provesiuat no
thing is so evanescent as popular favor,
To-day you may, by cunningly devised
, 'J "J , ..f,tT .- in.
schemes, seduce tlio peoplo into main
taining you in power. To-morrow that
samo people, enlightened ns to your dc-
Rhns. limy linrl vim frnm vnnr lirnnd
position anil maic you suppliants at tno
hands of thoso you havo so wronged and
persecuted. Then it would bo tho infer
nal machinery of these amendments. If
adopted and set In motion by you, might
return to piagtio tho inventors, xnen
would come tho tinio when a bottled
Huller might bo called to nceount for
giving niu unti conilort lo tno enemy
lor Having, while military governor ot
rvew uneans. traded supplies to tno re
bel army in exchange for cotton. Then
nn N. P. Hanks, misnamed General
might bo punished for having acted as
commissary general to the rebel army
wiiuoon ins cotton stealing expedition
up Jteu iiiver, in Texas, urn ureeiey
might be tried lor n ding and comlorl
Ing tho rebels in offering to treat wltl
them during tlio rebellion, tit Niagara
Falls, or for being willing to go bail for
too prince ol traitors, Jolt, jwvis
"Curses," then, "like chickens, migh
como homo to roost." It is to save you
froinsomosucli a fatoas this we askyou to
pause In your mad career. You have heen
shown the evil that would ariso from the
third section. Look these matters fair
ly in the face, and then, if you dare, go
homo to your constituents and tell them
that you voted for this nniendincnt
that you voted to place their rights, the!
liberties, their good name, in the hands
ami nt me disposal ot an irre.-ponsibl
committee or commission to boappoiut
ed by Congress. Tell them, further,
mat you so inr lorgot or lost sight o
your sen-respect, your manhood, your
duty ami dignity as a citizen of the Stato
of Pennsylvania as to vote for tho
amendment which empowers the Con
gross oi mo united states to establlsi
an inquisitorial committee to prescrib
the quallllcations of those on whom
State, county and township offices can '
no conierred. and to examine tho candi
dates and applicants touching their llt-
ness lor these olliees, within your own
State. Go homo and tell them that you
have not only degraded the ballot-nox
by permitting tho negro to participate
in your elections, but you have degrad
ed your State by placing it in subser
viency to tho national government in
its most vital local interests.
Hut l come to tho fourth section.
which declares that the validity of the
public tlebt of the United States, nuthor-
z.uu uy law, suau not uo questioned.
It is difficult to conceive why this
clause is Inserted in an amendment to
the Constitution. The validity of tho
debt authorized by law, I take it is un
questionable under tho Constitution and
the laws as they now are, and to say in
nn amendment to the Constitution, that
it shall not bo questioned, is to say that
which has no meaning. To question, in
the sense used here, means of course, to
deny. It is assumed by the language
oi tins section mat tno debts tiro va id
debts, fur It says, "the public debt au-
morizcd uy law." i no constitution, as
It Is, then recognizes tho validity of
inoso debts, mid who can question it?
The only party that cotihl nuentioii or
deny their validity, then, must bo tho
(iovernment. tiio uoveruinent which
contracted, and which, when it con
tracted, gave its bonds or certificates
of indebtedness with tlio express or im
plied promise to pay. now men can
this same Government, without a total
disregard of nil constitutional obliga
tions, deny or question its validity ?
Let mo illustrate, Supposo I borrow
ono thousand dollars of you. Mr. Speak
er, and givo you my bond, solemnly
executed, signed, sealed, and delivered.
specifying tlio time and placo of pay
ment. Anil after you, In good faith, hud
received it, Knowing my nuniiy to pay,
you should turn around and say: "..now
I have your bond for one thousand dol
lars j 1 suppose you Intend to pay It."
And 1 should answer, "Oh, yes, 1 will
never question its validity." Would
you not feel doubly secure by thus hav
ing my promisQ in addition to my bond ?
Hut notwithstanding this "amendment"
supposo at some future day the Govern
ment snouid question mo validity oi
this tlebt and refuse to pay It repuitlnto!
It altogether, as the Stato of Mississippi
once did hers? What then? Where
would bo tho redress for tho bondhold
ers? True, such an act on tho part of
our Government would bo In violation
of this ameiuiinent. Hut if uo such
amendment wero adopted, such a deni
al of tho validity of tlio debt or repudi
ation wonld bo in violation of tho Con
stiiutlou and thu laws as they now
stand. And the latter would bo no moro
easily violated than tho former. Tho
iitiestlou need only to hu asked ; If our
Government should ivfuo to pay tho
public debt should deny Its validity
what then? Whore would bo the reme
dy? To what power would the bund-
holders appeal for redress? If tho debt
were owing to u foreign p
power or per
: sons, perhaps tho refusal to pay might
Justify tin tho eyes of nations) an ap -
' peal to arms; but where tho bonds, or
government securities, aro held by our
own citizens, they would bo without re-
dross. For them to take up arms to en-
forco payment would bo treason. This
Speaker, Is sheer nonsense of uo value sonal hatred ngainst individuals, but If
neither increasing tlio security of tho he considered lti bo necessary to carry
credltoruorstreiigthenliigthoobllgathm out his fanatical schemes thututhou
of tho debtor, it van only bo looked sand priests must bo sent to the gulllo-
uiioii as a sugar coaling, nun a very
truusjiuieiit coat at that, applied to In
MARCH 1, 1867.
duce tlio Patient (tho public) to swal
low tlio wholo batch.
Mr. Speaker, tho latter clause of this
samo section, which prohibits tho Uni
ted mates, or any omcr state, irom pay
ing or assuming tlio rebel debt, needs
nut lew words ot comment. Tlio idea
that tho Government of tho United
States would asunio to pay that debt,
or nny part oi it, is too preposterous to
admit of serious consideration. The net
which is hero prohibited will never tako
piaco until mo uovernmunt, in uu its
departments, icgisiative.cxecutivo. nnd
Judicial, shall havo becoino ns corrupt
and regardless of constitutional obliga
tions mid limitations as ono of tlicm, tho
present congress, now is. Aim wnen
that timo arrives tho people, who will
uo burmcnod wiuiino taxation required
to nay thoso rebel debts, if tlio Govern
ment nssumcs them, will nppeal, but ap
peal In vnln. to this section of tho
nniendincnt for relief from their bur
dens. Thov may invoko tho Constitu
tion for protection, ns tho people havo
inlit;, tuui tliu (lump; Willl, Ullt lliu luu-
stitution cm afford them no shield.
I cannot regnrd this fourth section In
nny other light than ns something which
can do no harm, and which will servo
to draw tlio public cyo from tho (to the
party in power) important sections of
the nincndmciit.
Mr. Speaker, you may havo witnessed
tho performances of tho famous magi
cian who lately held forth in ono of tho
public nans ol ihiscity,nnduyou have,
you no doubt wero entertained and
nmused nt tho adroitness with which ho
nianged to fix your attention at ono
point, whilo ono of his magical tricks
was to bo played at another, nnd tlio mo
ment your ntlentiou was withdrawn
you stootl amazed at the wonderful feat
tnnt nnd been performed beroro your
oyes without your being nblo to sco it.
o witu mcse ltatucai penormers. uy
their slelglil-of-hand they seek to hum
bug tho public. They fix their atten
tion for the timo being upon ono point,
with regard to which they feel no inter
est, and while it isso fixed they perform
ineir incK. xney secure mo voieor tno
sanction ol the Pt-onlo to a nieasiiro
which had never received their consid
eration. Hut soon, very soon, tho atten
tion will bo withdrawn, and then nn
amazed and astonished peoplo will not
oniy iook witu nstoiiisiiinent, but with
mortification, upon the scenes which
have boon onnrtoil linfnrnflmlrnvfwi. von.
in wmcn iney nave been unconscious
actors.
Mr. Speaker. I might close here, were
it not that during the progress of t ie de
bate, the gentlemen on the other side of
tne Lhaiuoor have seen lit to indulge In
much abuse of the Democratic imrtv.
They have applied to its members eve
ry epithet from "Copperhead" to "trai-
ior,-- ami inrowu uiu taunt mat many
of thoso who went into tho rebellion
formerly belonged to that nartv. And
admitting this, it only proves that these
men ion us becatiso mey loiind no sym
pathy with their secession doctrines,
the Democracy being always inflevllilv
in favor of tho perpetuity of the Union
of tho States and tho maintenance of
tho Constitution. They wero not the
first schismatics who had left us. Thou
sands now who give tone nnd direction
to the Uudieul party had done the same
thing. Uneasy, ambitious spirits, who
would sooner "reign in hell than servo
in Heaven." They, like tiie Southern
rebels, left us because thov could not in-
iuiiuuue ineir wicKCd uociinies lino tne
Democratic creed, and niako our grand
old party subservient to their designs to
destroy notii thu Union and thoCoirtti
tution. They left us to wander after
strange gods. Instead of following
ineir eany teachings, in tho sate and
tried pant oi principles .laid down bv
mo illustrious lounticr ot our party
Jellerson. they went out after Wendell
Philips, tho destructlonist. from whoso
uiiiiu n.is sprung every dogma oi t no
Hndieul party. Ho gave it its light, its
being, organized it nnd breathed Into
that organization his own fanatic spirit
.Alongside oi nun stcvens, Lincoln
Seward, Trumbull nml tlio rest wero
but trimmers. They nro tho merest
echoes of tho destructive principles
hatched within his fertile brain. Till
man, us I havo said, is a destructlonist
powerful to destroy but powerless to
build up. Ho Is indeed a Radical of tho
most dangerous type: and his wild the
ones, ins intra radicalism, ids Utopian
ideas, fascinate thoso of tho fanatical
turn, who follow him with a blind zeal,
utterly regardless of tho consequences
to the country or themselves. No won
der then, this Radical party has become
dangerous unuer mo icaa oi mis man
l Heard one oi ins loliowers tho other
day. in theSouuto Chamber, exultantly
proclaim that ho "thanked God that ho
was n ltudie-.il." Yes, a Radical of tlio
Cromwell, Danton and Robesplerrean
stamp, who In the name of liberty, anil
lovo of tho people, perpetrated crimes
at willed the world still stands aghast
and humanity shudders. Diiutou nut
Robespierre acted towards tho GIrond
ists, tho real friends of liberty, during
the iteign in terror in l- rance, precise
ly as Wendell Phillips nnd his fanati
cal followers aro doing towards the
Democratic party to-day. They mi;
represented, abused nml persecuted
them, nnd by false charges brought up
on them the mob of Paris, and in an
evil hour, by threats, so ove-awed tho
National Convention that they voted
for the death of these Girondists, and
in that niatl hour perished twenty-two
of as noblo friends of freedom as tho
world oversaw. And henceforth Rail!
caiisiu in that lair land hail lull sway
drenched it with blood, immolated
hecatombs of victims, and never ceased
Its career of blood and crime ami horror
until tno people, witu one spasmodic
effort, overthrow their oppressors, nnd
glad to escape from this saturnalia ot
wleUedness.sliolteredthoniselvesunilcrn
military despotism. This was tho ca
reer of Radicalism In France, fellow
Democrats, anil let us bo warned by tho
teat-mugs oi nisiory, wnicn just now
seems to lie repeating itself in our own
beloved land.
Wo havo no guarantee that Radical
ism in this country, which is of tho samo
typo ns that l navo been doscrlbin
will not go to nsgreat lengths to ticioui
plish its designs. Wo seo what it has
dune already, wo bear daily what it
- . threatens to no, ami lo no lorewarueu l
to bo furiiiriiied. Our fate might bo tho
if.ile ot tho Jreedom-Iovlng Girondists,
were we to allow these desperate men
to get unlimited control of power. 1
do not chargo that all tho Republican
party tne mi depraved, but I do believe
i that Wendell Phillips Is as dangerous a
- 'sons' niuideiui at the prf-on of the
une or i-igiu uiou-iiuu susiui iiu u i
Abbaye, It was done without compunc
tion or remorse on his part. And so
with Wendell Phillips. Givo him full
sway and If ho feels it, to bo necessary
to immointo Andrew Johnson, no wouiti
not hcsltato nu instant, nnd if ho con
sidered It necessary also tosacriflco Dem
ocrats, ho would sacrlllco them with ns
little hesitation ns Dauton did tho Gi
rondists. It is for vou gentlemen, on tills sldo of
tho Chninbcr, for your constituents, for
every Democrat, every lover of his coun
try to say, whether this monster of evil
nnd his insane confederates nro to get
unlimited control of this uovcrumeut.
We have resisted them in tho past wo
hnvo stood as a barrier between them
and tho South when tho surging waves
of anti-slavery fanaticism, aroused to
matincssmrougnout tno rsortn oy means
of tlio press and tho pulpit, beat against
us. And In resisting this wo wero ac
cused of being pro-slavery. The Demo
cratic party never was pro-slavery, but
mo constitution recognized slavery asn
Stato Institution, and wo stood by the
Constitution ; and hud tho Southern
Stntes been truo to their friends, tlio
Democracy, nnd fought their battles In
tho Union, they would not now bo nt
the mercy oi tno Radical element ot tins
country.
As 1 said before, Mr. Speaker, I havo
heard much about "sympathizers with
rebellion." "traitors." and nil that sort
of slang, from the other sldo of tho
Chamber, nud one of tho gentlemen
who has spoken appears to predicate his
belief that wo sympathize with seces
sion, becauso my friend from JefTerson,
who sits liesldes me. portrayed in elo
quent languago thosull'ering throughout
tho South In consequenco of tho rebel
lion, iie desires to Know wny wo no
not allude to thoso in tlio North who
have suffered in this torriblo war. Our
radical neighbors generally attend to
mis part. Aim so inr as mere tans goes,
I may say they are vastly patriotic :
but, in regard to practicing what they
preach, they aro sadly deficient. I want
them to prove their sympathy for tho
soldier, tlio armless and legless heroes
they affect so much solicitude for. Look
around this Chamber, Mr. Speaker, and
ten mo wnero nro tno icgiess unti arm
less heroes tilling positions here. I hnvo
nothing to sav ngainst tlio officers of
this House; so far as I have observed
they perform their duties acceptably.
Hut, I say to you. gentlemen on tho
other side, you who navo coniroi oi
these offices, -why do you not display
vour sympathy bv giving these posi
tions to thu maimed heroes of tho war
those nrmlcss and legless soldiers, tlio
theme of all your discourses? 1 havo
seen but ono limbless hero doing duty
In this Hall, and this fact ought to
silenco all your blatant professions of
lovo lor tno soldier.
Hut. nownboutthat word " Copper-
iO!iil I' Hint term wlitoli vnn polltll'lllen
of the opposition so delight to roll off
your loiigues. i-rooabiy you are not
aware how tho term came to bo first
used. I will enlighten you. 1 occas-
lonly read light literature, and In doing
so. learned how the name was ilrst up-
died to a party. I llnd in Washington
rvlng's Knickerbocker, that in tho
elirlv history of Now Amsterdam, now
New York, tho Yankees had a habit of
coming down to steal tno luiitis oi mo
Dutch, which caused the Mynheers to
become enraged and drivo them olr.
For duiug tltis the Yankees denounced
the Dutch as Copperheads, and tno lat
ter: not to booutdone.replied by stigma
tiziug the aukees us 'Platter Hreeches.'
Tlio samo parties now, in our prcsei.t
iliiucultles, because Democrats resist mo
thieving iiukce hind pirates from steal
ing the public lands North, West und
South, they stlgmatlzo us as Copper
heads.
Tho term Copperhead was also first
applied to the Democratic party because
iney jcsisiuii niu iruu ui ciwu.uis uy
military commissions, and the sequel
lias shown that Co'ppcrheadlsiu has got
Into tho Supreme Court. The Copper-
lieads, it appears are a majority in mat
nouy. liven i.incoin was guilty oi plac
ing Copperheads there, for Judgo Davis,
who pronounced the opinion of that
court, that tho trial of civilians hy mili
tary courts was illegal aim unconsiiiu
tional, Is ono of Lincoln's appointees,
and, of course, must be n copperhead.
Tho Dutch wero taunted with tlio name
for defending their possessions from the
Yankee land pirates, whilo tho Demo
crats of to-day,iu turn, nro tauiitcd with
tnesanio name lortioiendingtiieirrigiit
ful inheritance tho Constitution from
the assaults of the defendants of these
same ancient marauding Yankees.
Mr. Speaker, all tliostereotyped slang
indulged in by theopposition toward tho
Democratic party cannot blot out mo
fact thut for eighty .vears that party bad
control of the Government of iho coun
try, save a few Interjected opposition
administrations : and dining that timo
the.v placed tho mlghtv land marks of
a great nation all over It. Tim genius
ol Democratic Statesmen, under Demo
cratic Institutions, brought this country
to mat marvelous statu ol prosperity
and grandeur that made it the admira
tion and wonder of tlio world. To uso
a popular and radical phraso: "Tho
greatest country tno sun ever s nono tin
on." Under Democratic rulo It extend
ed in area and increased in population
until it emm-necd a continent anil gavo
homes to thirty millions of peoplo ; tho
agricultural and mechanic arts flour
ished; the bails of our commerce whit
ened every sen. Wo Intel no public
debt nnd taxntlon boro so lightly on tho
snouiiiers oi mo peopio Hint tnoy
scarcely felt It, and liberty and equality
oi civil rights was tno iiirtiingnt ot
every American citizen. This was un
der Democratic rule. Now mark tho
contrast.
For six years radicalism has had con
trol of the nation. During that time
tliu land has been rent by civil feuds, a
prey to rebellion; it has been drenched
witu uiooii and wm.miu oi the youth oi
thu nation laid In preniatiiro graves. A
debt of crushing weight presses down
every energy oi tno nation, ami luxa
tion equally grinding, places au iron
harness on every man, woman and child.
The States aro disunited nnd everything
in the future looks dark and uncertain.
Anil all this tliu worl; of dlsiiiiloiilsts,
of radicalism, North and South, both
alike enemies of the Democracy and
011011111-3 of tho Union of these States,
Gentlemen on tho uther sldo of the
Chamber, vour leaders have brought
the nation to this condition. You havo
pulled tho nation down ; can yuu not
rebuild it .' nr are you oiuy aiiiii
ceis of ruin? Where Is your policy
that is to re-tore tho nation to some
tiling approximating to Its former eon
tlltlon. when it was blessed with Dem
iktuUc rulo? Vou inserted in tho early
stage ot tho war that It was waged u
icmilto thu Slates, and to-day, In eon
tmdictiou lo this solemn resolution, you
PlllOE FIVE CENTS.
nssert that ten States nro out of tho
Union. Still you declare no policy.
Tlio peoplo ask you for n speedy settle
ment or our national uimcuiucs on too
basis of peaco and concord, nnd In placo
of tills your only plnn seems to bo to
place miiuonsot tno pcopioot mo union
tinder tho Iron heel of a military despo
tism. As wo hnvo said before, like your
leader, Phillips, you nro powerful to
destroy, but powerless to build up. In
your mail zeal you hnvo neary destroyed
tne uovcrnnicnt. we, mo Democracy,
now stand ready lo assist you In knit
ting together Its ragged cutis, nnd wo
want you to do something If there is
nny virttio in you.
Mr. M'OAMANT. As Andy John
son is a tnllor and Is willing to nsslst
you, it will not need nny help from us.
nir. ciiaijc Ai x. Aiiurew ouiinsun
is trving to patch it tip. butyou.wlllnot
allow lilin to do It.
Mr. Sneaker, in tho latter part of my
rcmnrks I havo diverged somewhat from
the legltlmnto argument on tho amend
ments to repel somo charges which aro
being continually mndo in this Chamber
against tlio Democratic party, charges
which havo no foundation in truth, and
which hnvo been timo nud again repell
ed.
In conclusion. Mr. Sneaker. If It wero
not for tho monstrosities which nro ov
cry dny brought forth, I should feci as
sured In saying that it cannot bo possi
ble that Pennsylvania will ever clvo her
sanction to tlieso proposed mis-called
"amendments" to tho Constitution.
Hut as It Is I havo no such assurance. I
confess that I havo strong fears that
they will bo adopted, fears which leavo
but llttlo room for hopo of their defeat.
Hut bo the result ns it may, my voto
shall bo recorded ngainst them. And
while I live I shall point to tho record
of that voto ns an evidenco of my loy
alty, (to uso a much abused word,) to
tho Constitution which our Fathers gnvo
us, nnd to the Government which they
established. And depend upon it, thero
is a day coming, when, If tlieso amend
ments aro adopted, tho curses of a na
tion will fall upon tho heads of their
projectors.
WITTICISMS.
.A (ir.NTii7:rANsomo timo ngo at ta
ble, when asked to have somo catsup
pronounced A-cfcw;) replied "No,thnnk
you ; I'm ahead of you now."
A Wisconsin editor, in acknowledg
ing tlio receipt of nn exchange paper
printed on new' type, says it " looks as
clean ns a schoolinarn in a batblng
tub." A PniNTr.H says ho knows It pays to
advertise. He advertised for a boy and
In less than a week found nt hlsdoinlcil
an applicant weighing five pounds. His
articles must have a wide circulation.
Tin: latest fashion of bonnets is said
to bo a tow string with a glass bead up
on the top of tho head. In extremely
cold weather It Is nllownblo to attach
two postage stamps to protoct tho ears.
Our devil suggests that a small buck
wheat cake would bu better than a glass
bead, as tho fashions change so often
that it would still bo warm enough to
cat when the next stylo comes out.
Sm: wore n Gothic water-fall, nnd
hoops like n Sibley tent, nud her back,
oh I slavery, a big chain clanked ns sho
went. She nought her waterfall newly
built, inethinks we can see her yet,
though we saw her but a moment with
n big chain of jet. Sho wore a bat like
a butter dish as largo us a three cent
iie, and wo thought we should soon ex
pire as her big chain rattled by. A
score or moro of silver doves held her
dress from mini nnd rain, innocent birds
wero frightened by the gutta percha
chain. Oh, fashion, mistress fashion,
hnvo pity on Mary Jane: wo lovo thy
tilt and taw-diist calves, but take back
thy jetty chain.
O.vr. of the. witnesses summoned to
appear before tlio New Orleans riot in
vestigating committee was nsKcti by u
prominent member oi me cominittco
which sldo" ho was going to testify on.
Ho replied that there would bo no
sides" to his testimony : hocould only
swear to facts within his knowledge.
This reminds us of a case in tho Hos-
ton Police Court, which occurred a few
years ago. Old Deacon Foster, the most
venerable and most popular of all tho
Hoston darkies, brought nn action
against tho next-door neighbor for a
tresspass of somo sort upon his hand
cart. Tho deacon's witness was giving
ids testimony in a straight forward
manner, when the old fellow got on his
feet suddenly ami exclaimed : "Pleaso
do court, I wish ycr male dat witness
swar right. 1 brung him up purpus to
swar tint han'-cart was In dat cellar, an'
now no swnrs jus turrer way. l .wish
do court make him swar right." '
AVhat is Con Iiivnn On.? Tho
Hrltlgowater Guzetet, a Now England
journal, says mat a iinysieian in mat
placo was recently called to prescrlbo for
a somewhat illiterate old lady, and ns,
cod liver oil, In his opinion, was tho
remedy lor ner complain, no wrote n
prescription for tlio iipothecnry to put
up, witu me i.auu iurmuin, "i)le. jcc.
Ass,," being nn abbreviation of "Oleum
Jecorris Asselll," or, in plain English.
cod liver oil. Tho medlclno was pro
cured, taken, and In a few weeks tho
lady completely, recovered her health.
A neighbor paid her a visit after her re
covery, und expressing surprlso at her
Improved condition. Inquired tho secret
of so rapid a restoration. " Why," said
tho old, lilting both hands in grateful
enthusiasm, it was that beautiful medi
cine, tho Oil of JcImss that brought
moon my feet again !"
Payinu Liku a SiNKr.n. Several
years ago, in North Carolina, where it
is not customary for tho tavern-keepers
to chargo the ministers anything for
lodging and refresh incuts, u preacher
presumingly stopped at a tavern ono
evening, niadohimclf comfortablo dur
ing tho night, ami in the morning en
tered tho stage without ohe:ing pay for
his accommodations. The landlord soon
cume running up to the stage, and said :
" There is sonic one who has not set
tled his bill."
Tlio passengers all said they had, but
the preacher, who said ho understood
that ho never charged ministers any
thing. " What 1 you n minister of tho gospel
n man of God?" cried tho inkcepcrj
" you camo to my house hist night; you
sat down at the table without a blessing:
1 lit you up to your room, and you went;
to bed without praying to your -Maker
(fori stood thero until you retired);
you rose and washed without prayer,
ute your breakfast without saying grace;
ami us you came to my house like a sin
ner, and eat and drank like a sinner,
you huo got to pay like a sinner!"
I