f.fc* fMfnitd |ltM}ttim IS PUBMFTU D KVERV FRIDAY MOHNINO, BY J. 15, Dl RBOR ROW YM> JuiiS LtTZ, ON It' 1.1 ANA SI., opposite the Mengtl House HEDFORI), PENN'A. lER^IS: ?'f.OO a year if paid strictly in advance. U not paid within six uionths $12.50. II not paid within the year SS.OO. Cards. ATTORNEYS AT LAW. JN'.I. 11. Fil l er. J. T. KEAGY. IMLLER -*ly. JOHX PALNEB, Attorney at Law, Bedford, Pa,. Will promptly attend to all business entrusted to bis care. Vju Particular fcfeution paid to the collection of Military claims. Offiee on Julianna St., nearly opposite t'iio Mengel House.) junc2S, *65.1y T lb CESSNA* ,J . ATTORNEY AT LAW , Office with JOHN CESSNA, on Pitt St., opposite the Bedford Hotel. All business entrusted to his care will receive faithful and prompt attention. Mili •tarv Claims, Pensions, Ac., speedily collected. Bedford, June 9,1865. j. aA ...JOHN tun. U URBORROW A LUTZ, .i rroH.vt: FIS AT LA W\ BEBFORD, PA., Will attend promptly to all business intrusted to I heir care. Collections made on the shortest no- They arc, also, regularly licensed Claim Agents and will give specini attention to the prosecution of claims against the Government for Pensions, Back Pay, Bounty, Bounty Lands, Ac. Office on Juliana street, one door South of the "Mensrel House" and dearly opposite the Inquirer office. April 28. 1865:tf ALSIP, Li ATTORNEY AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA., Will faithfully and promptly attend to all busi ness entrusted to his care in Bedford and adjoin iu" counties. Military claims, Pensions, back T.av. Bounty, Ac. speedily collected. Office with Mann A Spang, on Julian* street, 2 doors south of the Mengel House. apll, 1854. tf. M. A. POINTS, ATTORNEY AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA. Uesircctfullv tenders his professional services the public. Office with J. W. Lingenfelter, E- •!_ on Juliana street, two doors South of the roV'esgfe House," Dec. 9, 1864-tf. ITIM M El ,L AN I) LINGENFELTER, IV ATTORNEYS AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA. Have formed a partnership in tbe practice of the Law Office on Juliana Street, two doors South of the Mengel House. aprl, 1864—tf. ROHN MOWER, F J ATTORNEY AT LAW. BEDFORD, PA. April 1,1864. —tf. DEYTINTS. C. N. J- O. HtNXICH, JR. DENTISTS, BEDFORD, PA. Ojffice in the Hank Untitling, Juliana Street. All operations pertaining to Surgical or Mc hanical Dentistry carefully and faithfully per formed and warranted. TERMS CASH. jan6'6s-Iy. ■ DKNTISTEY 1. N. BOWSER, RESIDENT DENTIST, IV.IUB SERDV PA., will spend the second Monday, Tues day, and Wednesday, or each month at Hopewell, the remaining three days at Bloody Run, attend ng to the duties of his profession. At all other iir.es he can be found in his office at Woodbury, •excepting the last Monday and Tuesday of the -nine month, which he will spend in Martinsburg, Blair county, Pcnna. Persons desiring operations should call "early, as time is limited. All opera ions warranted*. Aug. 5,1564,-tf. PHYSICMAIB. "117 >1- W. JAMISON. M. D., YY BLOODY RCX, PA., Respectfully tenders his professional services to the j eopl-wbf that place and vicinity. [decß:lyr P. If. PENNSYL, M. D., (late Burgeon 56th P. V . V.) BI.OODV KIN, PA., Offers his professional services as Physician and Surgeon to the citizens of Bloody Run and vicin ity. deelilyr* DR. B. F. HARRY, Respectfully lenders his professional ser vices to the citizens" of Bedford and vicinity. Office and residence on Pitt Street, in the building formerly occupied by Dr. J. 11. Hofius. April 1, 1864—ti. I L. M ARBOURG, M. D., •J . Having permanently located respectfully tenders his pofessional services to the citizens of Bedford and vicinity. Office on Juliana street, opposite the Bank, one door north of Hall A Pal mer's office. April 1, 1864 tf. HOTELS. BEDFORD HOUSE, AT HOPEWELL, BEDFORD COINTT, PA., BY HARRY DROLLING ER. Everv attention given to make guests comfortable, who stop at this House. Hopewell, July 29, 1564. BAYHERN. G. W. BIRR O. E. SHANNON F. BENRDICT RUFF, SHANNON A 00., BANKERS, BEDFORD, PA. BANK OF DISCOUNT AND DEPOSIT. COLLECTION'S made for the East, West. North and South, and the general business of Exchange, transacted. Notes and Accounts Collected and j Remittances promptly inade. REAL ESTATE bought and sold. apr.15,'64-tf. j JIIWKLKK. Ac. JOHN RKIMUND, FJ CLOCK AND WATCH-MAKER, in the United States Telepraph Office. BEDFORD, PA. Clocks, watches, and all kinds of jewelry promptly repaired. All work entrusted to his care warranted to give entire satisfaction. [nov3-Jyr j OANI EL BORDER, PITT STREET, TWO DOORS WEST OF THE BED CORD HOTEL, BEBFOKD, PA. WATCHMAKER AND DEALER IN JEWEL RY. SPECTACLES. AC. He keeps on hand a stock of fine Gold and Sil ver Watches, Spectacles of Brilliant Double Refin —Hd Glasses, also Scotch Pebble Glasses. Gold Watch Chains, Breast Pins, Finger Rings, best quality of Gold Pens. He will supply to order ■my thing in his line not on hand, apr. 28, 1865—zz. JUSTICES OF TIIE PEACE. I ('UN MAJOR, ') JUSTICE OF THE PEACE, IIOPEWKLL, BEDFORD COI STY: Collections and all business pertaining lo his office will be attended to prompt ly. Will also attend to the sale or renting of real estate Instrun cuts of writing carefully prcpar ed. Also settling up partnerships and other ac counts. Api '6l—y. J NYENTO S' OFFICES. d'DI'INEUIL A EVANS, Civil Engineers and Patent Solicitor*. NO. 485 WALNUT ST., PHILADELPHIA. Patents solicited—Consultations on Engineer ing, Draughting and Sketches, Models and Ma chinery of all kinds made and skilfully attended to. Special attention given to REJECTED CA ES and INTERFERENCES. Authentic Co pics of all Documents from Patent Offiee procured. N. B. Save yourselves useless trouble and travelling expenses, as there is no actual need for personal interview with us. All business with these offices, can be transacted in writing. For : "fiber information direct as above, with stamp enclosed, for Circular with references. Janl2:4y IBcMovi) 3Juquircv, I) URBORROW £ irn Editors and Proprietors. febforb Inquirer. BKDFORIJ, PA., FRIDAY JAN. 19, 1866. SPEECH OF HON. THADDEUS STEVENS. The House sitting in Committee of the Whole on the State of the Country, and the President's Message being under considera tion. Mr. Stevens spoke as follows: Mr. STEVENS said: A candid examina tion of the power and proper principles of reconstruction can be offensive to no one, and may possibly be profitable by exciting inquiry. One of the suggestions of the message which we are now considering has special reference to this. Perhaps it is the principle most interesting to the people at this time. The President assumes what no one doubts, that the late Rebel States have lost their constitutional relations to the Un ion, and are incapable of representation in Congress, except by permission of the Gov ernment, It matters but little with this ad mission, whether you calk them States out of the Union and now conquered Territodies or assert that because the Constitution for bids them to do what they did do that they are therefore only dead as to all national and political action, and will remain so until the Government shall breathe into them the ; breath, of life anew and permit them to oc cupy their former position, in other words that they are not out of the Union, the on ly dead carcasses lying within the Union. In either case it is very plain that it requires the action ofCongress to enable them to form a State Government, and send repre sent aives to Congress. Nobody, I believe, pretends that, with their old Constitutions and forms of government, that they can be permitted to claim their old rights, under the Constitution. They have torn their Constitutions into atoms, and built on their foundation fabrics of a totally different char acter. Dead men cannot raise themselves: dead States cannot restore their own exis tence as it was. Whose especial duty is to do it? In whom does the Constitution place the power? Not in the judicial branch of the Government, for it only adjudicates and does not prescribe laws. Not in the Commander in-Chief of the armies, for he can only hold them under military rule un til the sovereign legislative power of con queror shall give them law. There is for tunately nodifieulty in solving the question. There are two provisions in the Constitu tion under one of which they must fall. The fourth article says "new States may be ad mitted by the Congress into this Union." In my judgment this Is the controlling pro vision in this case. Unless the law of na tions is a dead letter, the late w .* between two acknowledged beligerents severed their original compacts, aud broke all ties that thembound together. The future condition of the conquered power depends on the will of the conquered power. They must come in as new States or remain as conquered prov inces. Congress—the Senate and Ho', eof Representatives—with the concurrence of the President, is the only power on earth that can act on the matter. Hut suppose as some dreaming theorists imagine that these States have never been out of the Union, but have only destroyed their State Govern ments so as to be incapable of political ac tion, then the fourth section of the fourth article applies, which says "the United States shall guarantee to every State in the Union a republican form of Government." Who is the United States? Not the Judici al}-, not the President; but the sovereign power of the people exercised through their representatives in Congress, with the con currence of the Executive. It means the political Government, the concurrent ac tion of both branches of Congress and the Executive. The separate action of each a mounts to nothing, either in admitting new States or guaranteeing Republican Gov ernments to lapsed or outlawed States. Whence springs the preposterous idea that either the President, or the Senate, or the House of Representatives, acting separate!, can determine the right of a State to se r members or Senators to the Congress of the Union? To prove that they arc and have been out of the Union for all legal purpos •, and arc now conquered subjects to the ab solute disposal ol Congress, I will sugge L a few ideas and adduce a few authorites. I the so called Confederate States of Ameri ca were an indpendent belligerent, and were so acknowledged by the United States and Europe, or had assumed and maintained an attitude which entitled them to he consider ed and treated as a belligerent; that during such time tkey were precisely in the condi tion of a foreign nation with whom we were at war. nor need their independence as a nation be acknowledged by us to produce that effect. Mr. Stevens then quoted from Mr. Jus tice Grier in the prize cases all the law on these points. Alter such clear and repeated decisions, he said, it is something worse than rediculous to hear men of respectable standing attempting to nullify the law of nations, and declare the Supreme Court of the United States, in error, because as the Constitution forbids it, the States could not go out of the Union de facto. After pro ceeding further in his argument, he remark ed, it is obvious that it is the first duty of Congress to pass a law declaring the condi tion of these outside defunct States, and providing proper civil govcrnmentfor them. Since the conquest they have been governed by martial law. Military rule is necessari desnostic.and ought not to exist longer than is absolutely necessary. As there arc no symptoms thatjthe people of these provinces will be prepared to participate in a Consti tutional Government for some years I know of no arrangement so proper for them as Territorial Governments. There they can learn the principles of freedom, and eat the fruit of foul rebellion under such govern ment. While electing members to the Territorial legislatures they will necessarily mingle with those to whom Congress shall extend the right of Suffrage. In the Terri tories, Congress fixes the qualifications of electors, and I know of no better place or better occasion for the conquered rebels and the conquered to practice justice to all men, and accustom themselves to make and g to obey all laws. As to these famed rebels, they cannot, at their option, re-enter the heaven which they have disturbed, the garden of Eden which they have deserted, as flaming swords arc set at the gate to se cure their exclusion. It becomes important to the nation to in quire when the doors shall be reopened for their admission. According to my judg ment they ought never to be recognized as capable of acting in the Union or being counted as valid States, until the Constitu tion shall have been so amended as to make it what its framers intended, so as to secure a perpetual ascendency to the party of the Union, and so as to render Republican Gov ernment firm and stable forever. The first of these amendments is to change the basis of membership to actual voters. Now all i A LOCAL AND GENERAL NEWSPAPER, DEVOTED TO POLITICS, EDUCATION, LITERATURE AND M ORALS. the colored f.eemen in the Slave States and three fifths of the slaves are represented, though none of them have Votes. The Reb el States have 19 representees of colored slaves. If the slaves are now free, then they can add for the other two flubs, 13 more, making the slave representation 32. I sup pose the free blacks in those States will give at least five more, making representation of non voting people of color about 37. Th whole number of representatives now from the Slave States is 70; add the other two fifths, and it will be 83. If the amendment prevails, and those States withhold the right of suffrage from persons of color, it will deduct about 37, leaving them but 4G. With the apportion ment unchanged, the 83 Southern members, with the Democrats that will in the best times be elected from the North, will always give them a majority in Congress and in the Electoral College. They will at the very first election take possession of the White House and the halls of Congress. 1 need not depict the ruin that would follow. The assumption of the rebel debt or repudiation of the Federal debt would be sure to follow. The oppression of the f'reedmen. the re amendinent of the State Constitutions, and re-establishuient of slavery would be tbe in evitable result. That they would scorn and disregard their present Constitutions, forced upon them in the midst of martial law, would be both natural and just. No one that has any regard for the freedom of elec tions can look upon those governments, for ced upon them in duress, with any favor. If they should grant the right of suffrage to persons of color, 1 think there would always be T-nloh wbite men enough in the South aided by the blacks, to divide the represen tation and thus continue the Republican as cendency. If they should refuse thus to alter their election law < :t would reduce the representatives of the late Slave States to about 45, and render them powerless for evil. It is plain that the amendment must be consummated before the defunct States are admitted to be capable of State action, or it never can lie. The proposed amend ment to allow Congress to lay a duty on ex ports is precisely in the same situation. Its importance cannot well be overstated. It is every obvious that for many years the South will not pay much, under ourinternal Tevenue laws. The only article on which we can any considerable amount is cotton, jlt will be grown largely at once. With ten I cents per pound export duty it would bo furnished cheaper to foreign markets than j they could obtain it from any other part of the world. The late war has shown that. Two millions of bales exported at 500 pounds to the bale, would yield $100,000,000. This seems to be the chief revenue we shall ever derive from the South. Besides it would be a protection to that amount to our domes tic manufactures. Other proposed amend ments. to make all laws uniform, to prohibit the assumption of the rebel debt, are of vi tal importance and the only thing that can p -event the combined forces of Copperheads and Secessionists from legislating against the interests of the Union whenever they may obtain an accidental majority. But this is not all we ought to do before these invet erate rebels are invited to participate in our legislation. We have or are about to turn loose 4.000,000 of slaves without a hut to shelter them or a cent in their pockets. The infernal laws of Slavery have prevented them from acquiring an education or from understanding the commonest laws of con tractor from uianacing the ordinary busi ness of life. The Congress is bound to pro vide for them until they can provide for themselves. If we do not furnish thci with homesteads and hedge them around with protective laws, if we leave them to the legislation of their late masters, we had better have left them in bondage. Their condition would be worse than our prisoners at Andersonville. If we fail in this great duty now, and when we have the pow-ir we shall deserve and receive the execrations of history and all future agys. Two things are of vital importance. So to establish a prin ciple that none of the Rebel States shali be counted in any of the amendments of the Constitution until they are duly admitted into the family of States by thelaw-making power of their conqueror.'. For more than ! six months the Amendment, of the Constitu tion abolishing Slavery has been ratified by the Legislatures of three-fourths of the States that acted on its passage by Congress which had Legislatures, or which were States capable of acting or reqnired to act on that question. 1 take no account of the aggregotions of white washed rebels, who without any legal authority, have assem bled in the capitols of the late Rebel States and simulated legislative bodies. Nor do I regard with any respect the cunning by play into which they deluded the Secretary of State by frequent telegraphic announce ments that "South Carolina had adopted the Amendment," "Alabama has adopted tno amendment, being the twenty-seventh State," &e. This was intended to delude the people and accustom Congress to hear the names of these extinct States as if they were alive, when in truth they have no more existence than the revo'ted cities of Latium, two-thirds of whose people were colonized and their property confiscated and their right of citizenship withdrawn by conquering and avenging Rome. It is equally important to the stability of this republic that it should now be solemnly decided what power can revive, recreate and reinstate these provinces into the family of States, and invest them with the rights of American citizens. It is time that Con gress should assert its sovereignty and as sume something of the dignity of a Roman Senate. It is fortunate that the President invites Congress to take this manly attitude After stating with great frankness in his able Message his theory, which, however, is fouud to be impracticable, and which I be lieve very few now consider tenable, he re fers the whole matter to the judgment of Congress. If Congress should fail firmly and wisely to discharge that high duty, it is not the fault of the President. This Con gress owes it to its own character to set the seal of reprobation upon a doctrine which is becoming too fashionable, and, unless re buked, will become the recoguized principle of our Government. Governor Perry and other Provisional Governors and orators proclaim that this is the white man's Gov ernment. The whole Copperhead party, pandering to the lowest prejudices of the ig norant, repeat the cuckoo cry. "This is the white man's government." What is im plied by this? That one race of men is to have the exclusive right forever to rule this nation and to exercise all acts of sovereignty, while all other races and nations and colors are to be their subjects and have no voice in making the laws and choosing the rulers by whom they are to be governed. Where in does this differ from slavery except in name? Does not this contradict all the dis tinctive principles of the Declaration of In dependence? When the great and good men promulgated that instrument and pled ged tbeir lives and sacred honors to defend it, it was supposed to form an epoch in civil government. Before that time it was held that the right to rule was vested in families, dynasties or races —not because of superior BEDFORD, Pa., FRIDAY, JANUARY 19, 1866. intelligence or virtue, but because of a di vine right to enioy exclusive privileges. Our fathers repudiated the whole doctrine of the legal superiority of families or races, and proclaimed the equality of all men be fore the law. upon that they created a revo lution and built the Republic. They were prevented by slavery from perfecting the superstructure whose foundation they had thus broadly laid. For the sake of the Union they consented to wait, hut never re linquished the idea of its final completion. The time to which they looked forward with anxiety has come. It is our duty to com plete their work, if this Republic is not now made to stand on their great principle, it has no honest foundation, and the Father of all men will still shake it in its centre. If we have not yet been sufficiently scourg ed for our national sin to teach us to do jus tice to all God's creatures, without distinc tion of race or color, we must expect the still more heavy vengeance of an offended Father still increasing his inflictions, as He increased the severity of the plagues of Egypt until the tyrant consented to do jus tice, and when that tyrant repented of his reluctant consent, and attempted to re-en slave the people, as our Southern tyrants are attempting to do now, he filled the Red Sea with broken chariots and drowned hors es, and strewed the shores with dead car casses. Mr. Speaker—l trust that the Republican party will not he alarmed at what 1 am say ing. Ido not profess to speak their senti ments, nor must they be held responsible for them. I speak for myself and take the responsibility, and will settle with my intel ligent constituents. This is not a white man's Government in the exclusive sense in which it is used. To say so is political blas phemy, for it violate.) the fundamental prin ciples of our gospel of liberty. This is man's government of all men alike. Not that all men will have equal power and sway within it; accidental circumstances, natural and acquired endowment and ability will vary their fortunes—hut equal rights to all the privileges of the Government is innate in every immortal being, no matrer what the shape or color of the tabernacle which it inhabits. If equal privileges were grant ed to all I should not expect any but white men to be elected to office for long ages to come. The prejudice engendered by Sla very would not soon permit merit to be pre ferred to color. But it would still be bene ficial to the weaker races. In a country where political division will always exist their power, joined with just white men, would greatly modify if it did not entirely prevent the injustice of majorities without the right of suffrage in the late Slave States. Ido not speak of the Free States. The slaves hid far better been left in bond age. I see it stated that very distinguished advocates of tbe right of suffrage declared in this city that they do not expect to obtain it by Congressional legislation but only by administrative action; because as one gallant gentleman said the State had not been out of the Union; then they will never get it. The President is far sounder than they. He sees that administrative action has nothing to do with it. If it ever is to come it must be Constitutional amendments, or Congres sional action in the territorial and enabling acts. How shameful these men of influence should mislead and miseducate the public mind. They proclaim this is the white man's Government, and the whole coil of Copperheads re-echo (hiss) the same senti ments, and upstart, jealous Republicans join the cry. Is it any wonder ignorant foreigners and illiterate natives should learn this doctrine and he led to dispise and inal trent a whole race of their fellow-men. Sir, this doctrine of a white man's government is as atrocious as the infamous sentiment that damned the late Chief Justice to ever lasting fame, and I fear to everlasting fire. OPINION OF ATTORNEY GENERAL MEREDITH. THE RIGHT OF THE STATE TO TAX NATION AL BANKS. OPINION. My opinion is requested by the Auditor General on the Question whether the second section of the act of 30th April, 1864, (im posing additional taxes for State purposes) imposed a tax on the National Banks located within the Commonwealth ? The section referred to imposes a tax upon (among other persons and institutions there in mentioned) "every incorporated and un incorporated banting institution not paying a tax to the State upon dividends under ex isting laws." I am of opinion that this description in cludes the National Banks, and therefore that the question presented to me ought to he answered in the affirmative. Some of the National Banks were formed by certain State Banks of issue, in conform ity with the enabling act passed on the 22d August, 1854, and it has been suggested that the National Banks so formed are in some way, bv reason of the provisions of that act, exempted from taxation under the act of 30th April, 1864. The enabling act provides that, on com pliance with certain requirements, the sur render of the charter of any State Bank, which may become a National Bank, shall lie accepted. I do not think it material to the present question, that the act provides, in favor of a State Bank so surrendering, a corporate quasi-vitality for a short term, for the pur pose of closing its concerns, "but not for the purpose of eontinueing under the laws of this Commonwealth the business for which it was established." Nor do I conceive it to be material to in quire whether the section which provided that the bank tax, (viz: the tax on capital stock under the act of 1844, and the tax on dividends under the act of 1850,) for which those State Banks were liable, should be ap portioned to the day of surrender, would by implication release them from a tax on net earnings under the act of 30th April, 1854, for which they were never liable. No implication would seem to be necessary, for it is beyond all doubt that they never were subject to taxation under the act of 30th April, 1864, inasmuch as they did pay "a tax to the State upon dividends." Further, I think it abundantly clear that on the sur render they ceased to exist as State corpo rations authorized to pursue any business whatever, and therefore could not be taxed at all under any existing State laws. A National Bank, formed in accordance with the enabling act, by a State Bank, has in my opinion no identity with the State Bank from orby which it was formed. It is a different political person—its name has been altered—it has been created and exists under the authority of a different jurisdic tion —it is a new institution. We are, I think, no more to look for the rule of its taxation to the laws which applied to the former State Bank, than, in the case of a National Bank formed by individuals, we are to look for the rule of its taxation to the laws which applied to tl individuals who formed it. We are, I conceive, to regard the statits not of the deceased progenitor, but of the living progeny; and if the latter be within the terms of the act he cannot take himself out ofthem, by showing that the former was uot. These considerations appear to show that the legislation of the Commonwealth is not involved in the injustice of taxing one por tion of the National Banks and exempting another portion, while there is in fact no difference whatever between the two por tions as they now exist. I am, therefore, of opinion that the sec ond section of tbe act of 30th April, 18C4, embraces all tbe National Banks within the Commonwealth. I am quite aware that grave (aud perhaps some new and difficult) questions may be raised under the Constitution of the United States, on the subject to which this opinion relates. I express no opinion on them, be cause I conceive that the Auditor General would in no event be justifiable in deciding them peremptorily and finally against the Commonwealth, by refusing to execute the act of Assembly on which they may arise. W. M. MEREDITH, Attorney General. Attorney GeneraTs Office, \ 22d December 1865. j §?,oetrg. A GRAND OLD POEM. Who shall judge a man from manners? Who shall know him by his dress? Paupers may be fit for princes, Princess fit for something less. Crumpled shirt or dirty jacket, May beclothe the golden ore Of the deepest thoughts and feelings— .Satin vests could do no more. There are springs of crystal nectar, Ever welling out of stone; There are purple buds and golden, Hidden, crushed and overgrown; God, who counts by souls, not dresses, Loves and prospers you and me, While he values thrones, the highest, But as pebbles in the sea. Man-upraised above his fellows, Oft forgets his fellows then, Masters, rulers, lords, remember, That your meanest kind are men, Men by labor, men by feeling, Men by thought, and men by fame, Claiming equal rights to sunshine, In a man's ennobling name. Tbeir are foam embroidered oceans, There are little weed-clad rills, There are feeble inch-high saplings, There are cedars on the hills; God, who counts by souls not stations, Loves and prospers you and me; For to Him, all vain distinctions Are as pebbles in the sea. Toiling hands alone are builders Of a nation's wealth or fame; Titled laziness is pensioned, Fed and fattened on the same; By the sweat of others foreheads, Living only to rejoice, While the poor man's outraged freedom Vainly lifted up its voice. Truth and justice are eternal, Born with loveliness and light; Secret wrongs shall never prosper, While there is a sunny right; God, whose world-head voice is singing Boundless love to you and me, Sinks oppression with its titles, As the pebbles in the sea. Miser A WARNING TO YOUNG MEN. The Jackson Michigan Citizen tellsa good story of a young man in that city who had been in the habit of visiting the residence of a widowed lady, who had a daughter "pass ing fair." The young man was assiduous in his attentions, and was a constant visitor. This notice awoke in the young lady's heart the tender passion, and in her dreams she imagined that she had become the wife of her Adonis. Matters kept on in the same old way. The young man continued his marked attentions, and people began to whisper among themselves: "A match, sure!" while knowing ones, with a solemn toss of the head, would remark, "What did I tell you?" The young man went out to his supposed charmer's house the other eve ning, for the purpose of taking tea. During the ineal the mother of the girl asked: ."When are you and to be married?" The young man leaued back in the chair and coolly remarked that he had no idea of marrying anybody, and that he and the daughter were only friends. He said he supposed she understood it so all the time. The young lady said not a word, but rose up and seized the teapot, which was filled with hot tea, took off the lid, and threw its boil ing contents into his face, scalding him se verely and leaving an ugly mark. She then furiously ordered him out of her sight. "Hell hath no fury like a woman scorned," is an old saying, and this young men can at test to its truth. WOMAN'S.—love, like the rose blossoming in the arid desert, spreads its rays over the barren plain of the human heart, and while all around it is black and desolate it rises more strengthened from the absence of every other charm. VOLUME 39: JfO. 3 INFLUENCE OF NEWSPAPERS. Occasionally an individual says to us, ''times are so hard with me, I must stop my paper," or, as in some instances, "my wife thinks we can uispense with the paper now, and I must stop." Thus it is, they stop the paper the first thing as a useless expense, without thinking of the actual waste of money for things drank, eat, smoked or chewed, which can do the system no good, but rather harm. The newspaper can or should be regarded as a benefit to every household: it imparts useful information; it furnishes subjects lor thought and conversation; it adds a charm to social intercourse; it makes agreeable mem bers of society. To be without a newspaper one might as well be out of the world; he be comes a perfect nobody; when he gets into society and hears others talk about current events and discuss questions of local or gen eral interest, he can take no part in these things because he is not posted up, not hav ing read the papers. And in the family cir cle what an influence the newspaper has---the children read it, and gain in knowledge; it serves to occupy their leisure hours, to keep them from frivilous amusements, and gives an attraction at home. Sorely, then, uo wise parent would consent to go without a news paper in his family—and a local home news paper, too. He may think he can get along without it, because he is out in the world, and can have the reading of the paper from his neighbor's shop or store, or can learn what is going on from others. But this is rather a mean way. Men ought to be independent. They ought to read for themselves. If, how ever, they think they do not need the paper themselves, they may rest assured that their family does. Considerations like tne.se should have weight, and should induce those who have had thoughts of stopping their newspa pers not to do so, and for those who have not taken a paper, to subscribe at once.—Ax. THE HONEY MOON.— Why is the first month after marriage called the "honey moon?" Doubtless on occout of the sweet lunacy which controls the heads of the jar ties during that brief and delightful period. What a pity that they should ever get quite rational again! That sentimentality should give place to sentiment, sentiment to sense, love yield to logic, and fiction to fact, till the happy pair are reduced from the Eden of romance to the Sahara of reality—from Heaven to earth—and perhaps a peg lower! Strange as it may seem, there have been couples who have quarreled in the first month of matrimony, and have got back to their astonished parents before the good mother had fairly done weeping, (and rejoicing too) at her deughter's departure. Their "hon' ey moon" soured at the full of her thorn, and become a moon of vinegar, instead. A bad omen that! There was much sense and propriety in the text which the ancient clergymen chose for a wedding sermon. It was taken from the Psalms of David, and read thus : "And let there he peace, while the moon, endureth." ON one. occasion, Mr. Webster was on his way to attend to his duties at Washington. He was compelled to proceed at night, by stage from Baltimore. He bad no travel ing companions, and the driver had a sort of felon look which produced no inconsidera ble alarm with the Senator. "I endeavor ed to tranqualize myself," said Mr. Webster, "and had partially succeeded, when we reached the woods between Bladensburg and Washington a proper scene for murder or outrage, and here, I confess, my courage a gain deserted me. Just then my driver turned to me, and with a gruff voice, asked my name. I gave it to him. 'Where are you going?' said he. The reply was to Washington. lam a Senator.' Upon this, the driver seized me fervently by the hand, and exclaimed, 'how glad I am. I have been trembling in my seat for the last hour; for when I looked at you I took you to be a highwayman.'" Of course both parties were relieved. BEAUTY nr WOMEN.—A beautiful face aud figure are the twa things in a woman that first attract the attention of a man. The second is a fine taste, both in dress and habits, and the third is common sense. What a man moit dislikes in a lady is untidiness, slovenly hab its and affectation. There is a medium between prudery and relaxed behavior, which a man appreciates almost by instinct. Place a man of genial disposition, with a disengaged heart, in the society of a woman of beauty, sense and spirit —not too much of the latter—and the chan ces are of immediately falling desperately in love. The poor wretch cannot avoid it, and in his frantic efforts to escape, he falls on his knees at her feet and avows the might and ma jesty of her beauty. All you have to do will be to treat the poor fellow as kindly as you can, and make no effort to please him. Let r.ature haTe her own way, and depend uj>on it, you* will be fondly pressed to the warm bosom of some generous hearted fellow. MOUNTAIN OK SALT.—A striking curiosity has lately been discovered in Nevada Territo ry. It is a mountain of rock salt, situated about twenty miles from the valley, and onlj eighteen miles from the head of navigation on the Colorado river. It rises abruptly from the plain, about four hundred feet in height, a mountain of pure, sparkling, crystalized salt. _ A MAN. —named Jameson, in Cincinnati, wishing to curtail household expenses, adop ted a novel mode to effect his object He kissed the servant girl one morning, when he knew Mrs J. would see him, Results— discharged servant girl and twelve dollars per month saved. HERE is the pithiest sermon over preached Our ingress in life is naked and bare, our progress in life is trouble and care: our eg re&s out of it we know not where; but doing well here, we shall do well there; I could not tell more by preaching a year. RATES OF ADVERTISING. All *dverti<>emenU for less than 3 months 10 eenU per line for each insertion. Special notices one half additional. All resolutions of Associa tion, communications of a limited or indiridual interest and notices of marriages and deaths, ex ceeding five lines, 10 ct. per line. All legal noti ces of every kind, and all Orphans' Court and other J ndiciai sales, are required by law to be pub lished in both papers. Editorial Notices 15 cents per line. All Advertising due after first Insertion. A liberal discount made to yearly advortuers. 3 months. $ months. 1 year. One square $ 4.50 $ 6.00 SIO.OO Two squares 8,00 y.OO 18.90 Three squares. 8.00 12.09 20.90 One-fourth column 14.00 20.00 35.00 Half column 18.00 25.00 45.00 One c01umn..... 30.00 45.00 80.00 MR. NASBY DREAMS A DREAM WASHINGTON, December 10, 1865. Last nite, I was the victim of another dream. Ef I don't quit this explorin the realms of the fucher in my sleep, I shall be come a second Saint John. Ef so, I make no doubt my revelations will be uv a remark able startlin character. Methawt the Mblishnists had asserted the nower we diskirered they poseest, after the late elecshuns, and had gone the whole figger They had forced the South into the humi liashen uv allowiu niggers to testify, and in the Northern States had given em the elec tive franchise. Uv course, the edeeated and refined democraay wood never consent to be carried up to the polls alongside uv a nigger uv course no Democratic offis-seeker wood humiliate himself a treatin a nigger afore a elecshun—it beein a article uv faith with us never to drink with a nigger onless he pays for it, Therefore, bein helpless, and resolvin never to submit, the heft uv the Democrasy determined to emigrate in a body to some land where the Anglo Sackson cood rool, — where there was no mixture of the disgustin African Mexico wuz the country chosen, and methawt the entire party, in one solid column marched there. Our departure was a ova tion. The people on our route wuz all dres sed in white ez a token uv joy, and from every house hung banners with inscriptions onto em, rich ez: "Now is our hen roosts safe!" "'Canada on its way to Mexico !" "Poor Mexico—we bewail thy fate!" Our march resembled very much that uv the children of Israel. Our nozes wuz the pillars uv fire by nite, and our breath the piller uv smoke by day. On our arrival to Mexico, the natives of that country, struck probably with awe at the majestic and flamin expression uv our countenances, hastily gathered up their linen and silver spoons, ana hosses, and sich, and retreated to the mountains. It wuz a kornp liment to us that them ez hadu't ennything remained. Finally we reached a plain where we, the modern children ov Isrel, decided to remanc and uv coarse, the fust thing to do wuz to form a guverment. Methawt Fernandy Wood, uv New York, wuz chosen viva voce, ez President, and he stept forerd to hev the oath administered to him, wich wuz 2 be dun by the oldest Justis uv the Peecc uv the late stait uv Noo Gersey which hez committed sooicide. Here a new trouble ensood—there wuzn't a bible to be found in the whole encampment. The diffi culty wuz got over by a New York Alder man vellin out, —"Never mind the oath— what s the yoose uv any oath he takes?" So he wuz declared President. President Wood then proceeded to organ ize. He requested sich ez hed commissions in the army uv the yoouited states to step forerd three paces. Gens. Micklelan, Buel, Fitsjohn Porter & Slocum stept forerd, and with em some 4000, a part uv whom h'id held quartermaster's commissions and whose accounts. "Just afore the battle, mother" Didn't balance, but wich allez did jist af ter, and others who hed ben dismist for be in the rear, when their sooperiors desired to see em in the front, aud who consekently considered it a d—d Ablishin war, wich they didn't approve uv no how. Then nevin ascertained the material for officerin his army he axed all them who hed bin in the service ex privates to step forerd. 20,000 obeyed and tne President asked the fust one where he enlisted, who answered as follows: "At Noo York, April 12, 1864, bounty $1,000; and at Philadelphia, April 14.1864, Sountv, $700; and at Pittsburgh, April 16, 1864, bounty, $800; and at Cincernati, Ap ril 19, 1864, bounty S4OO, and at—" "Enough" said Fernandy, aud glancin down the line, and seein all the faces were uv the same style and expression, he asked no more uv em any questions. iiemarkin that it wuz well enough to es tablish a church he desirnd all who were ministers uv the Gospel to step forerd. 21 stept out and desired to explain. They could not say they were just now in full connex ion with any church. They hed bin, but their unconstitooshnel Ablishn Synods and conferences hed accoosed em uv irregulari ties in hoss tradin, and various other irregu larities, and suspended em. and silenced em and sich, becoz they were Democrats, but— The President shrugged his sholders and asked all who cood read to step out. About onehalf answered, and then he requested sich uv this number ez cood be prevaled upon to accept a small office and who Sleeved tneirselves fit, to step out agin, and to my unutterable horror and consternation, every one but five, stepped out ez brisk ez so many bees. Immejitly there wuz a uproar' Them ez coodent read swore vociferously that there wuz nothing fair about that arrangement They never knowd that a man wuz obliged to be able to read to hold office in the Demo cratic party, and they'd never stand that, and they all stepped out. The next step wuz to divide them up in to employments. The President requested them ez preferred to foller mekanikle em ployments to step out Sum thirty advan ced. Them ez preferred fitrmin. About fifty stept out. Them ez expected to run small groceries. There wuz a sound like the rush uv many waters. Ninety-eight per cent uv all—cep tin the officers and preachers—sprung to the front but when they saw their strength, their faces turned white. "Good Lord," | whispered they "we can't make a livin out uv the remainin two per cent, and the offi cers and preache.s!" The mass then demanded & division uv the property, that all might start alike, but takin a inventory, it wuz found not worth while to bother about a division. They then oommeiioed murmur in, and sed one to another, "Oh, for the flesh pots uv the Egypt we left" "I cood at hum, live off my Ablishin nabers. ' 'There wuz rich men in our ward,but ez we hed the ma jority, they paid taxes, wich ire spent!" 'Ab lishnists is pizen,but it is well to hev enough, uv em to tax!" and ez wun man, they resol ved to return, and the ooafusijfi that resul ted from the brakin up awoke me. There is unquestionably a moral in the vision Biz often ez I hev syed for perpetuel Democratic majorities, I * hev sumtimes, when our party wuz successful, and bid fair to be so permantly, wondered what we would do with tl^ Treasury ef we didn't lose the offices occasionally v so yt to hev the other party nurse it into pickin condition for us. I don't think I shood like to Kve in a un animous Dimocratic community. PETROLEUM V. NASRY, Lait Paster uv the Church uv the Noo Dispensashun. t(*k="Pap," observed a young urchin of tender years to his "fond parent," "does tie Lord know everything?" "Yes, my son," replied the hopeful sire, "but why do you ask that question?" "Because our preacher when he prays is so long telling him everything, I thought hq wasn't posted." The parent reflected.