inquirer.
BEDFORD, PA., FRIDAY JIXB 22,186(1.
UNION REPUBLICAN STATE TICKET.
FOR GOVERNOR,
MAJ, GEN, JOHN W, GEARY,
OF CUMBERLAND COUNTY.
A DISMAL HOWL.
The Copperhead organ in its last week's
issue wails most piteously over the misfor
tunes of its especial friends, the deserters.
Its choicest billingsgate is appropriated to
to the task of consigning Gov. Curtin to
eternal infamy in the estimation of all pres
ent and future deserters. We have no
doubt the Governor will be able to endure
the imprecations of the whole pack ot de
serters with as much equanimity as \\ ash
ington and his compatriots did the anathe
mas of a similar class, known as Tories du
ring the war for independence. The con
templation of the misfortune- of the vilest
of men, even where they are the result of
liieir own misdeeds, ahvaysexcites our sym
pathy ; but when the organ speaks of' the
"blood bought* immunities of these "ske
dadlers' the tiring becomes so supremely
ridiculous as to extort a broad grin from
the most rueful of countenances. ' Blood
bought immunities of deserters" !! / What
upon the poor chicken-hearted
mis.'reants!—Well may the disconsolate
deserter beg to be saved fioni such farcical
vindications. After thus cruelly holding up
the objects of its sympathies to the public
scorn and contempt, it bravely tells the poor
fellows "not a hair of your heads shall be
hrfrt"-=brave words, when no one has ever
hinted at violence ; a generous government
ifysfead of bringing them to a just and well
merited punishment has contented itself
with depriving them of citizenship, while it
holds the protecting aegis of the law over
their persons and property, and permits
them to hide themselves in the deepest re
tirement, not exen asking them to come forth
and vote. Possess your souls in patience ye
faint hearted ones, ye shall not need even
the proffered protection of your val
iant organ, provided you keep out of reach
of the boys that wore the blue. But most
unlucky, most unfortunately farcical of all
this lugubrious howl is the closing exhorta
tion, "be firm, trust in the Lord, and keep
your powder dry," a watchword stolen from
the Puritans and redolent of Plymouth rock,
an exhortation, to "keep their powder dry, "
to the men who, in mortal terror, with qua
king hearts and pallid faces, fled to the
fastnesses of the mountains and the Canadi
an border lest they should scent even afar
off the smell of powder ! "Keep your pow
derdry"! why it's enough to throw the
poor fellows into convulsions or start them
hot-foot for the nearest patch of woods.
Well may the poor deserter cry in utter de
spair 'save me from my friends.
The Copperhead leaders have been
in a pretty tmd stew for the last week mak
ing preparatiou for the Convention which
-ftrjntia vti foci- Tocotfo/. i.*.a u
perate time quieting all the fears of the
faithful. They had apparently too much
timber on hand, some of it we are afraid,
will be useless in the future. The Gazette
has week after week lectured the aspiring
upon the propriety of sticking to the nonri
nation once made, while it labored hard se
cretly, no doubt, to bring about the defeat of
the very individuals whom it was lecturing
to stand by the nomination. We suspect
the defeated understand it by this time.
news irom Europe indicates fully
the determination of Austria and Prussia to
settle their difficulties by a resort to the ar
bitrament of the sword. It is thought
that the conflict will become general. The
effort to settle the matters at variance be
tween these two great nations, by the sub
mission of them to a general conference of
all the powers, has proved abortive. The
next mail may bring us the accouats of bat
tles fought and victories won. We have a
warm sympathy for Prussia in the approach
ing conflict aud hope she may be able to
overcome her formidable adversary.
M&* The Copperheads use the same
amount of vituperation in regard to the Sol
diers' Convention which assembled in Pitts
burgh on the 6th inst, that they did with
regard to giving the soldiers a vote while in
the service. It is the same old bile. The
soldiers have been their deadly enemies
whenever they have been at a respectable
distance. The Rebels and Copperheads
agree most s ngularly.
iOT The act disfranchising deserters is
the most deadly blow to Copperheadism that
has been inflicted since the overthrow of
the Rebellion. They intended forming Cly
mer Soldier Clubs throughout the State, and
imagine their chagrin when about to com
mence Jhe work of love to find three-fourths
of all their soldiers' disfranchised. It was
wicked in Governor Curtin to sign the bill
and thereby spoil the hopes of those already
despairing.
Gold sold up to 160} in New York
on last Saturday. The cause of this heavy
rise is attributed to the almost certain re
sort to arms on the Coutinent and continued
Bank failures in England.
The New Hampshire Scnatorship.
CONCORD, N. H., June 15.
The vote for United States Senator in the
House of Representative J to-day resulted
as follows:
James W. Patterson 199
Ira A. Eastman 110
Daniel Clark ; 2
In the Seuate the vote stood;
Patterson 9
Eastman 3
Mr. Patterson was warmly congratulated,
in and out of the State House, on his elec
tion.
'Death of an old Journalist.
WASHINGTON, June 16.
Col. W. W. Seaton, well known in con
nection with the National Intelligencer,
died to-day, of a cancer, with which he had
been afflicted for several months. He was
about 81 years of age.
Death of General Cass.
DWSEOIT, June 17.
General Lewie Cass died in this city at 4
o'clock this morning, aged. 83 yean.
THE PENNSYLVANIA SCHOOL
JOURNAL ON SCHOOL
LEGISLATION.
In commenting on the school legislation
i of the last session the Pennsylvania School
Journal in its May number says :
''Another of the failed measures was the
j attempt to impose; a general State tax for
; Common School purposes. And here, too,
we are free to say, that the instinct of the Leg-
I islature was. according to our views of the
nature and wants of the system, in the right
direction.
The great, strong, republican, conservative
feature of the Pennsylvania Common School
System, is its District (Town-hip, Borough or
City ) feature. This leaves with the parents
of the youth of each district, through their
immediate and responsible representatives,
the directors, as much of parental and local
control over the schools as is compatible with
the fact, that it is a public system. Not only
do the District Boards locate and erect the
school houses, employ and pay the teachers,
regulate the studies, grade the schools, select
the school books and fix the duration ot in
struction, but they also determine the amount
of means necessary to effect all these purpo
ses, —each for itself, and in proportion to the
wants and wishes of its own people. Where
as, if a geueral State tax be imposed for
school purposes, this individuality and inde
pendence of the districts is not only interfer
ed with over the whole State, but in the more
1 populous portions, where also wealth is in the
largest proportion to population, the grading
of the schools and the elevation of the branch
es will be checked, that they may be promo
ted in others."
This all reads very well if we don't bap.
I pen to see the other side of the question.
Let us take a look at the practical working
of what is here called the "great, strong,
republican, conservative" feature of the
Common School System. As the law now
stands it requires each district to keep its
schools open four months in each year or
forfeit the State appropriation. Now the
State appropriation is made from the State
funds, to which every district in the State
contributes its share under a regular antf
equal system of taxation, and it is bat just
and right that each district should get its
proportionate share of the appropriation.
The present school law gives it, only, on the
above condition of first keeping the schools
of the district open four months in the pre
ceding school year. Under tb\s"'greai' strong,
republican, conservative, feature the poor
district of Red Bank in Armstrong county,
was obliged, in 1864, to levy a school tax of
12 mills on the dollar and then accept such
indifferent teachers as could be had at $15.50
per month in order to get her share of the
State appropriation, while the rich district
of Oiey.in Berks county,had 5 months school
and was enabled to pay $22.50 per month,
with a tax of three-fourths of a mill on the
dollar (.41 of a mill would have procured her
four months school at the same wages as Red
Bank,) and to secure her share of the State
appropriation. Here we see under the
working of the present law a poor district
compelled to endure about thirty times as
heavy a tax as its rich neighbor or submit
to being robbed cf its just share of the
State appropriation; yet this is but one of a
thousand caes that might be cited. W e
are really astonished that a Journal, that has
labored so long and well in the cause of ed
ucation, should oppose reform where such
gro-.s injustice and inequality are known to
rit A train it. sacs r
"There is another strong objection to the
Schoc! tax, which its advocates do not, or
will not appreciate; but which every friend
of the system should estimate and take into
the account. It is, that in the rich and pop
ulous counties the system is not yet so tirmly
settled in the affections of the people as to bo
able to withstand every shock, and that there
fore sound policy teaches us not unnecessari
ly to again arouse a hostility which has but
receutly ceased to be active.''
We would simply a s k the Journal wheth
er it would advise the abandonment of all
measures of reform, because a few rich coun
ties would be likely to object to changing an
arrangement, which now gives.them the
lion's share of the State appropriations with
out requiriug them to bear their propor
tionate share of the burthens of taxation ?
We would also call the attention of the
Journal to the fact that in its own county of
Lancaster, E. Hempfield district can secure
but six months school at $29.00 per month
with a tax of 13 mills while West Lampe
ter obtains eight months school at $30,00
per month with a tax of 1.5 mills, in other
words, it would require about twelve times
as be a vy a tax in Last Hempfield to enable
it to obtain the same educational advantages
as it* neighbor, West Lampeter; in this
vietr of the case, we are much mista
ken if that portion of the citizens, of rich
old IyßDcsster, residing in East Hempfield
would not heartily approve of some meas
ure that would at the same time lighten
their taxes and bring them a little nearer an
equality, in point of educational advantages,
with their neighbors. Still further the
Journal says:
"Apart from fundamental objections, the
act proposed to effect this measure was, to
say the least of it, very one sided. It not
only proposed to tax the property of the State
in proportion to its value, and then to distri
bute the proceeds in proportion to popula
tion, —thus compelling the richer to contri
bute to the education of the power counties;
bat it added a measure, sever heard of before,
to carry even farther tbie inequality.
The proceeds of the tax were to be divided
into two eqpaal parts —OBe, to be distributed
amongst the counties in proportion to the
number of yonih between 6 and 21 years of
age, in each; asd the other to be divided ac
cording to the number of schools in each.
Now we have always believed, that the distri
bution should be by aeither mode; but that
funds coming from the State, should be divi
ded according to actus!' average attendance in
each district. And the poorer counties would
gain by this, for the recnem that they have
fewer select or private schools thaD the rich
er, and will therefore show a larger average.
The great reason, however, for this mode
is, that it would materially stimulate the at
tendance and increase the avewces. But the
proposition to divide tjy part of the proceeds
of a State tax by the number of schools is,
beyond all question, most unequal; it being
well known, that in such counties as Brad
ford, the average number on the roll of each
of the schools is little over half what it is in
such counties as Lancaster ; —the result being
a double advantage, one in the collection and
one in the distribution of the tax."
We call special attention to the sentence
we have put in italics. If we were surpris
ed at the ideas set forth in the pr evious
quotations what shall we say of this, which,
not only ignores but actually opposes the
great fundamental principle of our Common
School System; The most striling charac
teristic of the district feature of the sy stem,
so highly eulogised in our first extract, is
that all the property of the district shall be
equally taxed tor the education of its chil
dren, in other words, that the property of
the rich, shall be taxed to assist in the edu
cation of the children of the poor. If this
principle is so eminently right and just And
good (which we as well as the Journal be- j
liere it to be) in regard to the separate
triet, why should it not he equally right,
just aud good wheu extended, not only to
all the districts of a county, but to all the
counties of the State. The necessity for a.
reform iu the method of distributing the
appropriations becomes strikingly apparent
when we examine the school reports and find
that the present method of distributing
them in proportion to the number of taxa
bles has uniformly resulted in faror of the
rieher counties where taxation is com
parativcly light and agaiust the poorer
where it is always oppressive. Though
the schools of the poorer and thinly settled
districts may not average more than half as
many scholars as those of the richer and
more densely populated ones, they must
nevertheless have teachers, and though one
person may easily teach a school of fifty
scholars, two schools of twenty-five scholars
each, inevitably require two teachers ; this,
is a fact not in the least difficult to compre
hend, but which accounts for the gradual
increase of the cost of instruction as we
leave the rich and densely populated dis
tricts and approach those that are poor and
sparsely settled, as well as for the fact, that,
the cost of teaching a single scholar per
month is $3.70 in Tionesta district, Forest
county, while it is but 20 cents in South
ampton district, Cumberland county. How
ever great the difference in cost of instruc -
tion all are alike the children of the Statu,
and equally entitled to her bounty as well: is
her care, and that, without the imposition of
unequal and unjust burthens. While tl le
Journal may declare that the proposition to
divide any portion of the proceeds of tb.e
State tax according to the number of schoo Is
is most unequal, we as stoutly affirm, that
in view of the diversity existing in surface,,
soil, climate, wealth and density of popula
tion throughout the State, no law, ignoring
these facts and, dividing the State appropri
ation without regard to the number of
schools can possiblv accomplish any near ap
proximation to an equality in the cduca- j
tional advantages afforded to the children j
of the State, without an unjust, unequal and. I
oppressive district taxation. We are sorry 1
to be obliged to differ thus radically fromi
the position taken by the School Journal,
but we are convinced that a thorough and j
honest discussion of the proposed new law I
can only result in good and only wish we had j
more time and space to devote to a thor- j
ouch examination and exposition of the j
facts we have here briefly set forth, as gath
ered from the school reports, feeling assured
that it could have but one result, the tri
umphant demonstration of the absolute ne
cessity for a radical reform in the adminis
tration of the financial department of ouj
Common School System.
WHERE THE DANGER I.IES.
Hod. Glenni W, Scofieid, Member of
Congress from Warren District of this Stau:
in a speech in that body on Saturday la>t,
set forth the great danger to our institutions
which the success of the Democratic policy
of Reconstruction would create. He show -
ed that, if the entire South should be pur
| mitted to take part, in the next President ial
| election, it would, in conjunction with the
Sratcs of Kentucky Missouri. .Mary
land and De aware, and only three of the
strongly Copperhead States of the North,
New York. New Jersey and Connecticut be
able to elect a President and Congress of the
-ame political stamp, and so take hold of the
reins of government, aud undo all the benefi
cial effects of the war atut inflict positive
hardships upon the loyal masses of the
country. We quote from his summary of
evils which would be certain to follow such
a Rebel Victory—fcr Rebel victory it would
be indeed.-
"Pensions must then be surrendered, or
divided with Confederate claimants; service
in the Union Aimy, would be an impediment
to po'itieal success and the Treasury, sup
plied by the industry and economy of the
North, would be steadily absorbed in Con
federate damages. Then your creditors
might count their worthless bonds and learn
exactly how much it eost to reclaim their
fugitive masters. Then the pensionless wid
ows and orphans of our valiant dead might
bemoan in poverty and neglect the ingrati
tude of a Republic saved by a husband s
and father s blood. And then our surviving
soldiers must conceal their honorable scars
to save a humble position in the Capital
they helped to preserve—for the enemy.
Then, sir, we will all see, feel and realize
what the opposition in different phraseology
constantly assert, that the object of the war
was to force the Rebels to become our rulers.
Exchange.
FROM EUROPE.
Paris Conference Abandoned—Hopes of
Peace almost Vanished.
NEW YORK, June lb.
The Inman steamer City of Paris, which
left Liverpool at 3 o'clock on the afternoon
of theGtli, and Queenstown on the 7th, ar
rived here this morning.
It is fully confirmed that the proposed
Conferense is abandoned, owiDg to the de
mands of Austria, which were regarded by
England, France and Russia as tantamount
to a refusal. All negotiations are broken
off by the neatrals, and it remains for the
armed powers to negotiate among themselves
or commence war. Hopes of peace have
almost vauished.
The London Times says; Daily, almost
hourly, the chances of peaCe fade away, it
believes the first event will occur in the Elba
Duchies, but that the great move of Austria
will be an attempt to possess herself of Si
lesia.
The Daily News says appearances indicate
that a declaration of war. or a manifesto
equivalent to it will proceed from Prussia.
The Prussian Government had issued a
circular note to the neutral powers, charging
Austria with flagrant breach of treaties, by
referring the Holstein question to the Diet.
Prussia also sent a protest to Austria, dc
daring that the measures announced by
Austria in the Diet are in violation of the
treaty of Gastein, and cause the suspension
of the Duchies, and restores the powers to
the position accorded them by the treaty of
Vienna.
Au Austrian circular declares that Austria
will observe the Gastien Convention until a
definite settlement of the question of the
Duchies is effected. The only object in re
ferring the matter to the Diet was to effect
such settlement.
Military preparations are reported from
all quarters.
After another long debate on the reform
bill, Hoyter's amendment in favor of the
postponement was withdrawn, and the bill
was ultimately referred to the Committee
with division. The impression was abroad
that the measure would be withdrawn, but
the Government gave no indication of such
a step.
Spain increased her army to 85,000.
AgraA Masterman's bank had suspended.
Their liabilities were heavy and wide-spread.
The directors do not doubt but that all will
be paid in full, and only an inconsiderable
amount of paid up capital will be lost. The
event caused considerable commercial de
pression, although it was not unexpected.
The crisis on the continent continues, and
war is apparently inevitable.
RECONSTRUCTION.
tConstitutional Amendment Passed by
the House.—The Vote— Ayes, 120 Re
publicans; Nays, 32 Democrats.— Certi
tied Copies to be Sent to the tioveriiors
of the States.
Special Dispatch to Pittsburgh Commer
cial.
WASHINGTON. June 13.
The House today took tip ami finally pas
sed the joint resolution from the Senate pro
posing an amendment to the Constitution as
conditions precedent to a restoration of the
Union. But two hours debate were allowed
which were mostly occupied by the Demo
crats in fifteen minute .speeches. Mr. Stev
ens, though evidently quite ill, closed the
debate in a speech of fifteen minutes. The
House gathered arouud hint as he spoke,
and every member listened intently to his
remarks. He did not fully approve of every
feature of the amendment as it came from
the Senate, but declared that he was willing
to defer to others and accept it as a whole,
as it was now before the House. The vote
was then taken, and resulted ayes 120, nays
52. It was strictly a party vote, every Re
publican present, including Raymond, Still
well, Hale and Green Clay Smith, voting
for it. The Democratic vote was east solid
against it. Twenty one members were ab
sent. There was quite a large attendance
of spectators, but the usual demonstration®
of applause were omitted.
The Clerk of the House will now forward
to the Governors of the various States a
certified copy of the amendment for ratifica
tion by the Legislatures thereof.
The House Concurs iu the Senate
Amendments,—Speech By Thaddcus
Stevens.
WASHINGTON June 13.
Mr. Stevens introduced a substitute for
the bill introduced by him on the 28th of
May, to enable the States in rebellion to re
gain their privileges in the Union, which
was ordered to be printed. The substitue
contains the f 1 owing new section in refer
ence to Tennessee: "Section 9.—Whereas
The State of Tennessee has returned to her
allegiance to the United States, and by a
regular convent ion of her citizens has framed
a constitution, which, on being submitted to
the people, has been duly ratified, and which
i though not fully republican nor suited to the
altered condition of her institutions, yet as
it contains many elements of a just govern
ment; therefore.
Be it enacted. That tlTe State of Tennes
see may be admitted to representation in
Congress, and her present Senators and
Representatives, if found to he duly appoin
ted, elected and qualified may be admitted to
seats on taking the required oath: provided
that unless the said State of Tennessoc shall
before the first day of January next, either
by legislation or constitutional provision,
enfranchise all classes of her citizens and ex
tend rhe right of suffrage impartially to
every class and shall give to every person
within her jurisdiction an equal standing in
her courts of law and equity, both as suitors
or witnesses, and shall ratify the amendment
to the Constitution. Article 14th. proposed
• by this Congress, then the provisions of this
act, so far us they relate to the State of Ten
neasee exclusively, shall cease an 1 become
nuli and void and the said .State shall no I -ti
ger be repp sented in Congress.
ihc third section is altered so as to read:
SEC. 3. And be it further enacted , Thai
whenever the President of the United States
shail deem it proper, he shall issue his proc
lamation directing a convention to be called
to form legitimate constitutions for their re
spective States. And shall direct an election
to ire held on a day certain, to choose dele
gates to a convention which -hail meet at
the time specified by him at the Capitol of
the State and form a state Constitution
wt>i/-V> h)llie Kuimutted to t. vote of uic
peopie and if ratified by a majority of the
legal voters shall be declared the constitution
of the State.
Jhe sixth section, declaring that those
who have forfeited their citizenship shall
not be entitled to exercise the elective frau
chise uutii live years after they shall have
filed _ i heir intention to be reinvested with
the right of citizenship, is amended so as to
reduce the term to three years.
ihc (Senate amendments to the Joint
Resolution proposing an amendment to the
constitution of the 1 nited States were taken
-front the Speaker's table for action by the
House.
Mr. Stevens stated that if the House por
tion of the Committee on Reconstruction had
examined the Senate amendments and were
unanimously of opinion that they should be
concurred in, the amendments were so slight
that unless the gentlemen on the other side
desired to discuss it, the members on his
side were willing to take the vote at once
If, however, discussion was desired, he sug
gested that speeches should lie limited to
fifteen minutes, as he proposed to call the
previous question at half past three o'clock
Mr. Harding, of Ky.. proposed that the
Democratic side should have one hour allow
ed them for debate, to he divided among
them as they choose.
Mr. Stevens agreed to that.
It was understood that the Democratic
hour would be parcelled between Messrs.
Rogers, of New Jersey, Harding, of Ken
tacky, and Finck, of Ohio. He was followed
on his own side of the question by Messrs.
rink and Harding, (of Ky.,) and on the
Republican side by Messrs. Henderson and
Spaulding.
The House then seconded the previous
question, and Mr. Ster us closed the debate
He congratulated the lb-use and the country
that a scheme was soon to be submitted to
the people for the admission of an outlawed
community to the privileges aud advantages
of civilized and free government, and a
scheme containing, lie said, much positive
good though omitting of many better things.
In my youth, he continued, iu manhood,
and in my old age, I have fondly dreamed
thai when any fortunate clitmce should have
broken up for a time the foundations of our
institutions, and released us from the ohlica
tions, the most tyrannical that were ever
imposed :n the name of freedom, the intelli
gent,free and just men of this Republic would
turn to their professions, and their conscience
would have so remodeled all our institutions
as to have freed them from every vestige of
oppression of inequality of rights of the re
cognized degradation of the poor and the su
perior caste of the rich. In shott that no
distinction would be tolerated in this purified
Republic, hut that which arose from merit
aud conduct. This bright dream has vanish
ed like the baseless fabric of a vision. I find
that we shall lie obliged to be content with
patching up the worst portions of the an
cient edifice, and leaving its other parts to
be swept through by the tempests, the frosts
and the storms of despotism. Do you in
quire why, holding these reins, and possess
ing some will of my own, I accept .®o imper
fect a proposition? I answer, because I live
among men, and not among angels; among
men as intelligent as determined as indepen
dent as myself who, not agreeing with me,
do not choose to yield their opinions. Mu
tual consideration, therefore, is our only re
sort for mutual hostility. We might well
have been justified in making renewed and
more strenuous efforts for a better plan.
Could we have had the co-operation of the
Executive, with his cordial assistance, the
rebel States might haye been made model
republics, and this Nation an empire of uni
versal freedom; but he preferred restoration
to reconstruction, firehose that the slave
states should remain as nearly as possible in
their ancient condition, with such small
modifications as he and his prime minister
should suggest without any impertinent in
terference from Congress. He anticipated
the ligitimate action of the national legisla
ture and by rank usurpation erected govern
ments in the provinces, imposed upon them
institutions in the most arbitrary and un
constitutional manner and now maintains
them as legitimate government®, and inso
lently demands th.it they be represented in
Congress on cqud terms with the loyal
States. To repress this tyranny, and at
the same time to do some justice to the
conquered rebels, requires caution. The
great danger is, that the seceders may soon
overwhelm the loyal men in Congress.
The haste urged upon us by some loyal,
but impetuous men; their anxiety to em
brace the representatives of rebels their
ambition to display their dexterity in the
use of the broad mantle of charity and es
pecially the danger arising from the unscru
pulous use of patronage, and from the oily
rations of false prophets, famous for sixty
day obligations, and for protested political
promises admonish us to make no further
delay.
Referring to the third section, Mr. Ste
vens said he could not look upon the Senate
amendment as an improvement. In his
judgment, it endangered the government of
the country, both State and National, and
might give the next Congress and President
ro the reconstructed rebels with their enlar
ged basis of representation and the exclusion
of loyal men of color from the ballot box.
He saw no hope of safety unless iu the pre
scription of proper enabling acts which
should do justice to the freedmeu and enjoin
enfranchisement a® a conditional precedent.
While he saw much good in the proposition
he did not pretend to be satisfied with it,
and still he was anxious for its speedy adop
tion for he deprecated delay. Let us, ho
said in conclusion, no longer delay. Let us
take what we can get now and hope for bet
ter things in future legislation in enabling
acts or other provisions.
The House then proceeded to vote by yeas
and nays on concurring in the amendment
of the Senate. Several anounccments hav
ing been made of members absent or paired
and as to how they would have voted.
Mr. Eldridge, in ridicule, announced that
if Mi. Brooks, of New York, and Mr. Yoor
hees, of Indiana, had not been turned out
of their seats they would have voted "No;"
to which Mr. Stevens added that if Jefferson
Davis was here he would probably have vo
ted the same way. (Laughter and applause.
Mr. Wentworth added—"So would Jake
Thompson."
The Speaker directed his own name to be
called and he voted aye.
The vote was a strictly party vote, and re
sulted—yeas, 120; nays, 32.
The Speaker announced that over two
thirds of both Houses having agreed to the
joint resolution proposing amendments to
the Constitution of the United States, the
joint resolution was passed.
The Constitutional Amendment as it was
Passed Perfected by both Houses of
Congress.
Joint resolution proposing an amendment
to the Constitution of the United States:
R> solved by the Senate and House of
Representatives of the United States of
Am rica, in Congress assembled two thirds
of Itoth Houses Concurring. That the fol
lowing article be proposed to the Legislatures
of the several States as an amendment to the
Constitution of the United States, which,
when ratified by three-fourths of the said
legislatures, shall he valid as part of the
( u-iitution. namely:
AUTICLK —.SECTION L. Ali persons horn
or naturalized in the United States and sub
ject to the jurisdiction thereof are citizens
ofth.- f cited States and of the State wherein
t hey reside. No State shall make or enforce
any law which tlibll abridge the privileges
or immunities of citizens of the United
States. Nor shall any State deprive any
person of life, liberty, or property without
due process of law nor deny to any person
i within its jurisdiction the equal protection
of the laws.
SKC. 2. Representatives shall be appor
tioned a umiig the Several States according
to their respective numbers, counting the
whole number of persons iu each State ex
cluding iudians not taxed; but whenever the
right to vote at any election for electors of
I'reddent and Vice President, or for United
S; ate.-. Representative.® iu Congress executive
and judicial officers, or the members of the
Lcgi- iu' ures thereof, is denied to any of the
male inhabitants ofsuch State, being twenty
one years of age, and citizens of the United
States, or in any way abridged, except for
participation in rebellion or other crime, the
oasis of representation therein hall be re
duced in the peopor-ion which the number
of such male citizens shall bear to the whole
number of male citizens twenty one years of
age ui >uoh State.
SKC. O. NO person shall be a Senator or
Representative in Congress elector of Presi
dent and Vice President, or hold any office,
civil or military, under the United State.®
or under any State, who having previously
taken an oath as a member of Congress, or as
au officer of the United States, or as a mem
ber of any Staae Legislature, or as an execu
tive or judicial officer ofany State to support
the Constitution of the United States, shall
have engaged in insurrection or rebellion
against the same or given aid or comfort to
the enemies thereof, but Congress may, by
a vote of twothirds of each House, remove
such disability.
SKC. 4. The validity of the public debt of
the United States authorized by law. inclu
ding debts iucurred for the payment of pen
sions and bounties for services in suppressing
insurrection or rebellion, shall not be ques
tioned, but neither the United States nor
any State shall assume or pay any debt or
obligation incurred in aid of insurrection or
rebellion against the United States, or any
claim for the loss or emancipation of any
slave, but all such debts, obligations and
claims shall be held illegal and void.
The Report of the Joint Committe on
Reconstruction.
The detailed report of the Committee on
lleconstretiou made in each House of Con
gress, sets forth the reasons for the
conclusion to which they came in reporting
art amendment to the Constitution of the
United States, and the two bills with which
the public are already familiar, speaking
of the condition of the Confederate States
at the close of the rebellion, the committee
say these States were in an utter state of
exhaustion and without governments. The
President had no power except to execute
the laws of the land as Chief Magistrate.
! The laws gave him no authority over the
subject of re organization. By the Consti
tution he was Cotntnander-in Chief of the
army and navy. It was his duty, under the
laws of nations and the army regulations, to
restore order, to preserve property and to
protect the people against violence from any
quarter until provision should be made for
their government. He might, as President
assemble Congress and submit tbe whole
matter to the law-making power, or he
might continue military supervision and
control until Congress should assemble on
its regularly appointed day. As to the Gov
ernors appointed by the President, it could
not be contended that they posessed, or
could exercise, auy but military authority.
They had no power to organize civil gov
ernments nor to exercise any authority ex
cept that which inferred in their own per
sons under their commissions. Neither bad
the President, as Commander-in-Chief, any
other than military power, but he was in
exclusive possession of the military author
ity. It was for hitn to decide how far he
would relax it; when and on what terms he
would withdraw it. He might, perhaps
permit the people to assemble and to ini
tiate local governments and to execute such
local laws as they might choose to form, not
inconsistent with, nor in opposition to, laws
of the United States, and if satisfied they
might safely be left to themselves, be might
withdraw the military force altogether, and
leave the people* of any or all of these
States to govern themselves without his in
terference.
Tbe report, which Is a long one concludes 1
as follows, which may be regarded as a
summary of the whole case :
The evidence of an intense hostility to
the Federal Union, and an equiUy intense
love for the late Confederacy, nurtured by
the war is decisive. While it appears that
all are unwilling to submit, at least for the
time being to Federal authority, it is equally
clear the ruling motives is a desire to ob
tain the advantages which will be derived
from a representation' in Congress. Offi
cers of the Union army, and Northern men
who go South to engage in business, are
gqperally detested and proscribed. South
ern men who adhered to the Union are bit
terly halted and relentlessly persecuted in
some localities, prosecutions have been in
stituted in the State court* again Union offi
cers for acts done in the line ofofficial duty,
and similar prosecutions are threatened else
where as soon as the United States troops
are removed ; all such demonstrations show
a state of feeling against which it is unmis
takably necessary to guard. The testimony
is conclusive that after the collapse of the
Confederacy the feeling of the people of the
rebellious States was that of abject submis
sion ; having appealed to the tribunal of
arms, they had no hope except that, bv the
magnanimity of their conquerors, their lives
especially their property, might be preser
ved. Unfortunately, the general issue of
pardons to persons who had been prominent
in the rebellion, and the feeling of kindness
and conciliation manifested by the Execu
tive and very generally indicated through
out the Northern press, had the effect to
render whole communities forgetful of the
crime they had committed, defiant towards
the Federal Government, and regardless of
their duties as citizens. The concilia* ry
measures of the Government do not seem to
have been met even halfway. The bitter
ness and defiance exhibited towards the Uni
ted States, under snch circumstances is
without a parallel in the history of the world.
In return for our leniency we receive only
an insulting denial of our authority, in re
turn for our kind desiie for the resumption
of fraternal relations we receive only inso
lent assumption of rights and privileges long
since forfeited ; the crime we have punished
is paraded as a virtue, and the principles of
republican government which we have vin
dicated at so terrible cost are denounced as
unjust and oppressive. If we add to this
evidence the fact, that although peace has
been declared by the President, he has not
to this day deemed it safe to restore the writ
of habeas corpus , to relieve the insurrecto
ry States of martial law, or to withdraw the
troops from many localities, and that the
Commanding General deems an increase of
the army indispensable to the preservation
of order and the protection of loyal and well
disposed people in the South. The proof
of a condition of feeling hostile to the Un
ion and dangerous to the Government
throughout the insurrectory States would
seem alarming.
Wc now propose to restate, as briefly as
possible, the general facts and principlesap
plicahle to all the States recently in rebel"
lion.
First—the seats of Senators and Repre
sentatives from the so-called Confederate
States became vacant in the year 1861, du
ring the second session of the Thirty-fourth
Cn > by the voluntary withdrawal of
their incumbents, with the sanction and by
the direction of their respective States.
This was done as a hostile act against the
Constitution and Government of the Uni
ted States with a declared intent to over
throw the same by forming a Southern Con
federation. This act of declared hostility
was speedily followed by an organization of
the same States with a Confederacy ; which
levied and waged war, by sea and land,
against the United States. This war con
tinued more than four years, within which
period the Rebel armies beseiged the Capi
tal, iuvaded the loyal States, burned their
towns and cities, robbed their citizens, de
stroyed more than 250,000 loyal soldiers, and
imposed an increased national burden of not
it*s- than $3,500,000,000, of which seven or
eight hundred millions have already been
met and paid. From the time these Con
federate States thus withdrew from thetr
representation in Congress and levied war
against the United States, the great mass of
their people became and were insurgents,
traitors, an ; all of them assumed and occu
pied the political, legal aud practicable re
lation of enemies of the United States.
This position is established by acts of Con
guess and judicial decision and is recognized
by the President in public proclamations,
do nnients and speeches.
Second —The States thus confederated
prosecuted their war against the United
States to final arbitrament and did not cease
until all their armies were captured, their
military power destroyed, their civil officers.
•State ai l Confederate, taken prisoners or
put to flight, every vestige of State and
Confederate Government obliterated, their
territory overrun and occupied by the Fed
eral armies, and their people reduced to the
condition of enemies conquered in war ; en
titled only by public law to such rights,
privileges and conditions as might he vouch
safcd by the conqueror. This position is
also established by judicial decision and is
recognized by the President in public proc
lamations documents and speeches.
Third—Having voluntarily deprived them
selves of representation in Congress, for
their innate purpose of destroying the Fed
eral Union, and having reduced themselves
by the act of levying war to the condition of
public enemies, they have no right to com
plain of temporary exclusion from Congress,
but on the contrary, have voluntarily re
nounced their right to representation and
disqualified themselves by crime from par
ticipating in the Government, the burden
now rests upon them before claiming to be
reinstated in their gower, conditions to show
that they are qualified to resume federal re
lations. lit order to do this, they must
prove that they have established, with the
consent of the people, republican forms of
Government, in harmony with the Consti
tution and laws of the United States that
old hostile purp ose.s have ceased, and should
give adequate guarantees against future
treason and rebellion which will prove satis
factory to the Government against which
they rebelled, and by whose arms they were
subdued, viz :
Fourth —Having by this treasonable with
drawal from congress and by flagrant rebel
lion and war forfeited all civil and political
rights and privileges under the Federal Con
stitution, they can only be restored thereto
by the permission and authority of that
constitutional power against which they re
belled and by which they were subdued.
Fifth —These rebellious armies were con
quered by the people of the United States,
acting thereupon ail the courts and branch
es of the Government, and not by the ex
ecutive department alone. The powers of
Congress are not so vested i.i the President
that he can fix and regulate the terms of
settlement, confer Congressional Represen
tation upon conquered Rebels and traitors,
nor can lie in any way qualify much of the
Government to exercise its law making pow
er. The authority to restore Rebels to
political power in the Federal Government
can be exercised only with the concurrence
of ail the departments in which political
power is vested, and hence the prodania
tions of the President to the people of the
Confederate States cannot be considered as
extending beyond the purposes declared,
and can only be regarded as provisional
permission by the commanding General-in-
Chief of the army to do certain acts the val
idity whereof is to be determined by the
constitutional government, and not solely by
the Executive power.
Sixth—The question before Congress is
then whether conquered enemies have the
right and shall be permitted at their own
pVsureand on their own terms to partici
pate in making laws for their conquerers,
whether conquered Rebels may chauge
their theatre of operations from the battle
fields, where they were defeated and oves
thrown, to the Halls of Congress, and
through their representatives siezeupon Use
Government which they fought to destroy ;
whether the National Treasury, the army
of the nation, its navy, its forts and arse
nals, its whole civil administration, its ered
it, pensioners, the widows and orphans of
those who perished in the war, the public
honor, peace and safety shall all be turned
over to the keeping of its recent enemies
without delay aud without imposing such
conditions as in the opinion of Congress the
security of the country and its institution*
may demand.
Seventh—The history of mankind exhib
its no exam pie of such madness and l'oiiy.
The instincts of self-preservation protests
against it. The surrender by Graut to Leo,
and by Sherman to Johnson would have
been disasters of less magnitude; for new
armies could have been raised, new battles
fought, and the Government saved the anti
coercive policy which, under the pretext of'
avoiding bloodshed, allowed the rebellion to
take form and gather force, would be
surpassed in infamy by the matchless wick
edness that would now surrender the halls of
Congress to those so recently in rebellion
until proper precautions shall have been
taken to secure the national faith and
the national safety.
Eighth—lt has been shown in this report
and in evidence submitted, that no proof
has been afforded to Congress of a constitu
ency in any of the so-called Confederate
States, unless we accept the 'State of Ten
nessee, qualified to elect Senators and
Representatives in Congress. No State
Constitution or amendment to a State
constitution has had the sanction of the
people. All the so-called legislation of the
State Conventions and Legislator -sha* been
had under military dictation. 1 fthe Presi
dent may at his will and under bis own
authority, whether as military commander
or Chief Executive qualify persons to
appoint Senators and elect representatives,
and empower others to appoint and elect
them, he thereby practically controls the
organization of the Legislative Department
the constitutional form of Government is
thereby practically destroyed and its powers
absorbed in the Executive, and while your
committee do not for a moment impute to
the President any such design, but cheer
fully concede to him the most patriotic
motives, they can not but look with alarm
upon a precedent so fraught with to
the Republic.
Ninth.—The necessity of providing ade
quate safe guards for the future before res
toring the insurrectionary States to a partic
ipation in the direction of public affairs is
apparent from the bitter hostility to the
Government and people of the United
States yet existing throughout the conquer
ed territories as proved incontestable by the
testimony of many witnesses and by undis
puted facts.
Tenth. —The conclusion of your commit
tee therefore, is, that the so-called Confed
erate States are* not at preseuf entitled to
representation in the Congress of the United
States ; that before allowing such represen
tation adequate security for future peace aud
safety should be required ; that this can
only be found in such changes of the organ
ization of law as shall determine the civil
rights and privileges of the citizens in all
parts of the Republic; shall have represen
tation on an equitable basis; shall fix a stig
ma upon treason and protect the loyal peo
pie against future claims for the expenses
incurred in support of the rebellion, an 1 for
manumitted slaves, together with au express
grant, of power in U-ongress to enforce these
provisions. To this end they offer a joint
resolution for amending the Constitution of
th< United States and the two severed bills
designed to carry the same into effect, before
referred to. Before closing this report your
committee beg leave to state the speei'i • rec
ommendations submitted to them are the
result of concession after a long and careful
comparison of conflicting opinions upon a
question of such magnitude, infinitely im
portant a> it i* to the future of the Repub
lic. It was not to be expected that all should
think alike. Sensible of the imperfections
of the scheme, your committee submit to
Congress as the best they could agree upo
rn the hope that its imperfection mav
cured and its deficiencies supplied by !• •_.-
fative wisdom, and that, finally adopti :
may ten 1 to restore peace and harm nv to
the country and to place our republic ui in
stitutions on a more stable foundation.
(Signed) NV. P. FESSEND;- N.
JAMES W. GRIME*,
IRA HARRIS,
J. 31. HOWARD,
GEORGE H. WILLIAMS,
THADDECS STEVEXS,
JUSTIN* S. MORRILL,
JOHN A. BINGHAM,
ROSCOE CONKLIN'G.
GEORGES. BOUT-WELL.
The dissentients are Senator Johnson and
Representatives Grider and Rodgcrs.
TIIK Canadian people have learned by
this time that curses, like chickens come
home to roost. They winked at organized
attempts of rebels to invade our frontier,
murder unarmed men and rob banks, but
when an armed force lauds on their shores
and seeks battle with soldiers, they profess
great ho. ror at the breach of neutrality.
The •fohn on Club here have abandoned
all hope of o 'Hating G moral Geary in Penn
sylvania m-I ! • cely concede he will be elec
ted by lar. majority. They have no lon
ger any hope of getting "Clymer" out of
the field, who is personally very obnoxious
to the Pre-idcnt.— HVrs/i. Cor. Phil. luq.
Y coron, cold, or; sore throat.
Require* immediate attention ami shonlil lie
eheeke'l. If allowed to continue,
Irritation of the Lime,, n Permanent
Throat Afl'eetioii, or an luenrable
I n 111: IHseitse
IS OFTEN THE RESULT.
BROWN'S BRONCHIAL TROCHES
having a direct influence to the parts, give im
mediate relief.
FOR BRONCHITIS. .ASTHMA. CATARRH,
CONSUMPTION & TIiROAT HIS IS ASKS,
Troches are need with always good snciv *.
SINGERS AND PUBLIC SPEAKERS
will find Troche* useful in clearing the voice when
taken before Singing or Speaking, and relieving
the throat after an unusual c.vcrti.-u of the rocal
organs. The Troche, are recommended arid pre
scribed by Physicians, and have 'tad testimonial*
from eminent men throughout the Country. Be
ing an article of true merit, and having pro't'l
their efficacy by a lest of many years, each yt ar
lind them in new localities in various parts ol the
world and tho Trochei are jiiivcr.-.lly pronoun
ced better than other articles.
Obtain only "Hbows's Bronchiai. Troche.--."
and do not take any of the Worlklt't fwitntwu*
that may be offered.
Sold every who > ...n United S'#!-. and
Foreign eountri--. u .til cents per box.
Not. 10, Ist!.
gIITER M'iNF OF IRON.
An exquisite preparation of dry Spanish Wine
with the activity of OALISAYA BARK, and the
most energetic of at the farraginous salt*, CI
TRATE OF MA N KTIC OXIDE OF IRON.
It has a vinous flav- . very grateful to .the palate,
is without chalybeate t iste and will not discolor
the teelh.
It excites languid appetite, gives zest t> food,
improves digestion, increases the strength, stead
ies the circulation, tu :>ft muscular flabbiness,
removes the pallor of -(ability, give* firm ties* and
precision to the action- - I -be nervous system,with
power to en-lure fatigue .i d resist disease,
MAGNETIC CITE UK OF IRON is new
and peculiar, differing ft n the ordinary Soluble
Citrate, in containing an e | liralent of PnorOXtßK
of Ik-in, in place of the Ammonia. It Is neutral,
tasteless, without astringeoi-y. as prompt and en
ergetic as the Chloride, and unlike 'hat, induces
no local intlamatory action " headache.
CALISAYA BARK is p-- eminent among veg
etable tonics, has no equ - .if a sirer.gthener or
restorative, nor rival as an - periodic.
Retail* in $1 As 2 hottl ' ■ arts and linll-iu
fer dispensing. > IffBUKLI..
Apothecary. 14H> i . . - utit *t„ Phil's.
may 24:1 mo