The Columbian. (Bloomsburg, Pa.) 1866-1910, May 05, 1866, Image 1
1 I 1 L luumuuiiT, i Cnliimliln Count)', I'fi. ti:umh. t Two Mollaiilycar, In advance. II noj paid In ' ti Ivntico, Tnilollars nnd Fitly Cents, Address alflcttcrs to f 1 OKonon ir. Moonn, T?.lll.. ll.n r.iMIUIt(M lUloomsburi,,', Colitmblo County, l'it. THY SOUIi. DY WALlHIt M. LINDSAY. ' oul Is linked by slender chains to tho lutn lngonf our yonrsl In the lirlson of thy llfo o nnitel In ii dream nppears, Mils tlieo rlso mid homo return 1 onto to tlui far mid cloudless nicies, icroHoirow droops tin sablo veil, or cnptlvo Lovo In anguish dies. iits wido-snrcad earth Is unto tlico Jr ' . , ....... . I IINIVIO Ull I I 111 II l U.ll Kl'llUU LUll , Yet In Its ilrenry siiaeos nro Tho witters of llio inystlo well Which eleitnso thu Raiments of thy soul, Until In white-robed culm It stands, Waiting until tho Iron Rates Aro opened by thy I'atiikii'h hnltds. f VENING BEFORE MAIIMAGE. L7. FItOM Till: OKRMAX OF BZCIIOKKE. 11 Wk shall bo certainly very happy gethcr," said Louise to Iter Aunt on to evening before marriage, and lier cck slowed with u deeper rod, and " ir eyas shono with delight. When a ' ido says tee, it may be easily guessed horn, of all persons in tho world, she . -. . "I uo not uotint it, near lionise," re plied her Aunt; "see only that you 'illnue to bo happy together." 'J Oh, who crtn doubt that -wo shall coitlnuo so 1 I Know myself. I havo .fiujts, Indeed, hut niy lovo for him will xvrect tlicm. And so long as we lovo ?. . t i i. ....t. ........ mm. lit II UlllUi tt u IXIHIlut uu lllliuif, . yiw jijs will never grow old." ' 'jAlns 1" sighed her Aunt, " thou dost 'Cak lileo a nlaiden of nineteen, on the lay before her marriage,- in the intoxi- ition of wishes fulfilled, of fair hopes, luil happy omens. Dear child, remein- ar this even the heart in time grows !iL Days will come when tho magic tho scenes shall fade. And when lis enchantment has fled, then it first lu'nniiu nvlilnnf wliptliiT vn urn trill V vlorthy of love. When custom has t.atle familfitr tho ckarnis that arc most . "tractive; when youthful freshness has ,cd away, and with tho brightness of unestie llfo more and moro shadows ivo mingled, then, Louiso, and not till Ken, can tho wife say of tho husband, lie is worthy of lovo;' 'then first the Ibhniul say of his wife, 'Sho blooms imporishablo beauty.' But truly; on u day before marriage, such expros jns sound laugliahlo to me." " I understand you, dear Aunt. You Id say that our mutual virtues alone ' in earlier years giyo us worth for other. But is not ho to whom Iain 'ongforof myself I can boast noth in hutTTuTljoStTuieiltions is ho not tho noblest, worthiest of all tho young men in tho city?' Blooms not in ills soul evorv virtue that tends to mako life happy V" " My child," replied her Aunt, ' crant it. Virtues bloom in' thee as well us in him ; I can say thus fo theo with out llattcry. Cut, dear heart, they bloom only, and arc not yet ripened 'neath the sun's rays ami -the shower. Xo blos soms deceive the expectations more than these. Wo can never tell In what soil thev havo taken root. Who knows tho concealed depths of tho heart?" " Ail. dear Aunt, you really frighten "So much tho better, I.oui.-e. Such fear Is right; such fear is as it should be oulio evening before marriage. I love tUw tenderly, and will therefore declare at! my thoughts to thee on tills subject lltlioi'.t disguise. I am not as yet an fold aunt. At seven-and-twenty years ono lcoks forward Into llfo with pleasure tl'O world still presents a bright side io I havo an excellent husband. J tint happy. Therefore I havo the right to speak thus to theo, to call thy atten lion to a secret which perhaps thou dost not yet know, ono which Is not often spoken of toa young and pretty maiden, one, Indeed, which does not greatly oc cupy thu thoughts of a young man, and still is of tho utmost importance in every household ; a secret from which alone springs lasting love and unalterable hap plnes." IiOtilso seized tho hand of her Aunt In loth of hers. "Dear Aunt! you know believe you in everything. You mean hat enduring happiness is not insured o us by accidental tpia);t.es, by lleetin harms, but only by tllo.-o virtues of tho itlnd which wo bring to each other. 1'he.se uro tho best dowry which wo can KHsess ; theso never become old." " As it happens, Lionise. Tho virtues o, llkotliQbeautios of tho body, can 'ow old, nnd become repulsivo and teful with age." " How, dearest Aunt ? whnt is it you y ? Name mo a virtue which can he me hateful with years." " When they havo become to we no ngor cull them virtues, as a beautiful allien can no longer bo willed beautiful hen timo lias changed her to an old Ltl wrinkled woman." " But, Auut, tho virtues uro nothing rtiily." ' " Perhaps." ,'"IIow can gentleness and mildness cyor become hateful ?" " So toon as they degenerato Into in sipid insolence and lUtlessiieas." . "And manly courage?" "Uecomes Imperious rudeness." "And mode.4 dlllldenco?" "Turns to fawning humility." ' "Andnobloprldo?" "To vulgar haughtiness." . L' Anil rnnilltnwa tn illlri,'? " IloiNnes a habit of too ready friend ,hlpimdervillty." jcar Ait, you innko mo almost an gryJ Wi' furo IiuMjuniUnm never de n'Jrato thus.sflln litis ono vlrtuo which li 1 . T- V'i'j preserve lfn,ns ho Is forever. A- suns.i', uu iuriruciioio iceung lor Wl ..I VOL. 1.-2K). 1. everything that Is great, and good, and noble, dwells in mo also, 1 hope, as well as in him. This is the innnto pledge and security for our happlnets." " JJut If it should grow old with you i If It slioultl cliango to hateful excitabili ty; and Oxvltabltlty Is tho worst enemy of matrimony. You both possess ben- Iblilty. That I do not deny; hut bewaro lest this grace should degenerate Into nil Irritable and quarrelsome mor tal." " Ah, dearest, If I might never become old I AVert thou always as fresh and beautiful as to-day, still thy husband's eyes would by custom of years become Indlirerent to theso advantages. Cus tom is tlte greatest enchantress in tho world, and In tho house ono of tho most benevolent fairies. Slio renders that which is tho most beautiful, ns well as tho ugliest, familiar. Tho wife Is young and becomes old ; it is cuwtom which hinders tho husband from per ceiving tho change. On tho contrary, did she remain young while he grew old it might bring consequences, and render tho man In years Jealous. It is better as kind I'rovldcnco has ordered It. Imag Ino'that thou liatlst grown to he an old Woman and thy husband were t bloom ing youth, how wouldst thou then feel V' Louise rubbed her chin, and replied, "I cannot.tell." Her Aunt continued : " Hut I will call thy attention to a secret, which " 1 lmt is it," interrupted Louise, hast liy, " that is it which I long so much to hear." Iter Aunt paid: "Listen to me atten tively. What 1 nowti'lltheel have prov ed. It consists of two parts. The first part, of tho means' to render a marriage happy, of itself prevents every po.-sibill ty of dissension, and would oven at last make tho spider and tho lly'the best of mends with each other. Thoseeond part is the best ami tho surest method of pre serving feminine attractions." "Ah!" exclaimed Louise. " Tiie former half means, then : In tho first solitary hour after the ceremony, take thy bridegroom and domand'fl sol emu vow of him, and give him a vow in return. Promise one another sacredly, never, not even In Jest, to wrangle with each other; never to bandy words, or indulge in the least ill-humor. Xever! iy ; never Wrangle in jest, and put tingonanairof ill-huinorincrelytoteaM!, becomes earnest by practice. Marie that ! Next, promise each other, sincerely and soiemniy, never to have a secret from each other, under whatever pretext, with whatever exeu-e it may be. You must continually, and every moment, see clear into each otiier's bosom. Kven when one of you have committed a fault, wait not an instant, but confess it freely ; let it cost tears, but confess it. And as you keep nothing secret from each other, so on the contrary, preserve the privacies of yourhou'-e, marriage state, and heart from father, mother, brother, sister, aunt, and all the rest of tho world. You two, with God's help, build your own pilot world; every third or fourth one you draw into it will form a party, and stand between you two. That should never be. Promise this to each other, ltenew tho vow at each temptation. You will find your own account in it. Your souls will grow as it were together, and willat last become as one. Ah! If many a young pair had on their wedding day known this secret,, how nialiy marria ges were happier than, alas, they aro!" Louiso kissed her Aunt's hand wltl ardor, "lieei that it must uoso. When tills confidence is absent, tho married. even .after wedlock, aro t v 't.stmtugers who do not know each ol ' t fhould be so ; without this thfi ;?.obaj: . iii)H: ness. And now, Ain.iyjhu hasr-prosorv utive of female beauty?" . Her Aunt .smiled, and said : " Wo mav not conceal from ourselves that a hand somu man pleases us a hundred times moro than an ill-looking one, and tho men are pleased witit us when wo aro pretty. lint what wo call boautlful what in the woman pleases tho man, is nut skin and hair, tho shape and color. as in a picture or statue; it is the char' acter, it is tho soul that is within these that enchants us by looks and words. earnestness, anil Joy, and sorrow. The men admiro us tho moro they suppose those virtues of the mind to exist In us which theoutslde promises; and we thinl a malicious man disagreeable, however graceful and handsome he may be. Let a young maiden, then, preserve that purl ly of soul, those sweet qualities of tho mind, thoso virtues, in short, by which sho llrst drew her lover to her feet. Ami tho best preservation of virtue, to ren der It unchanged and Keep it ever young, Is religion that Inward union with tho Deity and eternity and faith- Is piety, that walketh with (Sod, so pure so peaceful, so boncllceut with mortals.' " See,dear heart," continued the Aunt "thcro aro virtues which uriso out of mere experience. Theso grow old with time, and alter, because, by change of circumstances tuid Inclinations, prudent' alters her rules of action, and bei-au her growth does not always keep pace with that of our years and passions Hut religious virtues can never cliango theso remain eternally tho same, because our God is always tho same, and that eternity tho same wliicli wo and all who lovo us aro hastening to enter. Pre serve, then, a miiid Impartial anil pure looking for everything from God ; thu will tho beauty of soul remain for whlcl tiie bridegroom to-day adores theo. I an no bigot, no fanatic, I am thy Aunt of sovon-nnd-twenty. I lovo all Innocent and rational amusements. Hut for this very reason I say to" theo bo a good dear Christian, and thou wilt as mother, BLOOMSBU11G, SATURDAY, es, as grandmother, bo still beautiful." Louiso threw her arms about her neck and wept in silence, and whlspcro1', " I thank thee, Angel I" VETO OK THE CIVIL, RIGHTS BILL.. 'Jb the Senate qf the United States : I nnonKTthat tho bill which has pass- (I both Houses of Congress, entitled An net to protect nil persons in tho United States in their civil rights, and furnish tho means of Vindication," con tains provisions which I cannot approve consistently with my sense of duty to tho whole people, nnd my obligations to tho Constitution of tho United States. I am, therefore, constrained to return It to tho Senate, tho House In which it originated, with my objections to Its be coming a law. By tho first section of the bill all persons born In tho United Stntes,and not subject to any foreign pow er, excluding Indians not taxed, are de clared to be citizens of tho United States. Tills provision comprehends tho Chi nese of the Pacific States, Indians subject to taxation, tho people called Gipsies, as well as tho entire race designated as blacks, people of color, negroes, nudlat toes, and persons of African blood. Kv cry individual of theso races born In the United Stntes is by tho bill made a citi zen of tho United States. It does not purpose to declare or confer any other right of citizenship than " Federal citi zenship." It does not purport to give these classes of persons any status as citi zens of States, except that which may result from their status an citizens of the United Stntes. The power to confer the right of State citizenship is just as ex clusively with the several States as the power to confer tho right of Federal citi zenship is with Congress. Tho right of Federal citizenship thus to be conferred on the several excepted races before men tioned is now for the first time proposed to be given by law. If, as is claimed by many, all persons who aro native born aro by virtue of tho Constitution citizens of tho United States, tiio passage of tho pending bill cannot be necessary to make them such. If, on the other hand, such porsonsare not citizens, as may be assum ed from tho proposed legislation to make them such, the grave question'presents itself whether, when eleven of tho thir ty-six States are unrepresented in Con gress at tills time, it is sound policy to make our entire colored populaton', and all other excepted classes, citizens of'tlie United States. Four millions of them itivo just emerged from slavery into freedom. Can it be reasonably supposed that they possess tlte requisite qimliflca tions. to entitle them to all the privileges and immunities of citizens of the United States? Have tho people of tho several States expressed such a conviction? It may also bo asked whether it is necessa ry that they should bo declared citizens in order that they may bo secured in the enjoyment proposed to bo conferred by tho bill ? Those rlglfts are by Federal as well as State laws secured to all domi ciled aliens and foreigners, even before the completion of tho process of natural ization; and it may safely be assumed that the samo enactments are sufllciont to give like protection and benefits to thoso for whom this bill provides special legislation. Besides, tho policy of tho Government, from its origin to the present timo,seeim to have been that persons M'ho aro stran gers to and unfamiliar with ourinstitu tions and our laws, should pass through a certain probation, at the end of which, beforo attaining tho coveted privilege, they must give evidenco of their fitness to receive and to excreta tho rights of citizens, as contemplated by tho Const! tion oCtlie United States. The bill In effect proposes a discrimi nation against largo numbers of intell! gent, worthy, and patriotic foreigners, and In favor of tho negro, to whom, after long years of bondage, tho avenues to freedom nnd Intelligence havo Just now been suddenly opened. Ho must of ne cessity, from his previous unfortunate condition of servitude, he less informed as to tho nature and character of our in stitutions than ho who, coming from abroad, to some extent, at least, fanil llarized himself with tho principles of a government to which ho voluntarily entrusts life, liberty, and tho pursuit of happiness. Yet It is now proposed, by a single legislative enactment, to confer tho rights of citizens upon all persons of African descent born within the extend ed limits of tho United States, wliiio poi sons of foreign birth, who mako our land their home, must undergo a probation of llvo years, nml can only then become citizens upon proof that they nro of good moral character, attached to tho princi ples of tho Constitution of tho United States, and well disposed to the good or der and happiness of tho same. Tho first section of tho bill also contains uu enu meration of tho rights to bo enjoyed by theso classes m nindo citizens in every State and Territory of tho United States. Theso rights aro to mako and enforce contracts, to sue, bo pnrtIus,,glvo ovl deuce, to Inherit, purchase, lease, sell, hold, and convey real anil personal pro perty, and to have full and equal bene fit of all laws nnd proceedings for tho so curlty of person and property as Is now enjoyed by whltocltizens. So, too, they nro made subject to the samo punish ment, pains, and penalties in common wltli wlilto citizens, anil to lfono others, Thus a perfect equality of the whito and colored races is attempted to bo fixed by Federal law In every Stato of tho Union over tho vast field of State Jurisdiction covered bv these enumerated riitlitf. I" no ono of these can nny State ever exer cise any power of discrimination be tween tho different races. In tho exer cise of Stato policy over matters exclu sively directing tho people of eacli State, It has frequently been thought expedient to discriminate between the two races. By tho statutes of some of tho States, Northern as well as Southern, It Is enact ed, for instance, that no whito person shall Intermarry with a negro or niullat to. Chancellor Kent says, speaking of tho blacks, "that marriages between them nnd tho whites nro forbidden In somo of the States where slavery does not exist, and they aro prohibited In nil tho slavelioliliiig States; nnd when not absolutely contrary to law, they nro re volting, and regarded as an offence against public decorum." I do not say that this bill repeals State laws on tho subject of marriage between tho two ra ces; for as tho whites nro forbidden to in termarry with the blacks, the blacks can only make such contracts as the whites themselves nro nllowed to make, and therefore cniinot, under this bill, enter into the marrlago contract with the whites. 1 clto this discrimination, how ever, as an instance of the Stato policy as to discrimination, and to Inquire whether, if Congress can abrogate all State laws of discrimination between the two races In the matter of real estate, of suits, nnd of contracts generally, Con gress may not also repeal the Stato laws as to the contract of marriage between tho two races. Hitherto every subject embraced in the enumeration qf rights contained in tills bill has been considered as exclusively belonging to the States; they all relate to the internal policy and economy of tho respective States. They aro matters which, in each State, concern the domestic condition of its people, va rying in each-according to its own pecu liar circumstances and the safety and weil-boing of its own citizens. I do not mean to say that upon all these subjects thcro nro not Federal re straints. As, for instance, In the State power of legislation over contracts there is a Federal limitation that no State shall pass a law. impairing tho obligtv tions of contracts ; and as to crimes thai no Stato shall pass an exjwst fuvto law ; to money that no State shall make any tiling but gold and silvern legal tender But where can wo llnd a Federal prohi hit ion against tho power of any Stato to discriminate ns to most of them, between aliens and citizens, bet ween artificial per sons called corporations, and national persons, in the right to hold real estate? If it lie granted that Congress shall re peal all Stato laws discriminating be tween whites, nnd blacks in the subjects covered by this bill, why, it may he tisl oil, may not Congress repeal, in the same way, all those laws discriminating between the two races on the subject ol suffrage and olllco? If Congress can de dare by law who shall hold lands, who shall testify, who shall have capacity to make a contract inn State, then Congress can by law aNo declare who, without regard to race or color, shall have the right to sit as a juror or as a judge, to hold any olllco, and finally to vote, in every Stato and Territory of tho United States. As respects tho Territories, they come within tho .power of Congress, for as to them tho law-making power isthe Federal power; but as to tho States, no similar provision exists vesting in Con gross the power to make rules and regit' lations for them. The object of the second section of tho bill is to all'ord discriminative protectiou to colored persons in tho full enjoyment of all tiio rights secured to them. By the preceding section It declares that "any person who, under color of nny law, sta tute, ordinance, regulation, or custom, shall subject any inhabitant of any State or Territory to tho deprivation of any right secured or protected by this net, or to different punishment, pains, or penal ties, on account of such person having at any time been held in a condition of slavery or involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crimes whereof the party shall havo been duly convicted, or by reason of his color or race, than is prescribed for tho punishment of white persons, shall he deemed guilty of a mis demeanor, and on conviction snail uo punished by lino not exceeding one thou sand dollars, or Imprisonment not ex ceeding one year, or both, In the discre tion of tho Court." Tills section seems to bo designed to apply to somo existing or futuro law of a Stato or Territory which may conflict with tho provisions of tho bill now under consideration. Ii provides for counteracting such forbid den legislation by imposing a fine anil imprisonment upon tho legislators who may pass such conflicting laws, or upoi the'otllcors or agents who shall put or at tomtit to put them Into execution. It means an ofllc'.al offence, not n common crime committed against law upon tin persons or property of tho black race. Such an act may deprive tho black man of his property, but not of tho right to hold property. It means a deprivatlor of this right Itself, either by tho State Judiciary or thu Stato Legislatures. II Is, therefore, assumed that,under thlssec tlon, member of State Legislatures win should vote for laws conflicting with tin provisions of this bill; that Judges of thr Stato Courts who should render Judg ments in antagonism with its terms ; and that marshals and sheriffs win should, ns ministerial ofllcors, executi tho processes sanctioned by Stato law and Issued by State judges In executioi o' their Jutl,rmoits, could bo bnuht before other tribunals, and there subject ed to lino anil imprisonment for tho per formanco of tho duties wuieh such Stati laws might Impose. Tho legislation thu proposed Invades tho Judicial power of MAY 5, 1866, tiie Stato. It says to every Stato court or Judge, "If you decldo that tills act Is unconstitutional ; If you refuse, un der tho prohibition of n Stale law, to al low a negro to testify ; If you hold that, over such a subject matter, the Stato law Is paramount, nnd under color of a Stato law refuse tho exercise of tho right to tho negro, your error of judgment however conscientious, shall subject you to fine nnd Imprisonment." 1 do not apprehend that the conflicting legisla tion which the bill seems to conteniplato Is likely to occur as to render It necessa ry nt thistlinotondoptaiiicasuroof such doubtful constitutionality. In tho next place this provision of the lilll seems to bo unnecessary, as adequate iidlcial remedies could bo adopted to secure the desired end without involv ing tho iiniuunitivo of Legislatures, always Important to bo preserved In the Interests of public liberty; without as sailing tho Independcnco of tho Judicia ry, always essential to tho preservation of individual rights; and without Im pairing tho efllciencyof ministerial otll- ecrs, always necessary for the mainten ance of public peace and order. The remedy proposed by this section seems to bo In this respect not only anomalous, but uncon.stitutlonal,fortlio Constitution guarantees nothing with certainty if it does not ensure to the several States the right of making and executing laws in regard to all matters arising in their ju risdiction, subject only to tho restriction that in cases of conflict with the Consti tution nnd constitutional laws of tho United States, the latter should bo held to he the supreme law of the land. 'I ho third section gives tho District Courts of tho United States exclusive "cognizance of all crimes and offenses committed against the provisions of tills act," and concurrent jurisdiction with the Circuit Courts of tho United States of all civil and criminal cases affecting persons who are denied, or cannot en force in the courts or judicial tribunals of tho State or locality wherever they may be, any of the rights secured to them by tho first section ; and the construction which 1 have given to tho second sec tion is strengthened by this third see tlon, for it makes clear what kind of do nial or deprivation of the rights secured by the first section was in contemplation It is a denial or deprivation of such rights "in tho courts or Judicial tribunals of tho State." It stands, therefore, clear of doubt that the offence and penalties provided in the second section aro in tended for the Stato judge, who, in the clear exercise of his functions as a Judge, not acting ministerially, but judicially, shall decide c ''VitniH this Federal law. In other words, when a StateJudge, act ing upon a ;'"' .on involving n conflict botweci 'i State law and a Federal law, and bound, according to his own Judg ment and responsibility, to give an im partialdecision between the two,comes to the conclusion that the State law Is valid and the Federal law is invalid, he must not follow the dictates of his own jud ment, nt the peril of fine and imprison ment. The legislative department of tho Government of the United States thus takes from the Judicial department of the States tho sacred and exclusive duty of judicial decision, and converts tho State judge into a mere ministerial officer, bound to decide according to the will of Congress. It is clear that in the States which de ny to persons whoe rights aro secured by the llrst section of tho bill any one of these rights, all criminal and civil cases affecting them will, by the provis ion of the third section, come under the exclusive cognizance of the Federal tri bunals. It follows that if any Stato which denies to a colored person any one of all those rights, that person should commit a crime against the laws of the State, murder, ar.-on, rape, or any other crime, ail protection or punishment through all tho courts of the Stato are taken away, and he can only bo tried and punished In the Federal courts. How is the criminal to be tried If tho offense is provided for and punished by I-'ederal law, that law and not the Stato law Is to govern ? It is only when the offence does not happen to bo within tho purview of Fed eral lawthat the Federal Courts are to try and punish him. Under tho other law, then, resort is to ho had to the common law as modified and changed by State legislation, so far us tho same Is not in "onslstontwilh thoConstitution and laws ,)f tho United States. So that over this vast domain of criminal jurisprudence provided by each Stato for tho protection f Its citizens, and for the p'liilshnicnt of ill persons who violate Its criminal laws, Federal law, wherever It can bemade to ipply, displaces Stato law. The ques tion hero naturally arises, from what source Congress derives tho power to ;rausfer the power to tho Federal tri bunals certain classes of cases embrac d In this section? Tlte Constitution ex pressly declares that the Judicial power if tho United States shall extend t" all cases In law and equity arising under :hls Constitution, and laws of the United States, and treaties made or which shall bo niado under' their authority ; to all eases affecting embassadors, other pub lic ministers, and consuls; to all cases 'if admiralty and niarltlinojiirlsdlctlon; to controversies to which tho United States shall bo a party ; to controver sies between two or moro States ; be tween a Stato and citizens of another Stato; between citlzensofthosanioState claiming land under grants of different Slates ; and between a Stato or the citi zens thpreof, and foreign States or sub jects. PJUCE FIVE CENTS. Hero tho Judicial power of tho United States Is expressly set forth and defined, and the act of September -1, 1789, es tablishing tho Judicial courts of tho Uni ted States, in conferring upon tho Fed- iral Courts Jurisdiction over cases origi nating In State tribunals, Is careful to confine them to the clases enumerated In tho above recited clause of tho Con stitution. This section of tho bill un doubtedly comprehends cases and au thorizes tho oxercUe of power that are not, by tho Constitution, within tho Ju risdiction of tho Courts of the United Stntes. To transfer them to the Courts of tho United States would be an exer cise of authority well calculated to ex cite distrust and alarm on the part of nil tho States, for tho bill applies nllko to all of them as well to thoso that have as to thoso that have not been engaged in rebellion. It may bo assumed that this authority Is Incident to tho power granted to Congress by the Constitution, as recently anieniled, to enforce by ap propriate legislation tho article declar ing that neither slavery nor involunta ry servitude, except ns a punishment for crime, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject, to their Jurisdiction. It cannot, however, be justly claimed that with a view to the enforcement of tills article of tho Constitution there is at present any necessity for tho exercise of all the powers which tills bill confers. Slavery lias been abolished, and at pre sent nowhere exists within tho jurisdic tion of tho United States, nor has there been, nor is it likely there will be, any Attempt to renew it by the people of the States. If, however, any such attempt shall bo made, it will become tho duty of the General Government to exercise any nnd all incidental powers necessary and proper to maintain inviolate the great law of freedom. Tho fourth section of the bill provides that officers and agents of the Freed men's Bureau shall bo empowered to make arrests, and also that other officers may be specially commissioned for that purpose by tho President of tho United States, it also authorizes Circuit Courts of tlte United States, and the Supreme Courts of tho Territories, to appoint, without limitation, commissioners, who are to bo charged with tho performance of quasi-judicial duties. The tilth section empowers the com missioners, so to bo selected by the Courts, to appoint in writing under their hands ono or more suitable persons from time to time; to execute warrants and other prosecution-, desired by the bill. These numerous olllcial agents are niado to constitute a sort of police in ad dition to the military, and areauthoriz. ed to summon a poxxe coniitutii, and even to call to their aid such portions ol the land and naval forces of the United States, or of the militia, as may be necessary to tiio performance of tho duty with which they aro charged. This ex traordinary power is to lie conferred up on agents irresponsible to the Govern ment and to the people, to whose num ber tho discretion of tho commissioners is tho only limit, and in wlioso hands such authority might be made a terrible engine of wrong, oppression, and fraud. Tho general statutes regulating the land and naval forces of the United States, the militia, and the execution of the laws, nro believed to be adequate lor every emergency winch can occur m nine of peace. If it should prove otherwise Congress can at any time amend those laws in such a manner as, while subserv ing the public welfare, not to jeopardize the rights, interests, and liberties of tho people. Tho seventh section provides that a fee of ten dollars shall bo paid to each commissioner in every case brought be fore him, and a fee of five dollars to his deputy or deputies for each person ho or thev mav arrest and take oeioroany sucn 'ommissinner, with such other fees as may bo deemed reasonable by such com missioner in general for perforniingsuch other duties as may be required in the nremi-c. All these fees are to be paid out of the Treasury of the United States, whether there is a conviction or not ; but in case of conviction they aro to be recoverable from thedefondnnt. ltseems to mo that under the influence of such temptation bad men might convert any law, however beneficent, Into an instru ment of prosecution and fraud. Bv tho eighth section of tho bill the United States Courts, which sit only in ono plnco for whito citizens, must mi grate, the marshal and district-attorney, and nece-sarlly tho clerk, although he is not mentioned, to any part of tho dis trict, upon tho order of tho President, and there hold a court, for tho purpose of tho mom speedy arrest and trial of persons charged with a violation of this act t and thorn the juito) anil tneoiticcrs of tho court must remain, on the order oflhoPresldent, for tho time designated. The ninth section authorizes tho Presi dent, or such person as ho may empow er for that purpose, to employ such part of tho laud or naval forco of tho United States, or of tho militia, as shall bo ne cessary to prevent tho violation and en force tho tine execution ofthlsact. This language seems to Imply an important military force, that Is to bo always at hand, and whoso only business Is to be tho enforcement of this ineasuro over tho vast 'region where it is iutendyd to operate, ' I do not proppso to consider tho poli cy of this blll. To mo tho details of the bill aro fraught with ovll. Tho whito race and tho black raco of tho South havo hitherto lived together under the relallou Qf mattei1 uud slave capital I lennii of (Iufi'ii.'iiii0. ( Ono Ro,nnre, ono or three Inactions iff, 1 50 Kneh Milffco.tt.nit lntrtion Ies tlmn thlrtren, m Olio Hqtinro one indtilli,,,,, , 2 (fl Two " (' j 00 Threo " " s oo Tour " " m ,..., e 00 Hnlf column " ..... 10 00 Ono column " 15 00 Kxccutor's ond Administrator' Notice ft., 3 09 Auditor' Notice 2 to IMltorlal Notices twenty cents per lino. ' Other advert Isenielits liifcrteil nccoidlng to spo-claleontiact. owning labor. Now suddenly that re lation Is changed ; nnd as to ownership, capital and labor aro divorced. They stand now each master of itself in tills relation ono bclngneccssnry to tho other. There will bo anew adjustment, which both nro deeply Interested in making harmonious. F.aeh has equal power In settling tho forms, and If left to tho laws that regulate capital and labor, it is con fidently believed that they will satisfac torily work out tho problem. Capital, it Is true, has moro intelligence; but labor Is never so Ignorant as not to un derstand Its own interests, not to know Its own value", and not to see thnt capi tal must pay that value. This bill frus trates this adjustment, it Intervenes be tween capital and Inbor, and attempts to settle questions of political economy through thongency of numerous officials, whoso interest it will bo to ferment dis cord between tho two races. So far as the breach widens, their employment will continue; and when It Is closed, their occupation will terminate. In all our history, in all our experience as a people living under Federal and Stato law, no such system has ever before been proposed or adopted to establish for tho security of tho colored raco safeguards which go infinitely beyond nny that tho General Government hns ever provided for the whito race. In fact, tho distinc tion of raco and color is by tho bill mado to operate in favor of the colored and ugainst tho whito raco. They interfere with thomuniclpal leg islation of tho States, with tho relations existing exclusively between a Stato and its citizens, or between inhabitants of tho sameState anabsorption,anassuniption of power by tho General Government which, if acquiesced in, must sap or de stroy our fedcrativo system of limited powers, nnd break down tho barriers which preserve tho rights of tho States. It is another step or rather strido toward centralization, and tho concentration of all legislative powers in the National Government. Tho tendency of tho bill must be to resuscitate tho spirit of rebel lion, and to arrest the progressof thosoin- fluences which are more closely drawing arouudtho States tho bonds of Union and peace. "My lamented predecessor, in his proc lamation of tho 1st of January, IS03, or dered and declared that all persons held as slaves within certain States, and parts of States therein designated, were and thenceforward should bo free; and fur ther, that tiio Executive Government of the United States, including tho milita ry nnd naval authorities thereof, would recognize nnd maintain tho freedom of such pcr-ons. This guarantee lias been rendered especially obligatory and sa cred by the amendment of thoConstitu tion abolishing slavery throughout tho United States. I therefore fully recog nize the obligation to protect nnd defend that class of our people whenever and wherever it shall become necessary, and to the full extent compatible with tho Constitution of tho United States. Entertaining these sentiments, It only remains for me to say that I will cheer fully co-operate with Congress in any measure that may bo necessary for tho promotion of tho civil rights of the freed inen, as well as those of all other classes of persons throughout the United State-", by judicial process, under equal and Im partial laws, in conformity with the pro visions of the Federal Constitution. I now return the bill to tho Senate, and regret that in considering tho bills nnd joint resolutions, forty-two in number, which have been thus far submitted for my approval, I am compelled to with hold my assent from a second ineasuro that has received the sanction of .both Houses of Congress. Axj)in:w JoiiKSi Washington, D. C, March ".7, 180. TRUE POLITENESS. Tin: "first gentleman in Europe," George IV. of England,' while Begont, on ouo of his llarouu Al Basehcd excur 1 excur t eccur sljop," o mem- sions, or, in other words, on an sion when he could "sink tho happened to bo in u company tho i hers of which were not at all an fait to tho latest canons in polite intercourse. One or two of tho ladies actually drank tea out of their saucers ! Somo of tho small souls present were inclined to tit ter, whereupon George, tho gentleman, instantly supported tho ladies offending by drinking tlte royal tea In tho samo manner and mode. Tins was " thos'tainp of fate, tiio sanction of a" Begent, and tho tlttcrers were put in a shame-faced minority. We don't vouch forthiyjtory or remember where wo read It. ' Per haps it is in that book of solemn non sense, " Cwly's Llfo of George," a3 Impudent a specimen of flattery to n royal sinner as over a courtly preacher was guilty of. This, by the way. Tho story Is a good one, como from where it may, and very much to George's credit. True politeness, as wo understand it, consists in putting other peoplo nt their ease, and making them eomforfnble. How llttlo this Is taught in tho so-called codes of etiquette everybody knows, and how llttlo it is practised by somo of thoso wlio think themselves ' tho fash Ion," many of us have painfully realized. At a dinner table, among number of guests, Charles La-Tecta, cravat caused a mistake to boil Arch street, takonf ira clergyman, and he wa. on to "say grace." Looking ui. down tho table, hoasked, In hlslnlmlta' bio lisping manner: "is there no cl-cl clergymnn present?" "No,Blr,""niswer ed aguost. "Th-thon," said LainbTboW' ing ids head, "let us thank GoiU"