Mm.
U0
V l
r-17 W
SI w
Ill w
.....!W fV
III IU.
!hc Qpoltunbiitit,
-AN INDEPENDENT JOURNAL,
it rcnt.iitr.t r.vwtr ratl'Iihat, i.v
, lllnnmthnrfr, Colnnitiln Cnnnl)-, fa.
pfc thumb.
Twu Potion n ycnr, In mlrniiro. If not iaU In
'SWitiiv, Two Polliir ntij KUly Otitn.
JffcJuUrcM nil letter to
(IKOIK1K II. MOOttK,
nor in inp uiM'MUMM, f
lIlooimburB. Ootmnbla Comity, Va,
lunor of thi Com'miimn,
THE ISSUE STATED,
nt'UEoii of
JblOX. C. 11. I3UCKALT3W,
AT HAN VIM.K, PATUHDAY, HHP. 59,
Fellow citizens 0 Montour County :
$tU t pKiinu aro two capital questions pro-
Jycf for discussion nt. this tlmo by those
""""JiSjj0 tot'?i tho people In meetings such
iwMhls. These, 'questions nro, first, tlic
jrcstoration of -tho Union; and, second,
,g'tho 'extension of the right of suffrage
Sw.Ho thu colored population of tho Unilfid
JHtAtOS. I shnll .ntws ftll tonics nf mlnrir
Jfctrtnco nnfl confine Tnyself on tltls J
o"aslon te those:; and I shin endeavor
. ui, t ak briefly. ,
ber.last tho Thirty :ulnth '
venod in lis first session Ulujcr "I? Y :
visions of tho Constitution 01 thoynlte'd
jgg Slates. A mcssngo was transmit i, t
ine two nouses uy tno rresuient, in in.
U.pcrforinuiieo of a constitutional duty.
' IrT that messago ho communicated to
tho two Houses, and through them to
the people of tho United States, tho po
;$lt;itlciil situation of tho country, and his
tvlews upon public nfliilrs and upon pub
4MVlio' policy. Ho found it necessary to
detail at length, nnd he did it very ably,
tTwhnt had occurred between the date of
'the assassination of Mr. Lincoln In
jHjfApril 1805 nnd that time ; that is, dur
ing the period in which he had excrels
, cd tho office of President of tho United
""States. He stated to the representatives
of the people and of the States In Con
jjress assembled, how tho country stood
:nt the time when he assumed the duties
of, his high ofilco; he detailed tho suc
cessive steps which ho had taken with
1 'reference to the States of the South ; he
portrayed the existing condition of
things; and finally he submitted to Con
. Kress the question of tho admission of
members from those States ; and tho
... submission of that question was in a pe
culiar form. It was not to tho two
.Houses jointly ; it was not to them in
Jtheir collective nnd legislative capacity ;
but it was to each House separately and
distinctly. His language was, "you
f ;je16w-cltl7.ens of tho Senate, and you
""fellow-citizens of the House of Repre
' iltiehtatlves, each of you for yourselves
,. ,. have charged upon you the duty of judg
."Zing of tho elections, returns, and quail
' v -flcatious of tho members of your respec
jStive House."
vPrior to tho meeting of Congress the
President had proceeded, in accordance
with his convictions of public duty, to
' Instigate tho organization of what were
'''called loyal governments in tho States
'of.' tho South which had seceded. Ho
- held those which had been concerned
- ,in"thu Hubolllou as unlnwful; that, in
, . jisTniicli as they were hostile to the Gov-
xirpmeiit of tlio United States and had
' feast on all allegiance to the Constitution
of.our country, they were not to bo re
garded as legitimate and lawful Institu
tions for purposes of local government
rovcn In the States where they wero es
''"iabllshed. At his Instance, then, upon
'the conclusion of tho war, the inhahi-
tants of thoo States proceeded to rcor-
;gtmUo their local governments, nnd in
:., reorganizing them they followed the ad
,'vlce which he gave them with reference
toUho form In which that reorganlza
,'tion should be made. Ho suggested to
4,'tthcin that they should in their State
Constitutions insert a provision for the
ponuanont abolition of slavery In tho
liSoulhern communities. They followed
hls.udvlcc and his opinion nKo, In put
ting In their State constitutions an ex
press repudiation of the Itebel indebt
oilness as it is called ; and lit other re
t5pects they conformed to tho views
crhlch tho President held and expressed
tTiicin In connection with this process
fSfircorganizatloh.
fVFAt the time of tho assembling of Con
IRress all the southern States which hud
"icon engaged in the Rebellion wero re
organized with tho exception of two I
t think, Texas atl Florida. Observe,
that; the proitcdin;r of reorganization
Jlmd'hcon prosecutei thus far with tho
t general assent of the people of the Uni
'cilvStates. Xo fact l moro certain,
iio; IflbettPreatnbllshwI :Jtan that there
vinisagciicral acqulciienee throughout tho
jVhole of the adhering State (by which
.term I mean those States which were
represented In the Federal (iovernmeut
(during tho war nnd represented now) in
it?.1? rr 'it . ii . .....
,iujsmoiicy oi mo rrosiuciu couuccteii
'wltlijrcorganlziitloti of government in
ho otith. You nil know tint fact.
ji-Hlxfiw tlw Presidentcouimuiilititeil
ftoOingnsw at tho opening of tlifi.e.ssiou
oui.nocon&t of what ho had done, Is it
tnot tho fact that.tJirouglic-ut nll tho nd
Uicrlng Statei,nll thoKkitC4Tjf tho North
taiul of tho West, tlmVro was a general
mpprovnl of what lie had done, a geuer
."Alip'opular ttsseut to what ho had caused
rfir b'6' ilono, or hud Instigated In tho
,Hof thorn country, a general approval of
lofihli' conduct throughout ? I doubt
wTSether thero ever was a message from
JSWont of tho United States to Con-1
xreaTvhlch received iwii-o general nnd
IliciiirTy assent and approval from tho
jHJoplo of the United States than that
siieHsago of Andrew Johnson, communl
aited to Congress In December lSilr), rc
celved from thorn. I nirt speaking now
to-mutter of fact Within your own
knowledge and to tho point of time
only to which i luivo alluded,
-Then thoso Statej, rtorjAUcd, ap
peared before tho respective Hou-es In
tho persons of representatives j mem
bers elected to the foenato appeared be
foro tho Senate claiming membership
therein, ft'ul members elected to tho
Ujiit'c nppenred nt tho bar of Hin llouso
VOL. I. NO.
claiming membership there: nnd the
question was directly raised upon their
admission to scats In the respective
Houses. Tho President submitted thnt
question, as I have already explained,
to tho decision of each House for itself;
and ho did this In view Of u very clear
nnd explicit provision of tho Constitu
tion of the United States which declares
that " each House shall be tho Judge of
the elections, returns, nnd qualifications
of Itsowumcmbers." This power Is clear.
This power Is express. This power Is
exclusive j ono House cannot Interfere
with n question of membership In tho
ot,u:r H(Mli0 n,ul tho tWo to
i.-e!her cannot act upon this subject be
en u.-'O the Constitution his committed
tho aV",s!on of any enso to tho judg
'ment of J'' particular Houso In which
membership Is claimed. Thero was
delay, howevb.'. 111 tIl admission of
Senators and ltfp.'cntatlves. A little
later, tvpon a motto J submitted by my
colleague, -Mr. Cowan, resolution was
h -"opted by thb Senate ca. "lmn
Presi.'"ut for information w,t rofL'r
encc to thif existing conditio. ' of tlie
Southern States. That resolutl,"" ws
answered by the President, and k 'ollt'
with his reply came n very intercstt.';
communication from tho Lieutenant-.
General of tho armies of tho United
States, General Grant. The Prcident
in that answer to the Senate slutccl tnat
tho people of tho South desired to bo
represented in Congress. Ho stated
also that throughout thoso States which
had been in hostility to us, which had
levied war against us, there was a coni
pleto acqulcscuco In our authority and
jurisdiction and that everywhere
throughout them tho peoplo were peace
ful and disposed to bear truo allegiance
to the Government of the United States
for the future. And General Grant,
wiio had been called upon for his opin
ion, responded in a very emphatic man
ner that in Ids judgment thero was a
general submission among the people of
the South to the authority of the Con
stitution and Government of the United
States, and that the peoplo of those
States In good faith desired to resume
their places within the Republic and be
subject to our Government.
This was theoillclal information sub
mitted to Congress by tho President In
his annual message, and in his reply to
the resolution of the Senate early hi
the session. This was the action of the
Kxecutivo Department of your Govern
ment, the ono charged with the execu
tion of the laws. Now what was done
by Congress, tho law-making power'.'
What I have stated happened in De
cember and January of last Winter, at
tiie very beginning of tho late session.
That session continued for eight mouths
and the two Houses adjourned recently,
and the members returned to their
homes. Now what was done by Con
gress during those eight mouths toward
restoring the Union which had been
broken by secesssion, and which had
continued broken during the war
What was done by tho Senate and I rouse
of Representatives respectively under
the clear constitutional power which
they possessed, toward restoring mem
bership in their respcetlvo Houses from
thoso States which had gone unrepre
sented so long? With the siiiL'lo excep
tion of Tennessee, there was no admis
sion of Senators or Representatives
from thoso States during tho eight
months of tho Congressional session, al
though the subject was ono of repeated
consideration In each House. There
was no action by the majority in Con
gress toward restoring tho Union in
that vital particular, tho representation
of the people and of the States, except
In the case of Tennessee, a tardy and
exceptional proceeding which took
place just before the adjournment.
Thus was an Issue formed between
the Kxceutlve nnd Legislative Depart
inentsof your Government. I have re
called to your memories what was dono
by the President, and dono with tho
concurrence in opinion of the Lleutcn-ant-General
of our armies who had
I;con moro prominent than any other
man In this country In .subduing tho
Rebellion and who, better perhaps than
any other may in tho United Slates, was
authorized and qualified to pronounce
an opinion upon tho military aspects
at least of tho future, to wit, upon tho
question whether It was safe to restoro
thoso States to the representation whi';h
they desired or not.
Then, besido pointing out what the
Kxecutivo branch had done and how it
tjtood, nnd what was Its recommend
ation to Congress, I have called your at
tention to tho attitude of Congress an
attitude of entire Inaction, a policy of
do-nothing during a session of eiglit
mouths with reference to the whole of
tho eleven States save Tennessee Tho
two Houses of Congress adjourned with
out having discharged tho duty Imposed
upon them by tho Constitution of Judg
ing in their respective Houses tho ques-
tions which nnvo upon tho elections,
returns, and qualifications of their own.
members. And lienco complaint Is
mado against tho majority in Congress ;
for this they stand arraigned before tho
people of tho United States; und land
others who differ with that Congression
al majority In opinion, call for tho Judg
ment of tho people upon that majority,
for a Judgment of disapproval and con
demnation upon tho men who composo
It, Ave ask you who aro really sover
dsns In this country, who possess tho
ultimate power, that power above which
thero Is none other upon earth we call
upon you to pronounce your opinion
upon tho attitude and conduct of tho
(V)I)!;iVsmoim1 majority, to condemn
BLOOlfeJ3UIlG, SATURDAY, OCTOBER (J, 1866.
thoso who constitute- that majority, to
select others In their stead, nnd to make
tho Leglslntlvo or Congressional branch
or tho Government In harmony with
tho Kxceutlve, thus restoring, through
out tho whole Government of the Uni
ted States, one spirit, one policy, one
lino of conduct, resulting In peace.ln se
curity, and in prosperity for the future.
That policy which has been so often
spoken of, sometimes Jeeringly iw " my
policy" when reference Is made to tho
President, nt other times nnd moro
properly as " tho policy of restoration"
that policy Is easily described. It Is
stated in n word ; it does not require
nn elaborate argument to expound It
Its mere statement Is sufficient to glvo
tho humblest man In the country pos
session of tho whole fcubject so far as
tho affirmative is concerned. Tho policy
of restoration Is simply this : That the
States nnd people that wero severed
from us, who becatno contumacious to
our authority and resisted our Jurisdic
tion, but who have laid down their
arms and submitted to our power, shall
be restored to their former position in
tho Union, entitled to all tho rights
which they formerly enjoyed, and
bound by all the duties which were for
merly Imposed upon them by the Con-
ft.'Uutlnu aud laws of tho country. That
is t.'''1 whole of It. It is so simple nnd
ho pliljl tlmt no lnlm hcciA mistake It,
nor boo."?10 embarrassed In attempting
to comprehend it. In other words, und
to state It in u different form, tho policy
of restoration 1 simply a proposition
that tho Constitution of tho United
States shall bo restored In full force
throughout the Republic, and that it
shall have complete cffe.'t in every re-
tipect precisely at.it had be.'oro tho war
broke out.
Whvshould this not take plnco '' Why
should we not be restored to the condi
tion of things in which wo were befoie
tho war? Why should not all the clti
zens of the United States bo restored
nnd re-instated in the position in which
they stood befoso tlieso troubles and bo
bound again (because th.'s is the correl
ative of tho other) by all the duties and
obligations which before tho 'var rested
upon them ? I propose to dh'cuss to
night tho answer which is made 'o this
all-Important and searching questi.'m ;
for tho majority in Congress have the'r
excuse for their delay in the work of
restoration; they have their reason or
their alleged reason for their conduct,
nnd it is respectful to them and it is pro
per thatthepcoploshould consider their
answer before pronouncing Judgment
upon them.
1 will not discuss tho first branch of
their answer as wo get it, ordinarily,
and which is, that the people of those
States are not at heart willing to become
subject to our government and to per
form their duties under it. 1 am re
lieved from discussing that when 1 cite
to you the opinion of your own chief
Magistrate; I am relieved from thai
when I cite to you tho opinion of Gen
eral Grant and the opinion of General
Sherman and of men of that description,
whose opinions upon a question of this
kind ought to be, if not conclusive, at
least in tho highest degree persuasive
with the American people. We ought
to accept their opinions upon tho ques
tion of the safety of this thing for tho
future. Recauso their opinions have
been pronounced and are before you, 1
am relieved from discussing that point.
Rut these gentlemen of the Congres
sional majority proceed to say that be
fore tho Union is restored thero ought
to be guaranties, there ought to become
conditions agreed to by the people who
are to bo restored in their civil and po
litical rights. A great ninny guaranties
have been suggested or mentioned. It
depends upon the temper of men, what
kind of guaranties they want; it de
pends somewhat on their past associa
tions or mental constitution. Mr. Wen
dell Phillips would want a particular
sort of guaranty, while n member of
Congress from our own Stnte, of tho op
posite party, would think a guaranty of
a different sort would answer; and so
there may bo all sorts and all varieties
of opinion on that subject when you
come to apply tho general doctrine.
Rut I suppose I shall bo told, and I may
bo fairly told, that in considering tho
guaranties as they call them, or tho
stipulations for tho future, which ore
desired by the Congressional majority,
J t.Uoiild tako the resolution proposing
ameniii.jents to the Constitution of tho
United States Which that majority passed
through botli Houses by n two-thirds
vote, and which is now pending before
the American peoplo for their consider
ation. I grant you this Is a fair state
ment upon the point in question. If I
am referred to that resolution of amend
ment its tho platform of tho Congres
sional majority, as tho ground upon
which they stand in resisting represen
tation in tho Semite and In tho House,
although I shall not admit that this im-
swer even if well mado would Justify
the two Houses in refusing to perform
their Constitutional duty of acting upon
the question of membership in each
House, l will yet agree that If that res
olution of amendment be necessary and
bo wlso and satisfactory In its provis
ions, there will bo a considerable degree
of oxcu-c; that, although a justification
will not bo made out for tho Congres
slouul majority thero will be, to homo
extent, an excuso established for them.
Now, let us consider for a short tlmo
that resolution proposing amendments
to tho Constitution of tho United States,
it has been very Jlttlo debated; It is
now perhaps but partially aud imper
fect I j iiiiderxteod In the county, und if
i jt!llij2JL!ii; " JL " -
t! Us if tit If f if fit
Jipf wIllJPifl 1III
i i;v
I wero to Judge, of that amendment by
tho description (vhlch 1 havo hnd of it
from tho stump In discourses to which I
have listened, Lnm confident I should
form n very Incorrect opinion upon It.
In the first'place, observe, gentlemen,
in how objectionable n manner that res
olution of amendment is submitted.
Wo havo a provision In the Constitution
of Pennsylvania that when tho Legisla
ture submits amendments of our State
Constitution toho people for adoption
or rejection, they shall submit each
amendment separately and distinctly;
and why? In order that tho people
may vote for or against each, upon Its
own merits, without reference to tho
rest, so that tho peoplo may bo enabled
to adopt one amendment which may bo
good and reject another which may bo
bad at tho same time; in order that
they may discriminate between what
they may deem good and what they
may deem evil in propositions submit
ted for their judgment and approval, In
order that only what they approve fully
maybe Incorporated In tho fundamental
law of the State. This is a very wlso
provision inour State Constitution. Rut
you will obsurvo that tlieso Congres
sional Constitution-makers, or tinkers,
as they have been perhaps very impert
inently called, do not proceed us the
Legislature of Pennsylvania must pro
ceed in submitting amendments. They
do not submit amendments separately,
each upon its own merits. They have
framed and adopted n resolution pro
posing amendments for adoption by tho
States in which there are four or five
propositions of amendment grouped to
gether, lumped together, combined, and
to lie acted on as if they were ono prop
osition. It is to bo adopted in whole
or rejected In whole. I think tills is a
very unfair mode of submitting Consti
tutional amendments to the people of
.'ho United States; I think it is very
objectionable. You see what alterna
tive is presented to you in acting upon a
resolution of this sort, in your respective
Stale Legislatures. You must adopt
everything tl.'at is in the resolution of
amendment, nhiioujjh a large part of It
may be objectlonabie to you, in order to
get one good thing which may be in It ;
and you are obliged to reject a great
many good things that may bo in it if
you have made, up your minds to reject
any ono thing which is bad. There is
n. discrimination, thero is no choice left
to t.'io people, no volition. It is unfair ;
I say that uikM the very face of this
proceei.'ing that Resolution of the Con
gressiounJ majority ought to stand con
demned by tho people, because it is not
a fair mode of amending tho Constltu
titutlonof the United States.
Rut if we proceed to take up the dif
ferent propositions of amcmendment
embodied in the one resolution and con
sider them separately, J think the eulo
giums which you have probably heard
pas.-ed upon that resolution will be found
entirely unwarranted. There is a prop
osition there that neither the United
States nor any State shall ever assume
or pay any portion of tho Rebel debt.
Well, why was that put in ? It was to
catch votes for other parts of the resolu
tion, and to make the whole pass the or
deal of ratification. Was it put in for
any practical purpose, any useful pur
pose, any necessary purpose? No, just
consider it. Follow mo for n few mo
ments while I depict the uselessness of
that clause of the amendment. If that
nppear you must conclude that it wa
put In simply to carry tho others by
giving an odor of popularity to tho
whole resolution.
In tho first place, bo it remembered,
that the Confederate States negotiated
most of their debt abroad, only a small
portion of It at home because there was
not capital among their own people.
Tho great mass of tho securities issued
for that debt upon their face were made
payable after tho recognition of Confed
erate Independence by tho Government
of the United States. That is, men in
France and Great Rrltain loaned money
to tho so-called Confederate Govern
ment, and agreed to tako their pay at
tho expiration of a certain length of
time, I think ono year, after the United
Slates (our own Government), should
recognize the South as an independent
power. Well, gentlemen, tho Govern
ment of the United States has not re
alized Confederate independence ;
Confederate independence is not n fact;
Confederate independence Is not even a
possibility. Our bravo men upon tho
land who went into tho military service,
and our bravo men upon tho ocean who
carried our flag, have rendered tho day
of payment for tho Confederate Indebt
edness impossible. Does any man hero
believe it will ever arrive? If I were
to put tho question separately and dis
tinctly (as Constitutional amendments
ought to bo), to each individual present
In a private discourse, lie would laugh
In my face, and lie would doubt my
sanity In asking so foolish a question.
Thus you seo tho Confederate creditors
hold securities which aro payablo at no
tlmo; which aro not duo now, anil
which they and the whole world know
will never become due. Is thero any
necessity then for guarding against the
payment of that debt? Aro men apt to
pay their debts before they aro duo?
They ureoften dilatory hi their payment
even after they become due, and hence
we have to havo legal machinery to en
force tho collection of debts which havo
matured and which are just and recog
nized by tho'luw of tho land.
Rut in addition to ths, gentlemen,
you will remember that tills recently
much abused man who Is President of
tho I iil'edStatosuggcstedtotheSoutb-
em people In tho reorganization of their
Stato Governments, that they should
expressly repudiate this rebel indebted
ness. He held that the whole of It was
illegal becau-o tho Whole Rebellion was
Illegal. lie hold that tllclr State gov
ernments wero Illegal for" tile same rea
son becnuse they wero organized for the
purpocs of tho war. Following out
logically his own doctrines, he hold.
therefore, that this Rebel debt was In
Itself Illegal and utterly void, and ho
recommended provisions to bo put Into
tho Southern Constitution that It should
never bo assumed or paid In order to
terminate and foreclose forever all de
bate nnd nil question on tho subject.
Stato after Stato of the South did this,
In tho reorganization of their Stnte
governments the first step was the form
ation of new State constitutions, and In
every Suuthern coii"tltutlon the whole
of the Confederate or Rebel indebted
ness was expressly repudiated and Its
payment forever forbidden. This was
the solemn act of the whole population
of the South nctlng In their sovereign
capacity in tho formation of new fun
damental laws for themselves.
Let mo call your attention to ono
other point and then I shall pass from
this topic. I have already suggested to
you that according to your experience
nnd mine there Is very often dlfllcultv
In obtalnlngthe payment of Just indebt
edness. We havo sheriffs, nnd consta-
hies, nnd courts, and legal process for the
purpose of enforcing good faith among
our people as to debts which are legal in
their origin and unquestionably due
from the debtor to the creditor, against
the payment of which there is no legal
bar or impediment debts which are
Just and lawful In the fullest sense of
tho-o terms. Now how ridiculous and
absurd it Is to suppose that tho time can
ever come when the peoplo even of the
South themselves would willingly as
sume these rejected obligations and ren
der themselves liable to their payment !
And how much more unreasonable and
unlikely it is that the people of tho
United States should assume and pay
any portion of a debt which was con
tracted In contempt of their authority,
against their interests, in flagrant viola
tion of the Constitution of the United
States, and in violation of all considera
tions of propriety and legality as held
by us 1
Understand, then, hero Is a debt not
due aud which can never become due;
debt repudiated by Constitutional
provision in every Stato concerned ; n
debt which in itself was a speculative
one because the foreign creditors loaned
their money somewhat as a gambler
would put up a stake. They loaned
their money as a sort of bet on the issuo
of the war. For a very small sum of
money loaned to the Confederacy they
obtained securities for a considerable
amount, say 11 vo dollars for one. If tho
Confederacy triumphed in the war and
the United States should recognize their
independence, those creditors would
make enormous fortunes upon small
sums loaned, while on the other hand
If tho Confederacy failed in the war the
lime of payment would never arrive
and they would lose their money. It
was a gambling transaction; if the
gamblers wero fortunate their gains
were to be Iurtfc, but if the chances of
war turned out to be against them, the
amount loaned was to bo n total loss.
So the world will regard this question
in all future time. So it will be regard
ed In the United States North and
South. So it will be regarded in Ku
rope. These creditors bet upon the war
and they lost their stakes. Nobody
North or South would ever think of
paying that debt. Resides, there are
all necessary guaranties against its ever
being paid guaranties in human na
ture itself, that our people never will
pay a debt so odious, so Illegal, always
undue, and in which there are no equi
ties on behalf of tho creditor, nothing
upon which he can appeal to our good
faith. Ho stands in tho attitude of a
gambler, instead of a creditor as to us.
His securities aro worthless upon their
very face. He has no reason, no shad
ow of Justieo in Ids claim, and human
nature Itself would everlastingly rise
up in all parts of the Union against the
payment of any portion of it. And
yet tlieso Constitutional tinkers pro
ioe gravely that we should pauso In
this work of restoration, of bringing
our country and our States together, of
becoming again united and peaceful
and harmonious from Ocean to Ocean,
until wo say in tho fundamental law
that wo will not do what is morally im
possible, what no reasonable man In
tho whole country believes ever will bo
dono pay this illegal, Irregular and
odious debt contracted by our enemies
In the prosecution of hostilities against
us,
Now why was that put into tho reso
lution of nmendment? It was to catch
ignorant and silly people, to make men
who do not reflect much, think that
there was something valuable here
some great security against mischief in
tho future. It was put in for that rea
son, to leaven tho mass of amendments,
to glvo an odor of popularity and of
merit to tho whole mass ; and yet you
rco how absurd, ridiculous and uiinec
osarA this clause of amendment Is!
Then there Is another amendment
which Is, If possible, moro absurd than
this, nnd closely allied to It. What Is
that? When wo wero engaged In this
war, which was a gigautiu affair, It
taxed our energies to tho utmost. It
took from our sld s our brothers and
relatives and consigned them to stitl'r
tog, aud many of them to death, it
PIIICE FIVE CENTS.
mortgaged our property cnormouslv
It brought great evil nnd grent distress
upon us. In tho hour of our extremi
ty, when wo wero in wnnt of menus,
when we could not command resources
at tho moment for tho prosecution of
our great work of restoring tho Union,
what did wo do? Wo went to men
who niui money in our own country
aim abroad and wo borrowed tho means
by which wo paid our soldiers upon the
land and our sailors upon the ocean,
the means with which wo purchased
our supplies to support our armies, tho
means that enabled us to carry on tho
civil administration of tho Government,
In short, to work this engine of govern
ment with energy nnd with power nnd
to strike heavy nnd powerful blows
ngainst tho enemy who was resisting us
and scouting our Jurisdlctlonnnd power
over the Southern portion of the Re
public. We borrowed tills money nnd
wo did not say to the creditor that wo
would pay him when Confederate Inde
pendence should bo ncknowled, or that
we would pay when tho Confederacy
should bo subdued. Wo said we would
pay at all events nt n fixed day, and In
tho meantime wo would pay a certain
rate of Interest either In paper or hi
coin. Tills is what vo said, aud by tho
obligations arising out of this contract
wo aco most .solemnly bound. I say
gentlemen, that neither now nor at any
luture tlmo in this country will thero be
any considerable number of men hardy
enough and base enough to impeach or
deny the obligation of tho Government
nnd people of the United States to thoso
who loaned them the means with which
they saved tho unity of tho Republic.
There will never bo any considerable
number of such persons in tliiscountry.
Their number never will he great or for
midable, and tho apprehension that
they will be numerous or formidable
need not disturb any one's mlud.
Rut what security has the public
creditor for the honest payment of IiIb
obligation by us? There is only one
the public faith. If the people of tho
United States could bo base and wicked
enough to unite together and resist the
imyment of tho debt, it never could be
collected. Tho creditor can rely only
on tho good faith of the people of the
United States which was pledged to
him when he loaned his money. That
pledge was given in tho form of a con
tract reduced to writing or printed at
the time, and executed by the appro
priate public ollicers of the Government
of the United States, who for tho time
being represented the people of the
United States in tho transaction. Those
who want to amend tho Constitution ( f
the United States, propose to put into
the Constitution a provision that this
debt shall be paid. Now what advan
tage is that to the creditor? Does that
add any obligation which is valuable to
him? Does thnt give to him uny secu
rity which he does not already possess?
What is that but pledging tho public
faith in a particular way that this debt
shall bo paid ? Inasmuch as that public
faith is already pledged and In tho most
solemn manner and under all tho secu
rities and forms of law, It is impossible
by auy device Which can be adopted to
render that debt moro sacred or its pay
ment more secure and certain than it
is. Why then was this put Into the
Resolution? It Was put In to please
and tu catch the eye of those thousands
and thousands of peoplo In tho country
who hold these securities; It was to im
press them with the silly, with tho Idle
conviction that their debt would be
more secure by tho adoption of such an
amendment, whereas In point of fact
that amendment would not add in the
slightest degree either to tho eiicrcdness
or to the security of tho debt.
There is another provision In this res
olution of amendment which provides
thnt any person who at any timo held
nn ofilco which Involved nn oath to sup
port the Constitution of tho United
States, and who may havo engaged In
the Rebellion In uny way whatever,sluill
never hold any office, civil or military,
under the United States or under any
State for all future time. Tills pro
hibition is universal; It strikes with
out discrimination and without limita
tion tho whole class of persons against
wlintYi If ! illrwtivl mill tlinrn la nnlv
one possibility of itsmitigation,imdtliat
Isby a two-thirds vote of botli Houses of
Congress removing such disability eith
er in a particular caso or generally. In
other words, this proposed amendment
is ono of disfranchisement from all of
ilco of all persons who may havo been
engaged iujftho Rebellion, who were
prominent cuoiign previously to nave
held any office of consequence whether
Statcor Federal, but to Congress is gi veu
a dispensing power which may be exer
cised by two thirdsof both Houses upon
grounds of favoritism, partiality, party
interest, or anv other which shall be
agreeable to their pleasure or their In
terests. I confess that this clause in the reso
lution of amendment appeared to mo,
at first reading, to have been Inserted
with a special object. And what was
that ? To defeat tho whole Resolution,
to prevent it-acceptance by thrcc-fourtlis
of tho States. Of course it Is not likely
that any Stato in tho South will adopt
an amendment of that description. Ob
serve, It Is not merely a disfranchise
ment from holding ofilco under tho
Government of tho United States.
There might bo smiio reason for a pro
vision of that kind, at any rate for a
temporary ono; but it Is to prohibit all
of tho clas of persons In question from
holding any oiilco under their own
Male- i -o ihal out of all tho enormous
cnnn of gducrfisfofl..
One Bnunre, ortn st tttw InnrrttnitK II COi
lUu-li MilMcnneiit limrrtlun I em tlmn tlilrU-rn.
One Hqunro ono nioutli... . Htl j (q
To " " ...3P0'
Tlirro " " flt0,
four " . 6 10
llnlf mlmmi " ,..... , tow
(Hip column r, j'
I'jiprutor'ii nrtil Art'Aifnlntrutor'n Notion it w
Auditor' X"otlw1..,M
KdltorlalKntlc!! tlwriur coiiIh prr lino..
Othrr AirffrffMnicnU liiHorh'il nmmlliiK In fc.
rlnl contract.
number of men included In that amend
ment It would bo Imposslblo In any
Southern community tc select ono ns
Constable or Justice of the-Peace, or to
fill nny other Stato ofilco without tho
consent of n two-thirds rwjority In
Congress! What an iiicrmveiilowee every
where, whnt sweeping disfranchise
ment, nnd how unnecessary In Its extent.
This sort of war ngainst Stato Magis
trates nnd State CoiistnWcr could not, of
course, havo been sincerely proposed a-i
n provision of tho Constitution of tho
United States.
The ijcoplo of the United States havo
no Interest in Interfering In tltc local or
municipal affairs of Southern States:
but you observe that a provision of this
kind would surely prevent this amend
ment from being ndorrtcd by thoso
States. It Is nnnoylng to them: it In
terferes with them in their own local
neighborhood concerns down to tho
small precincts Into which their com
munities nre divided, and It disfran
chises them from holding and exercis
Ingnll local employment which involve!
an oath of fealty to tho Constitution of
tho United States, without reference to
nny Interest which tho Government or
peoplo of tho United States may havo
In tho question. It appears as If It wiw
Intended to make the amendment so of
fensive by reason of Its extent, that tho
States of the South would not adopt it,
nnd thnt its defeat should thus bo In
sured. Wo can conceive n motive for u
policy of this kind, for so long ns the
amendment Is not ndoptcd the Con
gressional majority can complulnagalnst
tho people of tho South, that they do
not agree to what was proposed, and
they can hold this question ojicn nnd
retain political power for themselves in
the Government of tho United States
by continuing tho oxlstlng condition of
things.
There is another clause of tho amend
ment which nppears Intended to put
into tho fundamental law some of tho
provisions of what Is called tho Civil
Rights Rill. I shall not discuss that
clause of the amendment, because it
was spoken to on a former occasion at
tills plnco by Mr. Clymcr when ho was
here and addressed you ns tho candidate
of one of our great parties, forthoofflco
of Governor. I puss on to tho remain
ing provision in this resolution of
Constitutional amendment, nnd the Inst
one. Thnt provision is this, in effect
if I do not cite tho exnet Words, I cito
tho substance accurately Thnt whero
ovcr in any State thero shnll bo n dis
franchisement of males nbovo twenty
ono years of age, on account of race or
color, from tho elective franchise, tho
whole population in that Stato of such
race or color shall be excluded from
computation in assigning to such Stato
representatives in tho Congress of tho
United States.
What Is meant by this clause? It is
the vital ono in tho amendment. Wo
may consider all the others ns secondary
and subordinate to It, ns quite infer
ior in importance, and perhaps wo nro
entitled to say tlmt all tho other
amendments contained in tho Reso
lution (except, perhaps, tho one Just
examined) wero incorporated into
it in order to carry this ono which re
lates to tho right of suffrage In the sev
eral States. Described, In short, what
Is this proposition? It is, thnt whenev
er auy Stato shall refuse to permit Ne
groes or Asiatics within her limits to
exercise tho right of suffrage, slio shall
lose a portion of her political power in
tho Government of tho United States ;
but if slio permit her negroes to voto
she shall havo representation exactly as
she has It now under the Constitution m
our fathers mado It and sent It down to
us to bo our franio of Government as
well as theirs. If wo refuso to permit
tho negro population of tho Stato to
vote we are to be shorn of a portion of
our power, wo nro to sink In political
consequence In tho Government of tho
United Stntes, nnd to take such rank
only as wc can obtain by virtue of our
white population, the male members of
which wo do permit to voto nt our pop
ular elections.
You see, gentlemen, thnt the Stato
which adopts negro siiffrugo is to enjoy
fully nnd entirely her present Constltu-
Ltlcual power In tho Government of tho
United States, nnd tho State which re
fuses negro suffrage is to be punished;
yes, the lash Is to bo applied to her peo
ple, she is to bo scourged ns a culprit bo
foro the fundamental law of tho United
States. Till", then, Is a proposition of
punishment to tho-o Stntes the freemen
of which, in tho exercise of their Im
partial Judgment, shall refuse to permit
their ballot-boxes to bo contaminated
and polluted and degraded nnd corrupt
ed by suffrage by tho-o who nro unfit,
grossly nnd notoriously unfit, to exer
clso It, nnd who, if they do cxorclso it,
will become the instruments of the man
of money, of tho man of pulsion, nnd of
the man of Intrigue. The demagogues
of tho land, and tho rich men of tho
land, will havo cast to them tho oppor
tunity of controlling yourelectlons, and
of corrupting and polluting them be
yond any examplo which our history
a fiords.
I say, then, that tho leading and prin
cipal provision of tho resolution is In
tended to force negro suffnigo through
out tho United Stntes upon every Stato
which would otherwise refuso it. It is
Intended as tho entering wedge by which
tho Introduction of negro suffrage to tho
ballot-boxes of tho country shall bo
secured, and by which all the results
which I have indicated may lie brought
upon tho people of the United States.
Gentlemen, in the face of this cxaml-