GJN IS PUBLISHR?) KVEBY FKIIiAY MiM.'Xixci. j, R. I>1" BORROW AMI .JOHN UIJTZ, ON JULIANA St.. opposite the Mengel House BEDFORD, PENN'A. TERMS; *2.0fl a year if paid strictly in advance. If not paid within six months £2.30. If not paid within the year £3.00. & git****** atiomeysat law. roilN T. KEAGY, J ATTORNEY AT LAW. BEDFORD, PKNX'A., (,Sera to give satisfaction to all who may en ifj.t their legal business to him. Will collect L C IITVA OB evidences of debt, and speedily pro oar,! bounties and pensions to soldiers, their wid ur heirs. Office two doors west of Telegraph office. prll:'66-ly. T 11. CESSNA, J. ATTORNEY AT LAW, Office with JOHN CBSSNA, on Jnlianna street, in the office formerly occupied by King & Jordan, and recently by Filler & Keagy. All business entrusted to his care will receive faithful and prompt attention. Military Claims. Pensions, Ac., speedily collected. Hertford, June 9,1865. M'L. E. V- KEUB nIiARPE - IBKJ. v, Pu., visits Bloody Run three days of each j nvnth, commencing with the second Tuesday of I the month. Prepared to perform all Dental oper- I li s with which he may be favored. Terms I ■'■' kin the reach of all and strictly cash except ly I ial contract. Work to be sent by mail or oth- I . must be paid for when impressions are taken. I sags, '64:tf. PHISICUHS. WM. w. JAMISON, M. D., \\ BLOODY RUN, PA., l ':; v. !fully tenders his professional services to the ; -pic of that place and vicinity. [deefctyr I). H. PENNSYL, M. I)., I (late Surgeon 56th P. \ . A.) BLOODY Res, PA., ''iters his professional services as Physician and surgeon to the citizens of Bloody Run and vicin decl.tyr* [\R. B. F. HARRY, II Respectfully tenders his professional scr to the citizens of Bedford anil vicinity, and residence on Pitt Street, in the building ■ riy • ri;pjed bv Dr. J. H. Ht ftus. April 1,1864—t1. ■ 1 L. MARBOURG, M. D., |'J. Having permanently located respectfully I 'vr.d.rs his pofeesional services to the citizens I ' Bedford and vicinity. Office on Jnliana street. I Ifi'site the Bank, one door north of Hall & i'al- IwrV office. April 1, IS64—tf. HOTEL*. I BEDFORD HOUSE, ■ H AT HOPEWELL, BEDFORD COCKTY, PA., BY HARRY DROLLINSER. I '' r (ry attention given to make guests comfortable, B'i; ■ top at this House. ■ Hoji well, July 29, 1361. I 5 A \ liEKK. • - ■ REPP o. E. SHANNON P. RENRJUCT ipVPP, SHANNON & CO., BANKERS, Rl\ BEDFORD, PA. ■ HANK OF DISCOUNT AND DEPOSIT. ■ LLECTIGNS made for the Eu.-t, West, North I ! t i ith, and the general businc.-".* of Exchange, ItiMFip'ted. Notes and Accounts Collected and I'tiaittances promptly made. REAL ESTATE and sold. " apr.10,'64-tf. JEHKLEK, AC. I [''UN lIiIMUN lb R J CLOCK AND WATCH-MAKER, I i'l the United States Telcpraph Office, BEDFORD, PA. I watches, and all kinds of jewelry I Rt.iptly repaired. All work entrusted to his care I >rr- *ntcd to give entire ."atisfaeti'>n. [nov3-Jyr I IVVNIEL BORDER, ■ Y PITT STREET, TWO DOORS WEST OF THE BUD ' i> BOTI i., RKBFOUD, PA. IM T(; HMAKER AND DEALER IN JEWEL RY. SPECTACLES. AC. I ..!l kee l' on hand a stock of fiDe tlold and Sil ■ , V t'tcbis, Sjieetacles of Brilliant Double licfin- B \ Scotch Pebble Glasses. Gold H "a • hain?, Breast Pins, Finger Rings, best B •vlv' Cold Pens, lis will supply to order H • thing m his line not on hand. B tobacconists. 9 W. CROUSE A CO., I ' WHOLESALE AND RET lit I I'OIiACCONISTS, fl "'' r *cist of the Post Office, above Daniel ■ i'an.V' wc 'ry etore i Bedford Penn'a., are now ■ ' to sell by wholesale or retail all kinds of I a< co ? Cigars auil Kiiitfi'. B ' '".f/'tgafs promptly filled. Persons de- B Bin thoir line will d well to give I ® a call. b ■ Oct. 2n, 'fts, 31 u enure r. A LOCAL AND GENERAL NEWSPAPER, DEVOTED TO POLITICS, EDUCATION, LITERATURE AND MORALS. DFRBORROW £ LITZ Editors and Proprietors. SENATOR TRUMBULL ON THE VETO. The consideration of the Civil Rights Hill was resumed in the United States Senate after the President's veto, on Wednesday, the 4th. The correspondent of the "Adver tiser" writes. — The entire interest of Congress was cen tered in the Senate to-day, the floor being occupied for nearly two and a half by Senator Trumbull in review of the Presi dent's late veto message and in support of the Civil Rights Bill. The speech isconeed ed by everybody to be one of the few great speeches of recent years, and is commented upon by members of all political views as a masterpiece of clear and coneise logic. A brief outline of the speech with some notice of the speaker is thus given by the "Salem Register:"— Judge Trumbull is an eminent jurist, hav ing been for five years on the bench of the Supreme Court of Illinois, and. in the U. S. Senate, a Chairman of the Judiciary Com mittee. He reviewed in detail the Presi dent's objections, and answered them satis factorily to the friends of the bill. He show ed by a decision of Chief-Justice Marshall that a citizen of of the United States is a citizen of any individual State. He showed by precedents in our history that naturali zation need not be by individuals, but may be "collective," as when all the whites of Tex as, or Florida, or Louisiana, were made citizens. He agreed that States are repre sented in either house of Congress and through their Legislature, and that Con -sress must therefore ascertain whether these legislatures are loyal. He quoted the 1 res ident against himself, contrasting passages in his best considered speeches while Sena tor. with his present positions. He showed further that the President had done, with out authority, in the South, precisely what this bill proposes to do by law. and demon strated that his course in the South was a proof of the neessity and wisdom of the bill. Mr. Trumbull thus commenced: — Mr. President, — 1 fully share with the President of the United States the regret expressed that ho was unable to sign The bill to protect all persons in the I nited States in their civil rights, and secure the means for their vindication. I regret it on my own account, because the just expecta tions raised when the bill was presented to the President before Us iatrcdrrcrinn into the Sfcnate have been disappointed. I regiet 11 on the President's account, beeause it is calculated to alienate him from those who elevated him to power, and would gladly have rallied around his administration to sustain him in the principles upon which he was elected. But above all, sir, 1 regret it for liberty's sake, to secure which to our selves and our posterity this Government was founded, let, if the bill is unconstitu tional or unjust to the whole people, 1 would not have had the President approve it. That its provisions are not unjust to the whole or any portion of the people, nor unconstitutional, I shall endeavor to show by a candid and dispassionate examination of die President's various objections. He begins these objections with the very first lines of the bill, which declare that all persons born in the 1 uited States, and not subject to any foreign power, excluding In dians not taxed, are citizens of die United States. The bill, as originally introduced did not contain this provision. It was be lieved by myself and many others that all native-born persons, since the abolition oi slavery, were citizens of the United States. This was the opinion of Mr. Bates, the At torney General of Mr. Lincoln's administra tion; the opinion adopted by his administra tion, and acted upou since by ail depart ments of the executive department, including the Secretary of State, who has issued pass ports to persons of color, recognizing them as citizens, ft was '..lie opinion expressed by Mr. Marcy, when Secretary of State, that all persons born in the United States were citizens of the United States, not re ferring, of course, to slaves, slavery at that time existing in the country. The president does not object to_ this declaration in the bill a- unconstitutional. He docs, however, say that "it does not purport to declare or confer any other right, of citizenship than Federal citizenship.' [Mr. Trumbull then made several quotations to show that Mr. Johnson was in error in respect to law and fact in his statements: "The power to confer the right of State cit izenship is just as exclusively with the sev eral States as the power to confer the right of Federal citizenship is with Congress. The right of" Federal citizenship, thus to be conferred on the several excepted races, before mentioned, is now for the first time proposed to be given by law."] By these various treaties, resolutions, and acts of Congress, it will be observed that Frenchmen and Spaniards, Mexicans and Indians, have at different times been made citizens of the United States; and among tliern some of the very classes mentioned in this bill; and vet the president tells us that this right of Federal citizenship is now for the first time proposed to be given by law. THE PRESIDENT'S DILEMMA ANSWERED "If," savs the President, "as is claimed by many, all persons who are native born already.arc, by virtue of the Constitution, citizens of the United States, the passage of the pending bill cannot be necessary to make them such." That is trim; but is the President to lea in now for the first time that rule to be found in the very horn-books of the law, that an act declaring what the law is one of the most common of acts pass ed by legislative bodies? When there is any question as to what the law is, and for greater certainty, it is the most common thing in the world to pass a statute declar ing it. May opinion is, such was the opin ion of the attorney general, such my oninion of 'he present Secret aryof State; such the opinion of Mr. Lincoln s administration in an its departments; such I believe to be the prevailing opinion in the I nited States, that all native born persons not subject to a foreign power, arc, by virtue of their birth, citizens of the 1 nited States, But some dispute this; but hence, for greater cer tainty,, it is proper to nnss this law; and the fact of its being a declaratory act is now made a reason for disapproving it by the president. "But if such is not the law, ' says the President, "the grave question presents it self, whether, when eleven of the thirty-six States are represented in Congress it the present time, it is sound policy to make our entire colored population, and all other ex cepted classes, citizeus of the United States. This is a standing objection in all the veto messages of the President, not urged, it sdbms, against all bills, for the President tells us in bis message that he has signed some forty bilk Why is it made an objec tion to thift bill? The i'resident does not state it as ah objection applicable to this particular bill. It is a general objection which he makes applicable alike to all bills; and if there i any thing in it, no bill can pa.-.: the Oortgn of the United States till these States are represented here. Sir, whose fault is it that eleven States are not represented? Bv what fault, of theirs is it that twenty-five loyal States, which have stood by this Union, and by the Constitu tion, are to be deprieved of their rights to legislate? If the reason assigned is a good one now. it lias been a good one all the time for the last five years. If the fact that somo States have rebelled against the Govern ment is to take from the Government the rreht to legislate, then the criminal is to take advantage of his crime, the innocent are to be punished for the guilty. TIIE RECENT PROCLAMATION. Within a few days, the President has is sued a proclamation, not of peace as the Senator from Nevada (Mr. Stewart) seemed to suppose : not a proclamation declaring that the Rebellion is over, but that in cer tain States it is over. The President does not tell us that Texas, one of the States that were in Rebellion, is in a condition to be represented here. And, if we are to wait for these eleven States, before legisla ting, must we not wait for Texas? The same principle would require us to wait for Texas as for the others? and she has not reorganized any form of government. Those States which have undertaken to reorganize have not yet been recognized as having a republieau form of government, entitling them to representation. The Representa tives chosen by most of them are persons fresh trom the rebel Congress, or from the rebel armies,—men who could not take the requisite oath to entitle them to admission to scats. Arc we to abstain from all neces sary legislation for the nation until these States shall he admitted to representation, which, as organized, refuse to send Repre sentatives entitled to admission, and insist on thrusting into Congress men whose bands are dripping with the blood of loyal men ? Is the \ ice-President of the rebel Confede racy, is his colleague, one of the Senators in the rebel Congress, to some here to legis late for the loyal people of this country ? Are the men who organized a government that carried on a four years' war against us, —as the result of which this nation has had to spend more than three thousand million dollars, and as a consequence of which, more than a quarter of a million of patriotic heroes have laid down their lives upon the battle field and in army hospitals,—are those men to come here to legislate for the loyal people of this country? Sir, States can only be represented through State organiza tions. The members of t his body can only be ''Wed by State Legislatures. Members of the other house can only be elected in pursuance of State laws. Hence, as * pre lum nary to any representation of a State in either house of Congress, it must first be determined whether there is a State govern ment; whether there is a State Legislature having authority to elect Senators,—having authority to provide laws under which Rep resentatives may be elected. There certain ly was a time when there were no such leg islatures in any of these eleven States: there was a time when the only organized government iri any of them was hostile to the United States; when every officer in it had abjured his allegiance to the United States, and sworn allegiance to a govern ment hostile thereto. Will anybody pre tend that while the State Government was in such hands, it was entitled to representa tion in either house of Congress ? If not, shall we not inquire whether it has passed out of such hands, and into the hands of loyal men ? And who but Congress is com petent to make this inquiry ? Mr. Lincoln in the last speech he ever made, alluding to his plan of reconstruction, said "I distinctly stated that this was not the only plan which nfight possibly be acceptable; a nd also 1 distinctly protested that the Executive claim ed no right to say when or ichether numbers should he admitted to seats in Congress from such States." Sir, this proposition, that no bill is to be passed because certain State,- are unrepre sented, when it is their own fault that they are unrepresented, would, if sanctioned and acted upon, be utterly destructive of the Government. FOitKIGNERS, OItUTESE, GYPSIES. But the President tells us that the bill, in effect, proposes a discrimination against large numbers of intelligent, worthy, and patriotic foreigners, and in favor of the ne gro. Is that true ? What is the bill? It declares there shall be no distinction in civil rights, between any other race, or color, and the white race. It declares that there shall be no different punishment inflicted on a colored man, in consequence of his col or, than that which is inflicted on a whit e man for the same offence. Is that a discrimi nation in favor of the negro, and against the foreigner,—a bill, the oniy efi'ect of which is to preserve equality of lights? But perhaps it may be replied to this that the bill proposes to mr.ke a citizen of every person born in the United States ; and, therefore, it discriminates in that respect against the foreigner. .Not so; foreigners arc all upon the same footing, whether black or white. The white child, who is born in the United States a citizen, is not to he presumed at its birth to be the equal intellectually with the worthy, intelligent, and patriotic foreigner who emigrates to this country, and, as is suggested by a senator behind me, even the infant child of a for eigner born in this land is a citizen of the United States long before his father. Is this, therefore, a discrimination against for eigners? The President also has an objection to the making citizens of Chinese and Gypsies. I am told that but few Chinese are born in this country, and whore the Gypsies are born I never knew. (Laughter). Like Topsy, it is questionable whether they were born at all, "but just come." (Laughter.) But, sir, perhaps the best answer to this objection, that the hill proposes to make citizens of Chinese and Gypsies, and this reference to foreigners, is to be found in a speech delivered in this body by u Senator, occupying, I think, the seat now occupied across" the chamber by my friend from Ore gon (Dir. Williams), less than six years ago, in reply to message sent to this body by Mr. Buchanan, the then President of the United States, returning with lm objections what was known as the Homestead Bill. On that occasion, the Senator to whom I allude said, "But this idea about poor foreigners, somehow or other, bewilders and haunts the imagination of a great many. I am con strained to say that I look unon this objec tion to the bill as a mere quibble 011 the part of the President, and as being hard pressed for some excuse in withholding his approval of the measure ; and his allusion to foreign ers in this connection looks to me more like the ad captand-um of the mere politician or demagogue than a grave and sound reason to be offered by the President of the United States in a veto message upon so important a measure as the Homestead bill.' Mr. Sumner and .Mr. Johnson —\\ ho was the Senator ? Mr. Trumbull—That was the language of Senator Andrew Johnson, now President of the United States. (Laughter.) That is prokJbiy the best answer to this objection, thon'.h f-houbl fomPy have ventured to BEDFORD, Pa., FRIDAY, APRIL 97, 1866. use such harsh language in reference to the President as to accuse nim of quibbling, of demagoguery, and of plajdng the mere pol itician in rending a veto message to the Con gress of the United States. The President also makes some other al lusions in this veto message of a similar character. For instance, he speaks of the impropriety of marriages between whites ana blacks, and then be goes on to say, "I do not say that this bill repeals State laws on the subject of marriage between the two races," Then for what purpose is it intro duced into this message ? Not surely as an ad captandum argument to excite prejudice, —the argument of a demagogue and politi cian. Mr. Johnson could not do that, hav ing condemned such Quibbles in Mr. Buch anan. CIVIL ANI) POLITICAL RIGHTS. The president further says, J If it he gran ted that Congress can repeal all State laws discriminating between whites and blacks in the subjects covered by this hi'l why, it may be asked, may not Congress repeal in the same way all State laws discriminating be tween the two races on the subjects of suf • f rage and office? If Congress can declare by law who shall hold lands, who shall testify, who shall have capacity to make a contract in a State, then Congress can by law also declare who, without regard to color or race, shall have the right to sit as a juror or as a judge, to hold any office, and finally to vote in every State and Territory of the United States. ' Perhaps the best answer I could give to tbis would be the answer of Andrew Johnson himself, lie undertook to recognize S.tate governments in the disloyal States. When he did so to whom did he extend the right of suffrage? To the blacks? No, sir; but he extended the right of suffrage to those who were authorized to vote under the lawe of those States before the Rebellion: and, when urged to allow loyal blacks to vote, what was his auswei? That he had no pow er; it was unconstitutional. But he has claimed and exercised the power to protect colored persons in their civil rights and if it be true that protection in civil rights carries with it the right of suffrage what becomes of the position which he assumed when he ex tended civil rights to the negroes, that he had no constitutional power to extend to them the right to vote,—that it was a right vested in the State with which he could not interfere? But, sir, the granting of civil of rights does not, and never did, in this country, carry with it political rights, or, more properly speaking, political priv ileges. A man may be a citizen in tbis coun try without righ f vote or without a right to hold office. The right vote and to hold office inthe States depends upon .be legislation of the various States. The right to hold certain offices under the Federal Government depends upon the Constitution of the United States. [Mr. T. then intro duced several quotations from Blaekstone, Kent, and others, shown what are meant by civil rights, j "The equality of rights is the basis of the commonwealth," is said in a note to Kent; and Kent himself, in speaking of these rights says, "The absolute rights of individuals may be resolved into the right of personal security, the right of personal liberty, and the right to acquire and enjoy property. These rights have been justly considered and frequently declared by the people of this country to be natural, inherent, and inaliena ble." The President, in his Annual Message, says, "The American system rests on the assertion of the equal rights of every man to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. " How is it that every person born in these United States owes allegiance to the govern ment? Every thing that he is or has —his property and his life —may be taken by the Government of the United States, in its de fence or to maintain the honor of the nation; and can it be that our ancestors struggled through along war, and set up this Govern ment, and that the people of our day have struggled through another war, with all its sacrifices and all its desolation, to maintain it; and at last that we have got a government which is all powerful to command the obe dience of the citizcu, but has no power to afford him protection? Is that all that this boasted American citizenship amounts to? Go tell it, sir, to the father whose son was starved at Andersonville; or the widow whose husband was slain at Mission Ridge; or the little boy who leads his sightless lath er through the streets of your city, made blind by the winds and sand of the Southern coast; or the thousand other mangled heroes to be seen on every side that this Govern ment, in defence of which the son and the husband fell, the father lost his eyes, and the others were crippled, had the right to call these persons to its defence, but has no right to protect the survivors or their friends in any right whatever, in any of the States. Sir, it cannot be. Such is not the meaning of our Constitution. Such is not the mean ing of American citizenship. This Govern ment which would go to war to protect its meanest —I will not say citizen—inhabitant, if j'ou please, in any foreign land, whose rights were unjustly encroached upon, has certainly sonic power to protect its own citi zens in their own country. Allegiance and protection are reciprocal rights. Judge TrumbuH proceeds to consider the other sections of the bill, and in detail to defend them, with great ability and logical ncoteness, from the objections which Mr. Johnson had brought against them. He de rive;-- the materials of his defence in great measu.e from the President himself, those acting under his authority. Thus:— ' 'THE BILL UNNECESSARY.'' "But." says the president, "I do not ap prehen d thai the couflicting legislation which the bill seems to contemplate is so likely to occur as to render it necessary at this time to adopt a measure of such doubtful consti tutionality." That statement makes it neces sary that I should advert to the facte, and show whether there is any likelihood ofsuch conflicting legislation; and my testimony comes from the President himself', or those acting under his authority. [Mr. T. then quotes statements in respect to laws in sev eral States.] Now, sir, what becomes of this declaration that there is no necessity for any measure of this kind? Here are the laws of Texas, of Mississippi, of Virginia, to which I have referred; ana laws equally oppressive exist in some of the other States. Is there no necessity to protect a freedmao, when he is liable to "be whipped if caught away from home? No necessity to protect a freedraan in his rights, when he is not permitted to hold or Tease a piece of ground in a State? No necessity to protect a freednmu inhis rights; who will be reduced to a slavery worse than that from which he has been emancipa ted if a law is permitted to be carried into effect? Sir, these orders emanate and this information comes from officers acting by Presidential authority; and yet the President tells us there is no danger of conflicting legislation. lie says, "In the next place, this provi sion of the bill seems to be unnecessary, as adequate judicial remedies could be ldopted to secure the desired end without invading the immunities of legislators.' Lit us see if they could. If adequate judicial means could be provided without invading these immunities, why, let me ask, did ne not adopt them? [Mr. T. then quoted orders issued the present year, by the President's authority, by Generals Uanby in Louisiana, Terry in Virginia and Sickles in North Caro lina, directing thai. "Ail laws shall be ap plicable alike to all the inhabitants;" No person shall be held incompetent to sue, make complaint, or testify because of color or caste;" "To secure the same equal jus tice and personal liberty to the freedmen as to other inhabitants, no penalties or punish ments different from those to which all oth er persons are amenable, shall lie imposed on freed people;" &c. j Why, sir, here are the very provisions of this bill embodied in military orders issued under Presidential authority. And yet the President tells us there is no necessity i'or this bill. OBJECTIONS TO OTHER SECTIONS. The President objects to the third section of the bill, that it gives the district courts exclusive jurisdiction of all crimes and offen ces committed against the act. Well, sir, that is no new ttiiDg. The United States Courts have always had jurisdiction of crimes and offences committed against the United States laws. [Mr. T. then speaks of the President's objections to the fourth, fifth, sixth, and seventh sections.] But, sir all these provisions of the bill are copied from the statute of 1850, known as the "Fugitive Slave Act," for which Andrew Johnson voted. [Mr. T. stated that that act had been repeatedly beld by the courts to be constitutional'; and that its machinery, which had become infamous when used for keeping human beings in bondage, might be as properly and honorably used for securing their liberty, as a loyal soldier might use a, weapon wrested from rebel hands. He then stated that the eigth and ninth sections had been copied verbatim, et literatim from a statute enacted March 10,1838, and approv ed by Martin Van Buren. The remainder of the speech wc give in full.] HISTORY OF THE BILL. Mr. President, —I have now gone through this veto message, replying with what pa tience I eould command to its various objec tions to the bill. Would that I could stop here, that there was no occasion to go farth er ; but justice to myself; justice to the State whose Representative 1 am ; justice to the people of the whole country, in legis lation for whose behalf I am called to par ticipate ; justice to the Constitution I am sworn to support; justice to the rights of American citizenship it secures, and to hu man liberty, now imperiled,—requires me to go farther. Gladly would I refrain from speaking of the spirit of this message; of jhe dangerous doctrines it promulgates ; of the mcoitc'stcncies and contradictious of its author; of his encroachments upon the. Con stitutional rights of Congress ; of his as sumption of uHicarranlcd powers, which, if persevered in. and not cheeked by the peo ple, must eventually lead to a subversion of the Government and the destruction of lib erty. Cougress, in the passage of the bill under reconsideration, sought no controversy with the President; so far from it, the bill was proposed with a view to carry out what were suppos d to be. the views of the President, and was submitted to him before its intro duction into the Senate. lam not about to relate private declarations of the President; but it is right that the American people should know that the controversy which ex ists between him and Congress in reference to this measure is of his own seeking. Soon after Congress met, it became apparent that there was a difference of opionion between the President and some members of Con gress in regard to the condition of the rebel lious States and the rights to be secured to freedmen.. The President, in his annual message, had denied the Constitutional power of the General Government to extend the elective franchise to negroes: but he was equally decided in the assertion of the right of 'eve ry man to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. This was his language: "But while I have no doubt that now, after the close of the war, it is not competent for the General Government to extend the elective franchise in the several States, it is equally clear that good faith requires the security of the freedmen in their liberty and their property." There were some members of Congress who expressed the opinion, that, in the reorganization of the rebellious States, the right of suffrage should be ex tended to the colored man, though this was not the prevailing sentiment of Congress. All were anxious for a reorganization of the rebellious States, and their admission to full participation in the Federal Government, as soon as these relations could be restored with safety to all concerned. Feeling the importance of harmonious tion between the different departments of the Government, and an axious desire to sustain the President, for whom I had al ways entertained the highest respect, I had frequent interviews with him during the early part of the session. M ithout mention ing any thing said by him, I may with pro priety state, that, acting from the consider ations 1 have stated, and believing that the passage of a law by Congress, securing equality in civil rights when denied by State authorities to freedmen and all other inhab itants of the United States would do much to relieve anxity in the North, to induce the Southern States to secure these rights by their own action, and thereby remove many of the obstacles to an early reconstruction, 1 prepared the bill substantially as it is now returned with the President's objections. After the bill was introduced and printed, a copy was furnished him; and, at a subse quent period, when it was reported that he was hesitating about signing the Frecdmen's Bureau Bill, lie was informed of the condi tion of the Civil Rights Bill, then pending in the House, and a hope expressed that if he had objections to any of its provisions he would make thcin known to its friends, that they might be remedied, if not destructive of the measure; that there was believed to be no disposition on the part of Congress and certainly none on my part, to have bills presented to him which he could not ap prove. He never indicated to me, nor, so tar as 1 know, to any of his friends, the least objection to any of the provisions of the bill after its passage. The bill wasr fram ed, as was supposed, in entire harmony with his views, anu certainly in harmony with what he was then, and has since been doing in protecting freedmen in their civil rights all through the rebellious States, it was strictly limited to the protection of the civil rights belonging to every freeman, the birth right of every American citizen, and care fully avoided conferring or interfering with political rights or privileges of any kind. THE PRESIDENT'S INCONSISTENCY. The bill neither eenfers nor abridges the right of anyone, but simply declares, that, in civil right, there shall be an equality a mong all classes of citizens, and that all alike shall be subject to the same punish ment. Each State; so it does not abridge the great fundamental rights belonging un der the Constitution to all citizens: may VOLUME 39; NO 17. grant or withhold such civil rights as it pleases. All that is required is that in this respect its laws shall be impartial. And yet this is the bill now returned with the Presi dent's objections, and such objections! What are they? That "in all our history, in all our experience as a people living under Federal an J State laws, no such system as that con templated by the details of this bill has ever before proposed or adopted." Havel not already shown in the action of the President himself; through (Jen. Sickles, declaring that all laws shall be applicable alike to all inhabitants, and in various acts of Congress, a precedent for every provision of this bill? "The details of the bill,'' says the Presi- | dent, "establish for the security of the color ed race safeguards which go infinitely beyond any that the General Government has ever provided for the white race." With, what truth this can be said of the bill which de clares that the civil rights, and the punish ment ol all races, including of course the colored, shall be the same as those of white persons, let an intelligent public judge. ' "lhey [the details], says the President, "interfere with the municipal legislation of the States, with the relations existing exclu sively between a State and its citizens, or be tween the inhabitants of the same State, —an absorption and assumption of power by the General Government, which, if acquiesced in, must sap and destroy our federative sys tem of limited powers, and break down the barriers which preserve the rights of the States. It is another step, or rather stride, toward centralization, and the concentration of all legislative powers in the National Gov- All this is said by a President who, by his own fiat, issued through General Howard, set aside an act of the Legislature oi Mississippi, and, by another order, through. General Terry, an act of the Virginia Legis-* lature, and forbade any magistrate or civil officer from attempting to execute it; who, through General Canby, ordered the State Courts in his department to suspend all suits against persons charged with offences lor which white persons were not punished; and we all know the penalty which would have been visited upon State judges or officials for violations of any of these orders; a President, who, alter vetoing a provision of the Freed inen s Bureau bill, because it secured the oc cupancy of land under Major-Gen. Sherman's order, for the limited period ef three years, himself issued an order within less than thir ty days afterward, through H. W, Smith, Asst. Adjt. General, declaring that grants of land to the freed people, in cempliance with General Sherman's special field order No. 15, dated Jan. 16, 1865, will be regarded as good and valid. Well may we exclaim, in view of these acts of the President, in his own language, when discussing a veto of President Buchanan: "Oh, consistency! Thou art a jewel much to be admired, but rarely to be found." In view of these facts, who is it that is breaking down the barriers of the States, and making strides towards centralization? Is it Congress by the passage of this bill, or the Presideut, who, without law, is arrogating to himself far greater powers than any conferred by this bill? Let it not be said that the President exercises these vast powers by virtue of the war power. He told us in his annual mes sage that the war was over; and whether over -or not, no incidental powers are vested by the Constitution in the President—either as President, or Commander-in-Chief of the ar my. That instrument gives Congress power to make all laws necessary and proper for carrying into execution all powers vested by the Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any department or offi cer thereof. The President is required, in carrying out his powers, to act in obedience' to Inc, the very thingwhich he refuses to do. He says, "The tendency of this bill must be to resuscitate the spirit of the rebellion." What assumption in one icho denies the au thority to punish those who violate United , States laws under color of Slate authority! a doctrine from which the Rebellion sprang, and in entire harmony with the declaration of Mr. Buchanan that there was no power to coerce a State. But, sir, out of the mouth of Senator Andrew Johnson I will prove that President Andrew Johnston has violated the spirit of the Constitution, if not its letter, in vetoing this bill. It will be remembered that the bill passed both Houses of Congress by more than a two-thirds majority,—the vote in the Senate being yeas 3:5, nays 12; and in the House,yeas 111, nays 38. I will read from the remarks of Senator Andrew Johnson on the veto of the Home stead bill by Mr. Buchanan. "The Presi deut of the United States presumes—yes, sir, I say presumes—to dictate to the American people and to the two Houses of Congress, in violation of the spirit, if not the letter, of the Constitution, that this measure shall not be come a law. Why do I say this? 1 ask, is there any difference in the spirit of the Con stitution whether a measure is sanctioned by a two-thirds vote before its passage or after wards? When a measure has been vetoed by the President, the Constitution requires that it shall be reconsidered, and passed by a two thirds vote in order to become a law. But here in the teeth of the Executive, there was a two-thirds vote in lavor of this bill. '1 he vote was 36 to 2 in this body. The two Houses have said this bill is constitutional and right. "In the other House, reflecting the popu lar sentiment of the nation, the vote was 112 to 51; ten more than two-thirds majority which the Constitution requires; and, when there is a two-thirds vote for a measure. I say it is against the spirit of the Constitution for the Executive to say, "No, you shall not have this measure; 1 will take all the chances of vetoing it." Apply this language to the facts connected with this bill and then say who has violated the spirit of the Constitu tion. TIIK AMENDMENT OTHERWISE A CHEAT. This bill in no manner interferes with the municipal regulations of a State which pro tects all alike in their rights of person and property. It could have no operation in Mass achusetts, New York, Illinois, or most of the States of the Union. How preposterous then, to charge, that, unless some State can have and exercise the right to punish some body, or to deny somebody a civil right, on account of his color, its lights as a State will be destroyed. It is manifest, that, unless this bill can "be passed, nothing can be done to protect the i'medmen in their liberty and their rights, whatever may have been the opinion of the President at one time as to "good faith requiring the security of thefreed men in their liberty and their property." It is now manifest from the character of his ob jections to this bill that he will approve no measure that will accomplish the object. [That the second clause of the constitutional amendment gives this pawer there can be no question. Some have coutended that it gives the power even to confer the right of suffrage. I have not thought so, because I have never thought suffrage any more necessary to the liberty of a freedman than of a non-voting white, whether child or female; but his liber ty under the Constitution he is entitled to; and whatever is necessary to secure it to him he is entitled to have, be it the ballot or the bayonet. If the bill now before us—and which goes no farther than to secure civil rights to the freedmcn —cannot be passed, then the Canstitutional amendment proclaim ing freedom to all the inhabitants of the laud is a cheat and a delusion. I cannot better conclude what i have to say than in the language of Mr. Johnson on the occasion of the veto of the Homestead Bill, when, after staling the fact that the President RATES OF ADVERTISING. All advertisements for leaa than 3 aiontbN 1# cents per line for each insertion. Special notice* one half additional. 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One square $ 4.59 $ 6.09 $10.9# Two squares 6, 9.09 16.09 Three squres S.OO 13.00 20.0# One-fourth column 14.06 20.00 35.09 Half column..., 18.00 25.00 45.0# One column 30.00 45.00 80.99 was inconsistent, and changed his opinion with reference to a great measure and a great principle, is no reason why a Senator or Rep resentative who had acted understandingly should change his opinion, he said, "I hope the Senate and House of Representatives, who have sanctioned this bill by a more thaa a two-thirds majority, wiil, according to the Constitution, exercise their privilege and power, and let the bill become a law of the land, according to the high behest of the American people." Gen. Grant was arrested and fined for fast driving in the streets of Washington last week. A Bill has bf en introduced in into Senate to provide for the National defence by estab lishing a uniform volunteer militia through out the Unite! States. Secretary Stanton left Washington on Wednesday morning oa a visit to his moth er, and returned next day. The efforts for his removal on the part of Rebels and Cop perheads are unceasing, but it is not likely that they will be successful. A Resolution prohibiting the sale of spir itous liquors in the Capitol building passed the Senate on Wednesday by a vote of yeas .33, nays 2 —Messrs. Davisj of Kentucky, and McDougal of California voting in the negative. A bill has been introduced into the Ohio Legislature to prevent conductors on street railways from collecting fares excepting from such passengers as are provided with seats. The object of the proposed law is, of course, to prevent the overcrowding of cars. On the recommendation of Postmaster General Dennison the President has nomina eed Joseph S. Knipe, Postmaster of Harris burg. Pa., vice George Bergner removed, and sent his appointment to the Senate for confirmation. The Reconstruction Committee are still considering a plan for restoration and the Constitutional Amendment in regard to representation, which is said to meet with great favor among the varied political ele ments of that party. The House Committee on Commerce were instructed to-day to see what legislation is necessary to prevent the introduction of cholera into this country. The committee will probably report a bill prohibiting over crowded emigrant vessels from landing. ONLY TWENTY-SIX DAYS FROM JAPAN, —A gentleman in Boston has received a telegraphic dispatch, via San Francisco, from Japan, which was only twenty-six days coming. This is believed to be the quickest time yet made. A cony of the resolutions passed by the Pennsylvania Legislature, asking Edgar Cowan to resign the U. S. Scnatorship, was ordered by a subsequent resolution of the Legislature to be sent to the President i of the United States and to each Senator l and Representative in Congress. THE COTTON CROP.— Mr. De Bow, pub lisher of the Southern Review bearing his name has testified before the reconstruction committee, and stated his conviction that the cotton crop of the South this year will not exceed 1,500,000 bales, and that the old stock of cotton is substantially exhausted. Owen's Lake, among the Sierra Nevadas, in California, is a natural (an pit; its waters are so strong of borax, alum, alkalis Ac,that one craught will poison a man, and one im mersion clean a dog of his hair; and Indians seeking refuge in it from white men's bullets find a sharp and sure watery grave. Gov. Hamilton, of Texas, declines to be a candidate for the office he now fills by mili tary appointment. His main reason is tlmt he is poor and without a home, and cannot afford to spare four years of his life in offi cial duties, while his family arc in urgent need of his labor. It is also understood that the President has appointed ex-Governor Johnston, of Pennsylvania, Collector of Internal Revenue at Pittsburgh, though the nomination has not yet been sent to the Senate. It is inti mated that there will be other changes in the Pittsburgh offices. WAR IN EURO RE. —There are threatcn ings of a war between Austria and Prussia. At last accounts each power • was moving troops rapidly to ts frontier, and we may expect to hear by every arrival that hostili ties have coximcnced. The strife is for the possession of the Sehleswig-Holstein Duch ies. A NEW Constitutional amendment on the subject of representation is to be brought before Congress at an early day for which it is believed a two-thirds vote can be had in both Houses. It denies representation to that portion of the people when males over 21 years of age are denied the right of suffrage, except for crime or participation in Rebellion. Two bills to equalize the distribution of National currency are pending before tho Senate Finance Committee. Both are look ing to the same end, though one, introdu ced by Senator Fessenden, proposes to in crease the national banking capital $15,000- 000, so as to fill the pro rota to which some States and Territories aie entitled. Loyal Republicans are arriving atjVash ington daily from the South, who strongly oppose any modification of the test oath looking to the admission to Congress of men who were identified with the late Rebellion, but, on the contrary, desire its provisions to be made still more stringent, and assert that in their opinion the Radicals arc the truest and best friends of the Southern peo ple. SECRETARY STANTON lately wrote to Gov ernosßrownlow requesting that those rebels under indictment by the civil Courts <>f Tennessee should be left to the disposal of the military authorities, as they had been paroled. Governor Brownlpw replied, sta ting, among other things, that he had no right to interfere with the State Courts, and for various reasons declined granting the Secretary's request. IMMENSE IMMIGRATION. —The immigra tion returns show that 15,010 emigauts land ed at New York during the month of March, a number, 1,105, in excess of the same time in 1864, wnen there was considered an im mense immigration, and 8,839 more than arrived last year, in March. The total for the three months of this year is 32,469; for the same time last year it was 13,956, and lor 1864, 25,475. The Case op the Savannah (Ga.) Na tional Rffcbijcan.-— Many of the Sena tor- an 1 Representatives have heard cf tho extra--udinkry proceeding, returning to the former rebel owners the Savannah National Republican , and depriving its able, tearless and loyal editor, Mr. Hayes, of the fruits of His patriotism and industry. Tins is, if pos sible, the very worst specimen of Andrew Johnson's idea of restoring the Union. "My policy" has never had so capital au in terpretation as this. — in*/*. Cor. P/ula. Press.