jbf
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j, R. DI'RBORROW AM> JGhH LITZ,
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ITTORNEIS AT IAWT"
JVE. H. FILLER.. J. T. REACT.
VtILLER A KEAGY
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.'ne law. Attention paid to Pensions, Bounties
H nd Claims against the Government.
Office on Juliana street, formerly occupied by
lion. A. King. ttprll:'6o-*ly.
JOHS PALMER.
■ Attorney at law. Bedford, Pa..
Yvill protnptly attend to all business entrusted to
his care.
Particular attention paul to the collection
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. oposite the Men gel House.) june2H, '6d.ly
r; It. CESSNA,
| ,j ATTORNEY AT LAW,
Ei iffi.-e with JOHN CKSSXA, <-n IHU st., opposite the
[ledford Hotel. All busTiie'ss entrusted to his care
W iU receive faithful and prompt attention. Mili
tary C laims, Pensions. Ac., speedily collected.
p' Bedford, June 9, MW. - . __
j. ii r>t LDTX.
I A LL'T/,
1 ) .7TTOK.Vt: FS .IT L.IH'.
BKBFORD, PA.,
W ill attend promptly to all business intrusted to
their care, Collections made on the shortest no-
They are, also, regularly licensed Claim Agents
If and will give special attention to the prosecution
II. f claims against the Government for Pensions,
Back Pay, Bounty, Bounty Lands, Ac.
office on Juliana street, one door South of the
\!em*el House" and nearly opposite the Inquirer
office." April 28, 1 SBs:tf
1 rixj' Y M. ALSIPR"
IT ATTORNEY AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA.,
Will faithfnlly and promptly attend to all husi
nr-vw entrusted to his cure in Bedford and jtdjom
iu" counties. Military claims, Pensions, buck
1 pay, Bounty, Ac. speedily collected. Office with
Mann ASpang, on Juliana street, 2 doors south
of the Mengel House. apl 1, 1884. tf.
1 \\ . .\7 POINTS,
I M ATTORNEY* AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA.
Respectfully tenders his professional services
■j to the public. Office with J. W. Lingenfelter,
Esq., on Juliana street, two doors South of the
••Mengle House." Dec. 9, 1564-tf.
5 " IMMKLL AND LINGENFELTER,
I IV ATTORNEYS AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA.
Have formed a partnership in the practice of
Law Office on Juliana Street, twe doors South
1 ~f the Mengel House.
aprl, 1864 —tf.
roHN MOWER
,J ATTORNEY AT LAW.
BEDFORD, PA.
April 1, 1864. —tf.
DENTISTS.
c. X. • MIXSICR, JR.
EN'ITSTS. BEDFORD, PA.
OjJire in the Bank Building, Juliana Street.
All operations portaimng to Surgical or Me
chanical Dentistry carefully and faithfully per
formed and warranted. TERMS CASH.
janfi'6s-ly.
ENTISTKY.
I. N. BOWSER, RESIDENT DEXTIST, WOOD
BERRV, PA., will spend the second Monday, Tues
day. and Wednesday, of each month at Hopewell,
the remaining three days at Bloody Run, attend
ng to the duties of his profession. At all other
imcs he can be found in his office at Woodlmry,
excepting the last Monday and Tuesday of the
same month, which he will spend in Martinsburg,
Blair county, Penna. Persons desiring operations
-hould call early, as time is limited. All opera
ions warranted. Aug. 5,1864,-tf.
PHYSICIANS.
TXTM. W. JAMISON, M. D.,
YY BLOODY Res, PA.,
Respectfully tenders bis professional services to
the people of that place and vicinity. [dec:tyr
P. H. PENNSYL, M. D.,
(late Surgeon 50tb P. \ ■ V.)
BLOODY Res, PA.,
Offers his professional services as Physician and
Surgeon to the citirens of Bloody Run and vicin
• t " decl:lyr*
DR. B. F. HARRY, ,
Respectfully coders hie professional ser
vices to the citiiens of Bedford and vicinity.
Office and residence on Pitt Street, in the building
loruierly occupied by Dr. J. H. Hofius.
April 1, 1864 —tl.
{ L. MARBOURU, M. D..
•J , Having permanently located respectfully
tenders his pofessional services to the citizens
of Bedford and vicinity. Office on Juliana street,
opposite the Bank, one door north of Hall A Pal
mer's office. , April 1, 1864—tf.
HOTEL**.
BEDFORD HOUSE,
AT HOPEWELL, BEDFORD COUNTY, I A.,
BY HARRY DROLLINGER.
Kvcrv attention given to make guest* comfortable,
who "stop at this House.
Hopewell, July 29, 1864.
BA.NHIM
ti. W. HUI'P o. E. SB AS NOR r. BESRDICT
RL'PP, SHANNON A CO., BANKERS,
BEDFORD, PA.
BANK OF DISCOUNT AND DEPOSIT.
COLLECTIONS made for the East, West, North
and South, and the general business of Exchange,
transacted. Notes and Accounts Collected and
Remittances promptly made. REAL ESTATE
bought and sold. apr.ls, 64-tl.
JEWELGR, &e.
JOHN RKIMI ND.
J CLOCK AND WATCH-MAKER,
in the Cnited States Telepraph Office,
BEDFORD, PA.
Clocks, watches, and all kinds of jewelry
promptly repaired. All work entrusted to his care
warranted to give entire ratisiiwti >n. [nov3-lyr
I VANIEE BORDER,
1 * PITT STREET, TWO POORS WEST OF THE BED
FORD HOTEL, BEBFORD, PA.
TCHMAKER AND DEALER IN JEWEL
RY. SPECTACLES. AC.
He keeps on hand a stock of fine Gold and Sil
ver Watches, Spectacles of Brilliant Double Refin
ed Glasses, also Scotch Pebble Glasses. Gold
Watch Chains, Breast Pins, Finger Rings, best
quality of Gold Pens. He will supply to order
any thing in his line not on hand,
apr. 28, 1865— it.
JUSTICES OF THE PEACE.
I OILN "MAJOR,
*J JUSTICE OF THE PEACE, HOPEWKLL,
BEDFORD COUNTY. Collections nnd all business
pertaining to his office will he attended to prompt
ly. Will also attend to the sale or renting of real
estate Instriin enls of writing carefully prepar
*d. Also settling up partnerships and other ac
counts. Apl '61 —tj.
| XV EN TO S' OFFICES.
d'EPINEIJIL A EVANS,
Civil Englnrcrs ami Patent Solicitor*.
NO. 435 WALNUT RT., PHILADELPHIA.
Patent* solicited—Consultations on Engineer
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SES and INTERFERENCES. Authentic Co
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jattl2;4y
ftkouni) inquirer.
DHtBORKOW 4 LUTX Editors and Proprietors.
ABHAtIAM LINCOLN.
Memorial Address of George Bancroft
Verbatim Report.
The following is a full report of Mt Ban
croft's Memorial Address on Abraham Lin
coln, delivered in Washington on Monday
Senators, Representatives of America :
GOD IN HISTORY.
That God rules in the affairs of men is as
certain as any truth of physical science. On
the great moving power which is from the
beginning, hangs the world of the senses
and the world of thought and action. Eter
nal wisdom marshals the great procession of
the natious, working in patient continuity
through the ages, never halting and never
abrupt, encompassing all events in its over
sight. and ever effecting its will, though
mortals may slumber in apathy or oppose
with madness. Kings are lifted up or thrown
down, nations come and go, republics flour
ish and wither, dynasties pass away like a
tale that is told; but nothing is by chance
though men in their ignorance of cause,
may think so. The deeds of time are gov
erned, as well as judged, by the decrees of
eternity. The caprice of fleeting existences
bends to omnipotence which
plants its foot on all the centuries, and Fas
neither change of purpose nor repose.
Sometimes, like a messenger through the
thick darkness of night, it steps along mys
terious ways; hut when the hour strikes for
a people, or for mank'nd to pass into a new
form of being, unseen hands draw the bolts
from the gate of futurity; an all subduing in
fluence prepares the minds of men for the
coming revolution ;. those who plan resist
ance find themselves in conflict with the will
of Providence rather than with human de
vices; and all hearts and all understandings,
1 most of ail the opinions and influences of
the unwilling, are wonderfully attracted and
compelled to bear forward the change which
becomes more an obedience to the law of
universal nature than submission to the ar
bitrament of man.
GROWTH OF THE AMERICAN REPUBLIC.
In the fulness of time a republic rose up
in the wildernesses of America. Thousands
of years had passed away before this child
of the ages could be bora From whatever
there were of good in the systems of former
centuries she drew her nourishment; the
wiecks of the past were her warnings._ With
the deepest sentiment of faith fixed in her
inmost nature, she disenthralled religion
from bondage to temporal power, that her
worship might be worship onlv in spirit and
in truth. The wisdom which had passed
from India through Greece, with what
Greece had added of her own; the jurispru
dence of Rome; the mediaeval municipali
ties; the Teutonic method of representa
tion ; the political experience of England;
the benignant wisdom of the expositors of
the law of nature and of nations in France
and Holland, all shed on her their selectest
influence. She washed the gold of political
wisdom from the sands wherever it was
found; she cleft it from the rocks; she
gleaned it among ruins. Out of all the dis
coveries of statesmen and sages, out of all
the experience of past human life, she com
piled a perennial political philosophy, the
primordal principles of national ethics. The
wise men of Europe sought the best govern
ment in a mixture of monarchy, aristocracy
and democracy; and America went behind
these names to extract from thorn the vital
elements of social forms, and blend them
harmoniously in the free commonwealth,
which conies nearest to the illustration of
the natural equality of all men. en
trusted the guardianship of established
rights to law; the movements of reform to
the spirit of the people, and drew her force
from the happy reconciliation of both.
TERRITORIAL EXTENT OF THE REPUBLIC.
Republics had heretofore been limited to
small cantons or cities and their dependen
cies; America, doing that ot which the like
had not before been Known upon the earth,
or believed by kings and statesmen to be
possible, extended her republic across a
continent. Under her auspices the vine of
liberty took deep root and filled the land ;
the hills were covered with its shadow ; its
boughs were like the goodly cedars, and
reached unto both oceans. The fame oi this
only daughter of freedom went out into all
the lands of the earth; from her the hu
man race drew hope.
PROPHECIES ON THE CONSEQUENCES OF
SLAVERY.
Neither hereditary monarchy nor heredit
ary aristocracy planted itself oil our soil; the
oiily hereditary condition that fastened it
self upon us was servitude. Nature works
in sincerity, and is ever true to its law. The
bee hives honey, the viper distils poison;
the vine stores its juices, and so do the pop
pv and the upas. In like manner, every
thought and every action ripens its seed,
each in its kind. In the individual man,
and still more in a nation, a just idea gives
life, and progress, and glory; a false conccp
tion portends disaster, shame, and death. A
hundred and twenty years ago, a West Jer
sey Quaker wrote : "This trade of import
ing slaves is dark gloominess hanging over
the land; the consequences will be grievous
to posterity." At the North the growth of
slavery was arrested by natural causes; in
the region nearest the tropics it throve
rankly, and worked itself into the organism
of the rising states. Virginia stood between
the two; with soil, and climate, and resour
ces demanding free labor, and yet capaole
of the profitable employment of the slave.
; She was the land of great statesmen; and
they saw the danger of her being whelmed
under the rising flood in time to struggle
against the delusions of avarice and pnde.
Ninety-four years ago the legislature of \ ir
- ginia addressed the British king, saying that
the trade in slaves was "of great inhumam
. Tv," was opposed to the "security and hap
piness" of their constituents, ' would in
' time have the most destructive influence,"
1 and "endanger their very existence.' And
r the king answered them, that upon pain
of his highest displeasure, the importation
■ of slaves should not be in any respect ob
structed." "Pharisaical Britain, wrote
* Franklin in behalf of Virginia, "to pride
thyself in setting free a single slave that
' happened to land on thy coasts, while thy
" t laws continue a traffic whereby so many
.1 hundreds of thou.-ands arc dragged into a
slavery that is entailed on their posterity.
"A serious view ot this subject,' said Pat
rick Henry in lt>73, "give i a gloomy pros
pect to future times.' In the same year,
Oeorge Mason wrote to the legislature of
Virginia: "The laws of impartial provi
deuce may avenge our injust ice upon our
' posterity." In Virginia and in the Conti
nental Congress. Jefferson, with the appro
" val of Edmund Pendleton, branded the
: slave-trade as piracy; and he fixed in the
Declaration of Independence as the corner
I stone of America : "AH men are created
i. equal, with an inalienable right to liberty.
1 Qo the first organization of temporary gov
r ernments for the continental domain, Jeffer
h son, but for the default of New Jersey,
5 i would, in 17&4, have consecrated every part
l of that territory to freedom. In thnioriua
' tion of the national constitution, V irginia,
A LOCAL AND GENERAL NEWSPAPER, DEVOTED TO POL ITICS, EDUCATION, LITERATURE AND MORALS.
opposed by a part of New England, vainly
struggled to abolish the slave trade at once
and forever; and when the ordinance of
1787 was introduced by Nathan Bane, with
out the clause prohibiting slavery, it was
through the favorable disposition of Virgin
ia and the .South that the clause oi Jeffer
son was restored' and the whole northwest
ern territory—all the territory that then
belonged to the nation —was reserved for
the labor of freemen.
DESPAIR OF THE MEN OF THE REVOLU-
TION.
The hope prevailed in Virginia that the
abolition of the slave trade would bring with
it the gradual abolition of slavery; but the
expectation was doomed to disappointment
In supporting incipient measures for eman
cipation. Jefferson encountered difficulties
greater than he could overcome; and after
vain wrestlings, the words that broke from
him, "'I tremble for my country when I
I reflect that God is just, that his justice
cannot sleep forever,"were words of despair.
It was the desire of Washington's heart
that Virginia should remove slavery by a
public act; and as the prospects of a general
emancipation crew more and more dim, he
in utter hopelessness of the action of the
state, did all that he could by bequeathing
freedom to his own slaves. Good and true
men had, from the days of 1776, thought of
colonizing the negro in the home of his an
cestors. But the idea of colonization was
thought to increase the difficulty of emanci
pation; aud in spite of strong support,
while it accomplished much good for Africa,
it proved impracticable as a remedy at home.
Madison, who in early life disliked slavery
so much that he wished "to depend as little
as possible on the labor of slaves;" Madison
who held that where slavery exists, "the
republican theory becomes fallacious;" Mad
ison, who in the last years of his life would
not consent to the annexation of Texas, lest
his countrymen should fill it with slaves;
Madison, who said, "Slavery is the greatest
evil under which the nation labors, a por
tentous evil, an evil, moral, political and
economical, a sad blot on our free country,"
went mournfullv into old age with the cheer
less words : "No satisfactory plan has yet
been devised for taking out the stain."
NEW VIEWS OF SLAVERY.
The men of the Revolution passed away.
A new generation sprang up, impatient that
an institution to which they clung should be
condemned as inhuman, unwise and unjust ;
in the throes of discontent at the self" re
proach of their fathers, and blinded by the
lustre of wealth to be acquired by the culture
of a new staple, they devised the theory
that slavery, which they would not abolish,
was not evil, hut good. They turned on the
friends of colonization, and confidently de
manded, "Why take black men from a civil
ized and Christian country, where their
labor is a source of immense gain and a
power to control the markets of the world,
and send them to a laud of ignoranoe, idol
atry and indolence, which was the home of
their forefathers, but not theirs? Slavery
is a blessing. Where they not in their an
cestral land naked, scarcely lifted above
brutes, ignorant of the course of the sun,
controlled by nature',' And in their new
abode,have they not been taught to know the
difference of the seasons, to plough, and
Slant, and reap, to drive oxen, to tame the
arse, to exchange th ir scanty dialect for
the richest of all the languages among men,
and the stupid adoration of follies for the
nnrest religion? And since slavery is good
for the blacks, it is good for their masters,
bringing opulence and the opportunity of
educating a race. The slavery of the black
is good in itself; he shall serve the white
man forever." And nature, which better
uuderstood the quality of fleeting interest
and passion, laughed, as it caught the echo,
"man" and "forever!"
SLAVERY AT HOME.
A regular development of pretensions fol
lowed the new declaration with logical con
sistency. Under the oM declaration every
one of the states had retained, each lor itself
the right of manumitting the negro by an or
dinary act of legislation; now, the power of
the people ouer servitude through their leg
islatures was curtailed, and the privilaged
class was swift in imposing legal and consti
tutional obstructions on the people them
selves. The power of emancipation was nar
rowed or taken away. The slave might not
be disquieted by education. There remain
ed an uneonfessed consciousness that the
system of bondage was wrong, and a restless
memory that it was at variance with a true
American tradition; its safety was therefore
to be secured by political organization. The
generation that made the (Constitution took
care for the predominance of freedom in
Congress, by tne ordinance of Jefferson: the
new school aspired to secure for slavery an
equality of votes in the Senate; and while it
hinted at an organic act that should concede
to the collective South a veto power on na
tional legislation, it assumed that each state
separately had the right to revise and nulli
fy laws of the United States, according to
the discretion of its judgment
SLAVERY AND FOREIGN RELATIONS.
The new theory hung as a bias on the for-
eign relations of the country; there could be
no recognition of Havti, nor even of the
American colony of Liberia; and the world
was given to understand that the establish
ment of free labor in Cuba would be a rea
son for wresting that island from Spain.
Territories were annexed; Lousiana, Flori
da, Texas, half of Mexico; slavery must
have its share in them all. and it accepted
for a time a dividing line between the un
questioned domain of free labor and that in
which involuntary labor was to be tolerated.
A few years passed away, and the new school
strong and arrogant, demanded and received
an apology for applying the Jefferson provi
so to Oregon.
SQUATTER SOVEREIGNTY.
The application of that proviso was inter
rupted for three administrations; but jus
tice moved steadily onwards. In the news
that the men of California had chosen free-
dom, Calhoun heard the knell of parting
slavery; and on his death bed he counselled
secession. Washington, and Jefferson, and
Madison had died Jesparting of the aboli
tion of slavery, Calhoun died in despair at
the growth of freedom. His system rushed
irresistibly to its natural development. The
death-struggle for California was followed
by a short truce; but the new school of pol
iticians who said that, slavery was not evil,
but good, soon sought to recover the ground
t.hev had lost, and confident of securing Tex
as, they demanded that the established line
in the territories, between freedom and
slavery should be blotted out. fhe country,
believing in the strength and enterprise and
expansive energy of freedom, made answer,
though relunctantly: "Be it so: lei there be
no strife between brethern; let freedom and
slavery complete for the territories on equal
terms, in a frir field under an impartial ad
; ministration; and on this theory, if on
I the contest might have been left to the de
i cision of time.
ORKI> SCOTT OKCISION.
I The South started back in apnalnientfrom
I its victory; for it kucw that & fair eompeti-
BEDFORD, Pa.. FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 33, 1866.
tion foreboded its defeat. But wheie could
it now find an ally t<> save it from its own
mistake? What X have next to say if spok
en with no emotion but regret. Our meet
ing to day is, as it were, at the grave, in
the presence of Eternity, and the truth must
be uttered in soberness and sincerity. In a
great republic, as was observed more than
two thousand years ago, any attempt to over
turn the state owes it strength to aid from
some branch of the government. The Chief
Justiee of the United States, without any
necessity or occasion, volunteered to come
to the rescue of the theory of slavervt And
from his court there lay no appeal but to
the bar of humanity and history. Against
the Constitution, against the memory of
the nation, against a previous decision, a
gainst a series of enactments, he decided
that the slave is property, that slave prop
erty is entitled to no less protection than
any other property, that tne Constitution
upholds it in every territory against any act
oi a local legisatnre, and even against Con
gress itself; or as the President tersely pro
mulgated the saying: "Kansas is as much a
slave state as South Carolina or Georgia;
slavery, by virtue of the Constitution, exists
in every territory." The municipal charac
ter of slavery being thus taken away, and
slave property decreed to be "sacred," the
authority of the courts was invoked to in
troduce itby the comity of law into states
where slavery had been abolished; and in
one of the courts of the United States a
judge pronounced the African slave trade
legitimate, and numerous and powerful ad
vocates demanded its restoration.
TANEY AMI SLAVE RACES.
Moreover, the Chief Justiee, in his elab
orate opinion, announced what had never
been heard from any magistrate of Greece
or ltomc —what was unknown to civil law,
and canon law. and feudal law, and common
law. and constitutional law. unknown to Jay
to Rutledge, Ellsworth, and Marshall —that
there are "slave races." The spirit of evil
is intensely logical. Having the authority
of this decission, five states swiftly followed
the earlier example of a sixth, and opened
the way for reducing the negro to bondage;
the migrating free negro became a slave if
he but touched the soil of a seventh; and an
eighth, from its extent and soil and mineral
resources, destined to incalculable greatness,
closed its eyes on its coming prosperity, and
enacted—as by Taney's decision it had the
right to do—that every free black man who
would live within its limits must accept the
condition of slavery for himself and his pos
posterity.
SECESSION RESOLVED ON.
Only one step more remained to be taken.
Jefferson and the leading statesmen of his
day held fast to the idea that the enslave
ment of the African was socially, morally and
politically wrong. The new school was
founded exactly upon the opposite idea; ami
they resolved first to distract the democratic
party, for which the Supreme Court had
now furnished the means and then to estab
lish a new government, with negro slavery
for its corner-stone, as socially, morally and
politically right.
THE ELECTION.
As the Presidential election drew on, one
of the old traditional parties did not mak
its appearance; the otner reeled as it sought
to preserve its old position; and the candi
date who most nearly represented its best o
pinion, driven by patriotic zeal, roamed the
country from end to end to speak for union
eager at least to confront its enemies, yet
not having hope that it would find its de
liverance through him. The storm rose to
a whirlwind; who should allay its wrath?
The most experienced statesmen of the coun
try had failed; there was no hope from those
who were great after the flesh; could relief
come from one whose wisdom was like the
wisdom of little children?
EARLY LIFE OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
The choice of America fell on a man born
west of the Alleganies, in the cabin of poor
Eeople of Hardin county, Kentucky—Abra
am Lincoln.
His mother could read not write: his fath
er could do neither; but his parents sent
him, with an old spelling hook, to school
and he learned in his childhood to do both.
When eight years old he floated down the
Ohio with his father on a raft which bore
the family and all their possessions to the
shore of Indiana; and, child as he was, he
gave help as they toiled through the dense
forests to the interior of Spencer county.
There iu the land of Free labor he grew up
in a log cabin, with the solemn solitude for
his teacher in his meditative hours. Of
Asiatic literature he knew only the Bible; of
Greek, Latin and mediaeval no more than
the translation of Esop's Fables; of English
John Banyan's Pilgrim's Progress. The
traditions of George Fox and William Penn
passed to him dimly along the lines of two
centuries through his ancestors, who were
Quakers.
HIS .EDUCATION,
Otherwise his education was altogether
American. The Declaration of Indepen
dence was his compendium of political wis
dom; the Lite of Washington his constant
study, and something of Jefferson and Mad
ison reached him through Henry Clay, whom
he honored from boyhood, for the rest*,
from day to day, he lived the life of the
American people; walked in the light; rea
soned with its reason, thought with its pow
er of thought; felt the beatings of its migh
ty heart, and so was in every way a child of
nature —a child of the West —a child of
America.
, IUS PROGRESS IN LIFE.
At nineteen, feeling impulses of ambition
' to get on in the world, he engaged himself
I to go down the Mississippi in a flat-boat,
receiving ten dollars a month for his wages,
and afterwards he made the trip once more.
At twenty-one he drove his father s cattle as
. the family migrated to Illinois, and split
rails to fence in the new homestead in the ;
; wild. At twenty-three he was a captain i
' of volunteers in the Black Hawk war. He
kept a shop; he learned something of sur-j
vej-ing; but of English literature be added i
to Banyan nothing but Shakespeare s plays. |
At twenty-five he was elected to the legisla- j
ture of Illinois, where he served eight years.
A1 twenty-seven he was admitted to the bar.
In 1837 he chose his home at Springfield,
the beautiful centre of the richest land in the ■
state, in 1847 he was a member of the na
tional Congress, where he voted about forty
times in favor of the principal of the
Jefferson proviso. In 1854 he gave his influ- j
euce to elect from Illinois to the American
Senate a democrat who would certainly do
justice to Kansas. In 1858, as the rival of
Douglass, he went before the people of the
mighty Prairie state saying: "This Union
cannot permanently endure, half free, the
Union will not be dissolved; but the house
will cease to be divided;" and now in 1851,
with no experience whatever as an execu
tive officer, while states were madly flying
from their orbits, and wise men knew not
where to find counsel, this descendant of
Ouakers, this pupil of Buoyan, thischild of
the great West was elected president of
America.
i He measured the difljeulty of the duty
that devolved on him, and was resolved to
fulfil it.
HE GOES TO WASHINGTON.
Ax on the eleventh of February. 1861, he
left Springfield, which for a quarter of a
century hau been his happy home, to the
crowd of bis friends and neighbors whom
he was never more to meet, he spoke a sol
emn farewell: "I know not how soon I shall
see you again. A duty has devolved upon
me greater than that which has devolved
upon auy other man since Washington. He
never would hare succeeded, except for the
aid of Divine Providence, upon which he at
all times relied. On the same Almighty
Being I place my reliance. Pray that I may
receive that Divine assietance, without
which I cannot succeed, hut with which suc
cess is certaiu. " To the men of Indiana he
said; "lam hut an accidental, temporary
instrument; it is your business to rise up
and presei v e the Union and liberty." At
the capital of Ohio he said: "Without a
name, there has fallen upon me a task such
as did not rest even upon the Father of his
Country. " At various places in New York,
especially at Albany, before the legislature,
which tendered him the united support of
the great Empire State, he said: "While I
hold myself the humblest of all the individ
uals who have ever been elevated to the
the Presidency, I have a more difficult task
to perform than any of them. 1 bring a ture
heart to the work. I mast rely upon the
people of the whole bountry for support:
and with their sustaining aid even I, hum
ble as I am, cannot fail to carry the ship of
state safely through the storm. ' To the
Assembly of New Jersey, at Trentou. he
explained: "I shall take the ground I deem
most just to the North, the East, the West,
the South, and the whole country, in good
temper, certainly with no malice to any sec
tion. lam devoted to peace, but it may he
necessary to putthe foot down lirmly. In
the old independence Hall of Philadelphia
he said: "I have never had a feeling politi
cally that did not spring from the sentiment
embodied in the Declaration of Indepen
dence, which gave liberty not alone to the
people of this country, but to the world in
all future time. If the country cannot be
saved without giving up that principle, I
would rather be assassinated on the spot than
surrender it, I have said nothiug but what
I am willing to live by and die by."
IN WHAT STATE HE FOUND THE COUNTRY
Travelling in the dead of night to escape
assassination, Lincoln arrived at Washing
ton nine days before his inauguration. The
outgoing President, at the opening of the
session of Congress had still kept as the
majority of his advisers men engaged in trea
son; had declared that in case of even an
"imaginary'' apprehension of danger from
notions of freedom among the slaves, ' disu
nion would become inevitable." Lincoln and
others had questioned the opinion of Taney;
such impugning he ascribed to "the factions
temper of the times.'" The favorite doc
trine of the majority of the democratic party
on the power of a territorial legislature over
slavery he condemned as an attack on "the
sacred rights of property, The state
legislatures, he insisted, must repeal what
he called "their unconstitutional and obnox
ious enactments,' and which, if such, were
"null and void,"' or "it would be impossible
for any human power to save the Union."
Nay if these unimportant acts were not re
pealed, "the injured states would be justified
in revolutionary resistance to the govern
ment of the Union." He maintained that
no state might secede at its sovereign will
and pleasure; that the Uniou was meant for
perpetuity; and that Congress might attempt
co preserve, but only by conciliation; that
"the sword was not placed in their hands to
preserve it by force; that "the last desper
ate remedy of a despairing people"' would
be "an explanatory amendweut recognising
the decision of the Supreme Court of the
United States." The American Union he
called "a confederacy" oj' states, and he
thought it adnty to make the appeal for the
amendment "before any of these states
should separate themselves from the Union.'
The views of the Lieutenant General, con
taining some patriotic advice, "conceded the
right of secession," pronounced a quadruple
rupture of the Union "a smaller evil than
the reuniting of the fragments by the sword.'
and "eschewed the idea of invading a sece
ded state." After changes in the Cabinet,
the President inform* d Congress that "mat
ters were still worse;' that "the South suf
fered serious grievances," which should be
redres-e 1 "in peace." The day after this
message the flag of the Union was fired upon
from Fort Moultrie, and the insult was not
revenged or noticed. Senators in Congress
telegraphed to their constituents to seize the
national forts, and they were not arrested.
The finances of the country were grievously
embarrassed. Its little army was not within
reach—the part of jt in Texas, with all its
stores, was made over by its commander to
the seceding One state after
another voted in convention to go out of the
Union. A Peace Congress, so called, met at
the request of Virginia, to concert the terms
of a capitulation for the continuance of the
Union. Congress in both branches sought
to devise conciliatory expedients; the terri
tories of the country were organized in a
manner not to conflict with any pretensions
of the South, or any decision of the Supreme
Court; and nevertheless the seceding states
formed at Montgomery a provisional govern
ment, and pursued their relentless purpose
with such success that the Lieutenant Gener
al feared the city of Washington might fiud
itself "included in a foreign country," and
proposed, among the Options for the consid
eration of Lincoln, to bid the seceded states
"depart in peace." The great republic
seemed to have Ha emblem in the vast un
finished Capitol, at that moment rurrounded
by masses of stone and prostrate columns
never yet lifted into their places; seemingly
the monument of high but delusive aspira
tions the confused wreck of inchoate luagni-
I licence, sadder than any ruin of Egyptian
j Thebes or Athens.
HIS INAUGURATION
The fourth of March came. With instinc
tive wisdom the new President, speaking
to the people on taking the oath of office,
put aside every question that divided the
country, and gained a right to universal
support, by planting himself on the single
idea of Union. That Union he declared to
lie unbroken and perpetual; aud he auuoun
eed his deteniti tuition to tul&l ' the iiiuple
duty of taking care that the laws be timh
fully executed in ail the states. Seven
days later, the convention of confederate
states unanimously adopted a Constitution
of their own; aud the new government was
authoritatively announced to be founded on
the idea that slavery is the uatural and nor
mal condition of the negro race. The issue
was made up whether the great republic was
to maintain its providential place in the his
tory of mankind, or a rebellion founded on
negro slavery gain a recognition of its uriuei
ple throughout the civilized world. To the
disaffected Lincoln had said: "You can
have no conflict without being yourselves the
aggressors." To fire the passions of the
southern portion of the people, the Confede
rate guvei mucut chose to become aggressors
VOLUME 8®: NO 8.
and on the morning of the 12tb of April be- ]
gan the bombardment of Fort Sumter, and f
compelled its evacuation. <
UPRISING OP THE PEOPLE. f
It is the glory of the late President that 1
he had perfect faith in the perpetuity of the (
Union Supported in advance by Douglas,
who spoke as with the voice of a million, he '
instantly called a meeting of Congress, and
summoned the people to come up and repos
sess the forts, places and property which
had been seized from the Union. The men
of the North were trained in schools: indus
trious and frugal; many of them delicately
bred their minds teeming with ideas and fer
tile in plans of enterprise; given to the cul
ture of the arts; eager in the pursuit of wealth
yet employing wealth less for ostentation
than for developing the resources of their
country; seeking happiness in the calm of
domestic life; and such lovers of peace that
for generations they had been reputed un
warlike. Now at the cry of their country
in its distress they rose up with unappeasa
ble patriotism, not hirelings—the purest and
of the best blood in the land; sons of a pious
ancestry, with a clear perception of duty,
unclouded faith and fixed resolve to succeed
they thronged round the President to sup
port the wronged the beautiful flag of the
nation. The halls of theological seminaries
sent forth their young men. whose lips were
touched with eloquence, whose heaits kind :
led with devotion, to serve in the ranks, and
make their way to command only as they
learned the art of war. Striplings in the
colleges, as well the most gentle and the
most studious; those of sweetest temper and
loveliest character and brightest genius pas
sed from their classes to the camp. The
lumbermen sprang forward from the forests
the mechanics from their benches, where
they had been trained by the exercise of po
litical rights to share the life and hope of
the republic, to feel their responsibility to
their forefathers their posterity and mankind
went forth resolved that their dignity as a
constituent part of this republic should not
be impaired. Farmers and sons of farmers
left the land but halfploughed, the grain but
half planted, and taking up the musket,
learned to face without fear the presence of
peril and the coming of death in the shocks
of war while their hearts were still attracted
to the charms of their rural life, and all the
tender affections of home. Whatever there
was of truth and faith and public love in the
common heart, broke out with one expres
sion. The mighty winds blew from every
quarter to fan the flame of the sacred ana
unquenchable fire.
THE WAR A WORLD WIDE WAR.
For a time the war was thought to be con
fined to our own domostic affairs; but it was
soon seen that it involved the destinies of
mankind and its principles and causes shook
the politics of Europe to the centre, and
from Lisbon to Pekin divided the govern
ments of the world.
GREAT BRITAIN.
There was a kingdom whose people had
in an eminent degree attained to freedom of j
industry and the security of person and
property. Its middle class rose to greatness
Out of that class sprang the noblest poets
and philosophers, whose words built up the
intellect of its people; skilful navigators to
find out the many paths of the oceans: dia
coverers in natural science whose inventions
guided its industry to wealth till it equalled
any nation of the world in letters, and ex
celled all in trade and commerce. But its
government was become a government of
land, and not of men; every blade of grass
was represented, but only a small minority
of the people. In the transition from the
feudal forms, the heads of the social organi
zation freed themselves from the military
services which were the conditions of their
tenure, and throwing the burden on the in
dustrial classes, kept all the soil to them
selves. Yast estates that had been managed
by monasteries as endowments for religion
and charity were appropriated to swell the
wealth of courtiers and favorites; and the
commons where the poor man once had his
right of pasture were taken away, and under
forms of law, enclosed distributively within
their own domains. Although no law for
bade any inhabitant from purchasing land,
the costliness of the transfer constituted a
prohibilion so that it was the rule of that
country that the plough should not be in •
the hands of its owner. The church wns
rested on a contradiction claiming to be an
embodiment of absolute truth ana yet was a
creature of the itatute book.
HER SENTIMENTS.
The progress of time increased the
terrible contrast between wealth and poverty
in their years the laboring peo
ple cut off from all share in governing the
state derived a scanty support from the
severest toil and had no hope for old age but
in public charity or death. A grasping am
bition had dotted the world with military
posts kept watch over our borders on the
northeast at the Bermudas, in the West In
dies, held the gates of the Pacific, of the
; Southern and of the Indian ocean, hovered
: on our northwest at Vancouver, held the
whole of the newest continent, and tfie en
trances to the old Mediterranean and Red
, Sea: and garrisoned forts all the way from
; Madras to China. That aristocracy had
gazed with terror on the growth of a com
t monwealth where freeholds existed by the
million, and religion was not in bondage to
! the state: and now they could not repress
their joy at its perils. They had not one
I word of sympathy for the kind hearted poor
I man's son whom America had chosen for
her chief; they jeered at his large hands,
and long feet, and ungainly stature; and the
British Secretary of State for Foreign Af
fairs made haste to send word through the
palaces of Europe that the great republic
was in its agony, that the great republic waa
no more, that a head stone was all that re
mained due by the law of nations to '"the
late Union." But it is written: ' Let the
dead bury their dead: ' tbey may not bury
the living. Let the dead bury their dead:
let a bill of reform remove the worn out
government of a class, and in use new life
into the British Constitution by confiding
rightful power to the people.
HER POLICY
But while the vitality of America is din
destructible, the British government hurriea
to do what never before had been done by
Christian powers, what was in direct con
flict with its own exposition of public law
in the time of our struggle for independ
ence. Though the insurgent states had not
a ship in an open harbor, it invested them
with all the rights of a belligerent, even on
the ocean; and this too, when the rebellion
was not only directed against the gentlest
and most beneficent government on earth,
without a shadow of justifiable cause, but
when the rebellion was directed against
human nature itself for the perpetual
enslavement of a race. And the effect of
this recognition was that acts in themselves
piratic*' found shelter in British courts of
law. The resources of British capitalists,
i their workshops, their armories, their pri
vate arsenals, their shipyards, were in
league with the insurgents, and every Brit
> itb harbor in the wide world became a safe
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port for British ships, manned by British
sailors and armed with British guDS to prey
on our peaceful commerce; even on our
ships coming from British porta freighted
with British piolucts, or that had carried
fills of grain to the English poor. The
'rime Minister in the House of Commons,
sustained by cheers, scoffed at the thought
that their laws could be amended at our
request, so as to preserve real neutrality ;
ana to remonstrances, now owned to have
been just, their secretary answered that
they could not ehange their laws ad injini- iseso
tnm,
RELATIONS WITH ENGLAND.
The people of America then wished, as
they always have wished, as they still wish,
friendly relations with England; and no
man in England or America can desire it
more strongly than I. This country has
always yearned for good relations with Eng
land. Thrice only in all Us history has
that yearning been fairly met; in the day#
of Hampden and Cromwell, again in tne
first ministry of the elder Pitt; and once
again in the ministry of Sbelburoe. Nat
that there have not at all times been just
men among the peers of Britain —like Hali
fax in the days of James the Second, or a
Granville, an Argyll, or a Houghton in
ours; and we cannot be indifferent to a
country that produces statesmen like Cob
den and Bright; but the best bower anchor
of peace was the working class of England,
who suffered most from our civil war, but
who, while they broke their adminiished
bread in sorrow, always encouraged us to
persevere.
FRANCE AND THE MONROE DOCTRINE.
The act recognizing the rebel belligerent*
was concerted with France; France so be
loved in America, on which she had confer
red the greatest benefit# that one people
ever conferred on another; France, which
stands foremost on the continent of Europe
for the solidity of her culture, as Well as for
the bravery and general impulses of her
sons; France, which for centuries had been
moving steadily in its own way towards in
tellectual and political freedom. The policy
regarding further colonization of America
by European powers, known commoply as
the doctrine of Monroe, had its origin in
France; and if it takes any man's came
should bear the name of Turcot. It wis
adopted by Louis the Sixteenth, in the cab
inet of which Yergennes was the most im
portant member. It is emphatically the
policy of Frauce; to which, with transient
divisions, the Bourbons, the First Napole
on, the House of Orleans, have ever adher
ed.
THE EMPEROR NAPOLEON AND MEXICO.
The late President was perpetually har
assed by rumors that the Emperor Napoleon
the Third desired form a! [y to recogmxe the
states in rebellion as an independent power,
and that England held him back by her
reluctance, or France by her traditions of
freedom, or he himself by his own better
judgment and clear perception of events.
But the republic of Mexico, on our borders,
was, like ourselves,distracted by a rebellion,
and from a similar cause. The monarchy
i of England bad fastened upon us slavery
which did not disappear with independence;
in like manner, the ecclesiastical policy es
taWished by the Spanish Council of the
Indies, in the days of Charles the Fifth,
and Philip the Second, retained its vigor in
the Mexican republic. The fifty years of
civil war under which she had languished,
was due to the bigoted system which was
the legacy of monarchy, just as here the
inheritance of slavery kept alive political
strife, and culminated in civil war. As with
us there could be no quiet but through the
end of slavery, so in Slexico there could be
no prosperity until the crushing tyranny of
intolerance should cease. The party of sla
very in the United States sent their emissa
ries to Europe to solicit aid; and so did the
party of the church in Mexico, as organised
by the old snanish Council of the Indies,
but with a different result. Jußt as thd
Republican party had made ab fttad of the
rebellion, and was establishing the best gov
ernment ever known in that region, and
giving promise to the nation of order, peace
and prosperity, word was brought us, in the
> moment of our deepest that the
; French Emperor, moved by a desire to erect
■ in North America a buttress for imperial
i ism, would transform the republic of Mexico
into a secund->geniture for the house of
Hapsburg. America might complain ; she
could not then interpose, and delay seemed
justifiable. It was seen that Mexico could
not with all its wealth of land compete in
cereal products with our northwest; nor in
tropical products with Cuba; nor could it,
under a disputed dynasty, attract capital,
or create public works, or develop mines;
or borrow money; so that the imperial sys
tem of Mexico, which was forced at once to
recognise the wisdom of the policy of the
republic by adopting it, could prove only an
unremunerating drain on the I rc-nch treasu
ry, for the support of an Austrian adven
-1 turer.
TBI PERPEJ.UITY OF REPUBLICAN INSTITUTIONS
Meantime, a new series of momentous ques
tions grows up, and forces themselves on the
consideration of the thoughtful. Republican
ism haa learned how to introduce into its Con
stitution every element of order, as well as
every element of fretdom; but thus far the
1 continuity of its government has seemed to
' depend on the continuity of elections. It is
1 aow to be considered how perpetuity is to be
1 secured against foreign occupation. The suc
cessor of Charles the First of England, dated
his reign from the death of his father, the
Bourbons, coming back after a long series of
i revolutions, claimed that the Louis who be
- came king was the eighteenth of that name.
> The present Emperor of the French, disdain
; ing a tide from election alone, is called the
i third of the name. Shall a republic have
less power ot continuance when invading aar
. mies prevent a peaceful reeort to the hsuk>t
. box? What force shall it attach to interven
, ing legislation? What validity to debts con
tracted for its overthrow? These momentous
. questions are by the invasion of Mexico
, thrown up for solution. A free state once
' truly constituted should be as undying as Its
' people; the republic of Mexico must rise
again.
It was the condition of affaire in Mexico
that involved the Pope of Rome in our diffi
' culties so far that he alone among temporal
i sovereigns recognized the chief of the Con
' federate States as a President, and hn sup
porters as a people; and in letters to two
r great prelates of the Catholic Church in the
- United States gave counsels for peace at a
t time when peace meant the victory f seces
i sion. Yet events move as they are ordered,
i The blessing of the Pope at Rome op the
i head of Duke Maximillian could not revive
- in the nineteenth century the ecclesiastical
policy of the sixteenth; and the result is only
[ a new proof that there can be no prosperity
l in the state without religious freedom.
[ THE PEOPLE OF AMERICA.
f When it came home to the consciousness
i of the Americans that the war which they
f were waging was a war for the liberty of all
, the nations of the world, for freedom itself,
1 they thanked God for the severity of thf trial
j to which he put their sincerity, and nerved
. themselves for their duty with It ittCtQr Shi's
9 [oompt* oy r-mfrflijj