Bedford
is PUBLISHED
EVERY FRIDAY MORNING.
BY
j. R. I) IR BORROW AND JOHN LCTZ,
QJ
Il.'LI AS.4 St., opposite the Meiigei House
BEDFORD, PENN'A.
TF.lt *Us:
|3,00 a year if paid strictly in advance.
If not paid within six months *2.HO.
If not paid within the year 03.00.
grofessuroal & gStwinass <£afdjs.
ATTORNEYS ATMLAW.
JOHN PALMES,
' Attorney at Law, Bedford, Pa,.
Will promptly attend to all business entrusted to
hit ear*.
■i.%u Particular attention paid to the collection
of Military claims. Office on Julianna it., nearly
opposite the Mongel House.) june 23, '85.17
T B. CESSNA,
J . ATTORNEY AT LAW,
Office with Jons CBSSSA, on Pitt st., opposite the
Bedford Hotel. All business entrusted to his care
will receive faithful and prompt attention. Mili
tary Claims, Pensions, Ac., speedily collected.
Bedford, June 9,1885.
JOHN T. KEAGY,
ATTORNEY AT LAW, BEDFORD, Pa.,
Will promptly attend to all legal business entrust
ed to hi* care. Will give special attention to
claims against the Government. Office on Jallans
street, formerly occupied by Hon. A. King.
oprll:'6s-*ly.
J. R. DL!RBORHOW ...JOBS LUTZ.
DUR BORROW A LUTZ,
ATTOR.\'E I'S AT WH',
BKRPORD, PA.,
Will attend promptly to all business intrusted to
their rare. Collections made on the shortest no- ]
tice.
They are, also, regularly licensed Claim Agents j
and will give special attention to the prosecution j
■if claims against tha Government for Pensions,]
Bark Pay, Bounty, Bounty Lands, Ac.
Office on Juliana street, one door South of the ;
'•Mengel House" and nearly opposite the Inquirer 1
office. April 28, 1885:tfi
IVSPY M. ALSIP, J
VJ ATTORNEY AT LAW, BSDFORD, PA.,
Will faithfully and promptly attend to all busi
ness entrusted to his care in Bedford andadjoin
iug counties. Military claims, Pensions, back
pay. Bounty, Ac. speedily collected. Office with
Mann A Spang, on Juliana street, 2 doors south
of the Mengel House. apU, 1884.—tf.
M. A. POINTS,
ATTORNEY AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA.
Respectfully tenders his professional services
to the public. Office with J. W. Lingenfeller,
E#<|., en Juliana street, two doors South of the
"Mengle House." Dec. 9, 1864-tf.
KIMMELL AND LINGENFELTER,
ATTORNEYS AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA.
Have formed a partnership in the practice of
the Law Office on Juliana Street, two doors Bouth
of the Mengel House,
aprl, 1864 —tf.
JOHN MOWER,
ATTORNEY AT LAW.
BEDFORD, PA.
April 1,1884.—tf.
DENTISTS. ~
C. If. HICKOK j. G. MltfSlCH, JR.
DENTISTS, BEDFORD, PA.
Office IK the. Bank Building. Juliana Street.
All operations pertaining to Surgical or Me
chanical Dentistry earefully and faithfully per
formed and warranted. TERMS CASH.
jan6'Bs-ly.
DENTISTRY.
I. N. BOWSER, RF.SIDHST DBXTIST, WOOD
BERRY. PA., will spend the second Monday, Tues
day, and Wednesday, of each month at Hopewell,
the remaining three days at Bloody Run. attend
ing to the duties of his profession. At all other
times he can be found in his office at Woodbury,
excepting the last Monday and Tuesday of the
same month, which he will spend in Martinshurg,
Blair county, Penna. Persons desiring Operations
should eall early, as time is limited. All opera
ions warranted. Aug. 5,1864,-tf.
I'HYSICI.WS.
DR. B. F. HARRY,
Respectfully tenders his professional ser
vices to the citizens of Bedford and vicinity.
Office and residence on Pitt Street, in the building
formerly occupied by Dr. J. H. Hofius.
April 1, 1864—tt
JL. MARBOURG, M. D.,
. Having permanently located respectfully
tender* his pofessional services to the citixens
of Bedford and vicinity. Office on Juliana street,
opposite tba Bank, one door north of Hall A Pal
mer's office. April 1, 1864—tf.
HOTELN.
BEDFORD HOUSE,
AT HOPEWELL, Bunroan COCSTT, PA.,
BY HARRY DROI.LINGER.
Every attention given to make gue*ta comfortable,
who *top at this House.
Hopewell, July 29, 1864.
US. HOTEL.
UARRISBURG, PA.
CORNER SIXTH AND MARKET STREETS, |
OPPOSITS READING B. R. DEPOT.
D. H. HUTCHINSON, Proprietor. I
j in 6:65.
HOTEL.
BEDFORD. Pa..
ISAAC F. GROVE, Proprietor.
THE subscriber would respectfully announce
to hi* friend* in Bedford County, and the public
generally that he has leased for a term of years,
this large and convenient brick hotel, at the corner
of Pitt and Juhnnna Streets, Bedford Pa., known
as the WASHINGTON HOTEL, and formerly
kept by Win. Dibert.
This Houee i* being thoroughly re-Attcd andjre
furnished, and is now opened for the reception of
guest*. Visitors to the BEDFORD SPRINGS,
and perooas attending Court, will find this House
a pleasant and quiet temporary home, Every at
tention will be paid to the accommodation and
comfort of guests.
The TABLE will at all times be supplied with
the best the markets afford. Charges will be mod
erate.
Extensive Stabling is attached to this Hotel,
and a careful and competent Hostler will be in at
tendence.
Special attention will be paid to the accommo
dation of the farming community.
Coaches leave this House Daily, (Sundays ex
cepted) at 6i o'clock, A. M. and 2o'clock P. M., to
connect with the trains going East, from Mount
Dallas Station and Bloody Run. A coach will also
leave tri-weckly, (Tuesday, * Thursday and Satur
day) for Somerset. The traveling publie will find
It decidedly to their advantage to stop with hitn.
ISAAC F. GROVE.
Bedford, April 7, 1865.
RA.\KF,ItS.
O. W. HUPP O. E. SHANNON T. BENRMCT
RUPP, SHANNON A CO., BANKERS,
BHDroitD, PA.
BANK OF DISCOUNT AND DEPOSIT. *
COLLECTIONS made for the East, West, North
snd South, and the general business of Exchange,
transacted. Notes and Accounts Collected and
Remittances promptly made. REAL ESTATE
bought and sold. npr.15,'64-tf.
JEWELER, Ac.
DANIEL BORDER,
PITT STREET, TWO DOORS WRST or THR ait
FORD HOTEL, BEBPORD, PA.
WATCHMAKER AND DEALER IN JEWEL
RY. SPECTACLES. AC.
He keeps on hand a stock of fine Gold and Sil
ver Watches, Spectacles of Brilliant Double Refin
ed Glasses, also Scotch Pebble Glasses. Gold
IV atch Chains, Breast Pins, Finger Rings, best
quality of Gold Pens. He will supply to order
any thing in his line not on hand.
pr. 28,1865—xi.
JOHN MAJOR,
JUSTICE OF THE PEACE, HOPI.W.LL,
'■P.DTORN COUHTT. Collections and all business
pertaining to his office will be attended to prompt.
!y. Will also attend to the sale or renting of real
< -tate Instruments of writing carefully prepar
ed. Also settling np partnerships and other ac
-ojun t- Api 61— y.
fßedtorii 3JuQUUtr.
MKBORROW A LI'TZ Editor* and Proprietors.
SOfib OF THE CORN GATHERERS.
BT JOB* G. WHITTIRR.
Heap high the farmer's wintry hoard?
Heap high the golden corn!
No richer gift has Autumn poured
Prom out her lavish horn!
Let other lands exulting glean
The apple from the pine,
The orange from its glossy green,
The cluster from the vine.
We better love the bardy gift
Our rugged vales bestow,
To cheer us when the storm shall drift
Our harvest fields with snow.
Thro' vales of grass, and meads or nowers,
Our plows their furrows made,
While on the hills the sun and showers
Of changeful April played.
We dropped the seed o'er hill and plain,
Beneath the sun of May,
And frightened from our sprouting grain
The robber crows away.
All thro' the long bright days of June
Its leaves grew bright and fair,
And waved in hot midsummer noon.
Its soft and yellow hair.
And now with Autumn's moonlit eyos,
Its harvest time has come,
We pluck away its frosted leaves,
And hear the treasure home.
There, richer than the fabled gifts
Apollo showered of old,
Fair hands the broken grain shall sift,
And knead its meal of gold.
Let vapid Idlers 101 l in silk,
Around the costly board;
Give us the bowl of samp and milk,
By homespun beauty poured.
Then shsioc on all the proud and vain,
Whose folly laughs to scorn
The blessings of a hardy grain,
Our wealth of golden corn.
Let earth withhold her goodly root,
Let mildew blight the rye,
Give to the worm the orchard's fruit,
The wheat fields to the fly ;
But let the good old crop adorn
The hills our fathers trod;
Still let us for His golden corn
Send up our thanks to Godl
OCTOBER.
BT W. GATLORD CLAKX.
Solemn, yet beautiful to view,
Month of my heart, thou dawnest here,
With sere and faded leaves to strew
The Summer's melancholy bier;
The moaning of thy winds I hear,
As tbtt red sunset dies afar,
And bars of purple clouds appear,
Obscuring every western star.
Thou solemn month! I hear thy voice,
It tells my soul of other days,
When hut to live was to rejoice,
When earth was lovely to my gaze.
O, visions bright! O, blessed hours;
Where are those living raptures now?
I ask my spirit's wearied powers,
I ask my pale and fevered brow.
Ala*! for Time, and Death, and Care,
What gloom around my way they fling,
Like clouds in Autumn'* gu*ty air,
The burial pageant of the Spring.
The dreams that each succeeding year,
Sceuied bathe d in hues of living pride,
At last, like withered leaves, appear,
And sleep in darkness, side by aide.
•frtitical v
ADVICE TO THE TEXANS.
The Address of John H. Reagan, late
Rebel Postmaster-General—He write*
from his prison at Fort Warren words
of good advice to his people—His opin
ions and recommendations for fature
guidance.
EXECUTIVE OFFICE, AUSTIN, )
Texas, Sept. 23,186*. j
EDITOR GAZETTE :
I received, a day or two past, through the
War Department, in Washington, the inclo
sed manuscript address by Hon. John 11.
Reagan to the people of Texas, written from
Fort Warren, where he is now confined as a
prisoner of state. The address was accom
panied with a note from Maj.-Gen. Hooker
commanding the Department of the East,
requesting that it be forwarded to me, if not
in conflict with the policy of the government
together with a note requesting its publica
tion, if not in contravention of my policy,
&c., &c.
It affords mo pleasure to comply with the
request. It is a manly appeal to the people
of Texas, from an old public servant, who is
suffering, in his own person, the penalty of
the great crime of the South—an appeal to
them, not for himself, but for them, many
of whom, to my knowledge, are a thousand
times more responsible for the late rebellion
than himself.
It is the inspiration of moral heroism to
confront the long cherished errors and preju
dices of a people, with the simple weapons
of reason and truth.
In time past, no man has had a stron
ger hold upon the public confidence that the
writer of this address. Ho has done noth
ing to forfeit that confidence, except to con
sent, reluctantly, as I believe, to engage in
the mad experiment of secession. lie has
seen and deplores the wickedness and folly
which brought upon the people their pres
ent troubles, and now seeks by his warning
voice, issuing from a prison cell, to induce
this people to repair, as far as may be, by
their future course, the injuries of the past.
I respectfully request the publication of
the address in your pa|>er, and hope that
the Press of the State generally will do the
same.
If every man in our State, who is and has
been engaged in throwing discredit upon the
justice ana policy of the government would,
with the same honesty of purpose, discuss
the pre ent and future interests of the peo
ple, its return to its proper and constitution
■ a! position in the Union would be both sure
and expeditious.
1 earnestly commend the address to the
: honest and thoughtful consideration of the
people of Texas. Very respectfully,
A. J. HAMILTON.
ADDRESS.
IN PRISON, FORT WARREN, 1
BOSTON HARBOR, Aug. 11, 1865. J
To the. people of Tex"* :
' The condition of the country is Mich as to
awaken the anxious solicitude of every citi-
A LOCAL AND GENERAL NEWSPAPER, DEVOTED TO POLITICS, EDUCATION, LITERATURE AND MORALS.
zen. Portions of you have honored me
with your confidence on many occasions. I
have tried to repay that confidence by sin
cere efforts for your good, and by faithful
service. Though now a prisoner, in solitary
confinement, and far from you, without
knowing when, if ever, I shall be permitted
to mingle with you again, my children and
relatives and friends are among you, and my
anxiety for their and your welfare, induced
me to ask the permission of the government
to send you this communication. I have
tried to form a correct estimate of the condi
tion of affairs, and send you the result of
my reflections. The times demand the ex
ercises of thought and reason, and the free
expression of opinion. I hope mine may be
at least suggestive. As our condition forces
unwelcome thoughts and action on us, and
as, in my judgment, your best interests re
quire you to assent to facts and conclusions,
conforming to the new order of things, which
must be repugnant to your past experience,
and to your reason and prejudices, I take
the liberty of suggesting to you frankly that
line of action which seems to me best calcu
lated, in your existing condition, to promote
and secure your future welfare. I need not
assure you of my sympathy with you, and I
think need not doubt your confidence that I
would advice you to no course which I did
not think best for you.
I see that Gen. Hamilton, who has been
appointed Provisional Governor by the Pre
sident, has entered on his duties. He will
have adviced you of the policy of the gov-#
ernment, and what will lie expected of you,
and will, no doubt, call a convention to reor
ganize the State Government, as is being
done in other States similarly situated.
Your condition as a people is one of nov
elty and experiment; involving the necessity
of political, social and industrial reconstruc
tion, after a thorough and sweeping revolu
tion in all these respects; and this nas to be
accomplished in opposition to your educa
tion. traditional policy and prejudices.
I do not propose to discuss either what
belongs to the nast, or the policy of what
is now required of you, but to accept the
present condition of things, as the result of
the war, and of inevitable necessity; and
from this, as a starting point, to require
what policy our people should adopt for the
future.
You must, in the first place, recognize the
necessity of making the most you can out of
your present condition, without the hojte of
doing all you might desire. This is requir
ed both by reason and necessity.
The State occupies the condition of a con
quered nation. State government and State
Sovereignty are in abeyance; and will be so
held until you adopt a government and poli
cy acceptable to the eonquerers. A refusal
to accede to these conditions would only re
sult in a prolongation of the time during
which you will be deprived of a civil govern
ment of your own choice, and continue subject
to military rule. And it would do more than
this: it would keep questions of the gravest
character open for discussion and agitation,
and, by degrees, accustom the whole coun
try to a sort of military government, and re
sult in the establishment of a military des
potism, without bringing you any nearer to
the attainment of your wishes than you arc
at present. In order to secure to yourselves
again the blessings of local self-govern meat,
and to avoid military rule and the danger
of running into military despotism, you
must agree:
First, To recognize the supreme authority
of the Government of the United States
within the sphere of its power, and its right
to protect itself against disintegration by the
secession of the States.
And, second, you must recognize the ab
olition of slavery, and the right of those
who have lecn slaves to privilege and pro
tection of the law of the land.
From what I can see, this much will be
required as the least t hat would be likely to
satisfy the government, and secure to you
the blessings of civil government, and the
admission of your members into the Con
gress of the United States.
But even this may fail in the statement of
these ends, unless pro . i shall be made
by the new State Government for conferring
the elective franchise on the former slaves.
And present appearances indicate that this
will be required by Northern public senti
ment and by Congress. And our people are
in no condition to disregard that opinion or
power with safety. But I am persuaded
you may satisfy both without further iuju
ries to yourselves than has already occurred.
If you can do this, and secure to yourselves
liberty, the protection of the Constitution
and laws of the United States, and the right
of local self-government, you will he more
fortunate than many other conquered peo
ple have been. The Government and the
people of the Northern States will, I have
no doubt, recognize the necessity of your se
curing these blessings, as important to the
whole rouutry, as a means or preserving to
it constitutional liberty and the present form
of republican government. This is a new
language to employ in addressing you, and
will be as unwelcome to you as it is sorrow
ful to me. But it would be more than folly,
it would be a great crime, for you. and I and
those who may be charged with the duty of
reorganizing and restoring the State to the
Union, to refuse to recognize the facts of
your situation, however disagreeable, and to
speak of and deal with them with candor
and directness.
When the government offers its terms for
the restoration of the State to the Union, it
demands no other sacrifices than those al
ready made, by the result of the war, of re-
Bouncing the right of secession, and recog
nizing the abolition of slavery, with the ne
cessary consequences. These demands being
complied with, the civil government- will be
organized, the military government with
drawn, your members will be admitted to
their seats in Congress, and the State will
be in the Union on an equality in all respects
with the other States; with no further dis
abilities, save only such as attach to individ
uals. While the government prescribes the
conditions of this return it authorizes the
people of the State, through representatives
of their own choice, to execute them. It
seems to be the object of the government,
in pursuing this course, to secure what it
regards as the fruits of the victory it has
won, and at the same time to preserve our
form of government and the liabilities of
the people. I know that those who look to
the past only, with its sacrifices and losses of
principles believed to be true, of property
possessed, of national independence sought,
and of the heroic dead, may say, why talk
of liberty now and of equality in the Uni
on? The answer is, that having attempted
to secure and preserve these bv an appeal
to the God of Battles we failed, and they
now, so far as relates to our political restor
ation, belong to the dead past, where it is
the policy of the conquerors to leave them,
present and to the future. If it be thought
hard to surrender so much, it must, be re
membered that such is the fate of war, and
we must not forget that by the appeal of
arms, whether willingly made or not, we
staked not only what the government exacts,
but all our rights and property, on the re
sult, That we are not required to surren
der all is due, not to the laws of war, but
BEDFORD, Pa., FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 3, 1865.
to the the enlightened and Christian age
and country in which we live, to the liber
ality of the government, and to the spirit
and genius of our institutions. The ques
tion as to which party to the contest was
right or wrong, or as to whether both were
partly right, or wrong in staking all on the
late of battle, were discussed before the
war commenced, and were decided by each
party for itself, and, failing to agree, tliey
made their appeal to the dread arbitrament
of arms. It was precisely because the two
parties could not agree as to the issues be
tween them that they went to war, to settle
them in that way. Why should we think of
reopening the discussion of these questions?
What good could come of doing so? Wis
dom requires us to accept the decision of
battle upon the issues inrolved, and to be
thankful that no more hf.s been demanded
by the conquerors, and to unite frankly, and
as cheerfully as we can, the government
in carrying out the {olteJhK* has propound
ed. Some of our people seem still to think
they can retain their property in slaves,
under the authority of the Constitution and
laws of the United States. If the question
had been originally submitted to the courts
of the country, instead of to the trial of
battle, this might have been the case. But
we are not now permitted to claim the pro
tection of the government which we repudi
ated and fought against, unless by its con
sent. It says to the great mass of our peo
ple, you may retain your property, except
your slaves. They are now free. And un
less you agree to this you can neither get
back into the government as citizens, nor
into its courts to assert your claim to slaves,
or any other property. The only wise and
safe course for you to pursue is to accept
promptly, unreservedly, and in good faith,
the terms and ami policy offered, and to go
forward in the work of reorganization and
restoration to the Union. This requires
your assent to great pecuniary sacrifices,
momentous changes in your social and in
dustrial system, and a surrender of your
opinions and prejudices on most important
questions. It is humbling to our self-es
teem, humiliating to our pride, and cannot
be more unwelcome to you than it is painful
to me to feel that duty requires me to give
and you to accept this advice. It is not that
sort of advice which persons semetimcs give
but do not accept for themselves. It is for
me and mine as well as for you and yours.
To the conferring of the elective franchise
on your former slaves I anticipate a stub
born and sincere opposition, based upon the
ignorance of a great mass of them, and on
their total want of information and experi
ence in matters of legislation, administra
tion, and everything that pertains to the
science of government, and upon the pride
of race. And this objection may be sus
tained by pointing to the examples of Mex
ico, and or the Central American and South
American States; where, by the enfranchise
ment of the Indians and negroes, and all
others, without reference to race, or mental
or moral fitness for the exercise of these re
sponsible rights, they have been deprived of
the blessings of peace, order and good gov
ernment, and involved in an almost uninter
rupted series of war and revolutions, often
of the most cruel and barbarous character,
for more than half a Century, with no pres
ent prospect of an amelioration or improve
ment of their condition. But these difficul
ties arc not insuperable, if you meet them
with patience and reason. I have no doubt
you tan adopt a plan which will fully meet
the demands of justice and fairness, and
satisfy the Northern mind, and the require
ments of the government, without endan
gering good government and the repose of
society. This can be done by:
First —Extending the privileges and pro
tection of the laws over the negroes as they
are over the whites, and allowing them to
testify in the courts on the same conditions;
j leaving their testimony subject to the rules
I relating to its credibility; but not objecting
to its admissibility. And in this you will
conform with the wise current of modern
legislation, aud the tendency of judicial de
cisions in all enlightened countries.
And, Second—By fixing an intellectual
aud moral, and, if thought necessary a prop
erty test, for the admission of all persons to
the exercise of the elective franchise, with
out reference to race or color, which would
secure its intelligent exercise.
My own view would be:
First —That no person now entitled to the
privilege of voting should be deprived of it
because of any new test. I would recog
nize in this the difference between taking
away a right heretofore enjoyed, and the
conferring of a right not heretofore exer
cised.
Second —That to authorize the admission
of persons hereafter to the exercise of the
elective franchise, they should be, first,
males; second, twenty-one years of age;
third, citizens of the Lnited States; fourth,
should have resided in the State one year,
and in the district, county or precinct six
months next proceeding any election, at
which they propose to vote; fifth, should
l>c able to read in the English language un
derstandingly; sixth, and must have paid
taxes for the last year prececding For which
such taxes were due and payable, subject to
any disqualification for crime, of which the
person may have been duly convicted, which
may be prescribed by law.
The adoption of these measures, in addi
tion to those before mentioned, would, in
uiy judgment, meet the ends of justice and
fairness, secure the re-establishment of the
State Government, the admission of her
Senators and Representatives in Congress,
the suspen.-ion of military rule, and the re
storation of civil, constitutional and local
self-government. And it would do more.
It would secure your protection against oth
er great and pending evils; and be, I am
persuaded, of the greatest consequence to
jour future peace, prosperity and happiness.
Firsf—lt would remove all just grounds
of antagonism and hostility between the
white and black races. Unless this is done
endless strife and bitterness of feeling must
characterize their relations. And all history
and human experience teach us must, soon
er or later, result in a war of races. We
now know, from sad experience, what war |
is, between equals and enlightened people.
But of all wars, a social war of races is the
most relentless and cruel. The extermi
nation, or expulsion from the country, or en
slavement of the one or the other being its
inevitable end where they arc left to them
selves; or the loss of liberty to both races,
where they are all subject to the control of
a superior power which would be our situa
tion. I speak, of course, of the legal rights
and status of the two races. Their social
relations are matters of taste and choice, and
not subject to legislative regulation.
Second. —This course would disarm and
put an end to inter-State, sectional, political
agitation on this subject at least, which has
been the special curse of our country for so
many years, and which was the cause of the
unnumbered woes we have recently exieri
enced,and still suffer, by depriving the agita
tors of a subject on which to keep up such
an agitation and of the means of producing
i jealousy, animosity and hatred between the
! different parts of the country, and between
the different raoes. And this would do
much toward the renewal of the ancient re
lations of natioual harmony and fraternal
good will between all parte of the country.
And this, too, is of the greatest consequence
to our future welfare; and especially as our
people now know there is no hope of escape
from it by appealing to the principles of
State sovereignty- and the right of secession.
If the State will accept this policy at once,
it will attain the great ends heretofore men
tioned. and it will save its own people from
years of painful strife and agitation on these
questions.which would at last, probably after
years of contention, be found to be the only
means of bringing it to an end even if it lead
to nothing worse. How infinitely better it
will be for you,for both races,for the present
and future, for the whole country, if you will
unhesitatingly recognize the unalterable
facts as to your condition and the inevitable
logic of events; and hasten as it is in your
power to do the return of the blessings of
civil government and constitutional liberty,
ana avoid as tfc Is in your power to do the
fearful perils which now lie before you. I
know the painful struggle against education
and habit and policy and tradition and prej
udice which such a course will require you
to encounter, and how hard it is for human
nature to overcome such difficulties. But
my sincere prayer is that God in His good
ness and mercy may enable you to exhibit
this last crowniDg evidence in the midst of
your calamities and sorrows of your great
ness, wisdom and goodness as a people.
Ido not know how far it may be thought
neccessary or wise by the convention and the
succeeding legislature to change the general
frame of tne State Government; but if you
will pardon me, here is a subject in this con
naction to which I would call your attention.
For many years past it has been my op n
ion that we had carried our system of popu
lar government to a vicious extreme which
developed sad evils and which required cor
rection. I refer to the frequency of the oc
currence of popular elections to the great
number of officers filled by the popular vote
and to the shortness of the terms of office.
As our laws now stand all offices, executive,
legislative, judicial, ministerial, corporate
and military I believe with the exception of
Secretary of State, the Governor's Private
Secretary and the Clerk of the Supreme
Court are elected by a popular vote of the
people. And with the exception ofthejud
ges and Clerks of the Supreme and District
Courts and of State Senators for the short
term of two years. And the elections are
so arranged that a part of these are elected in
one year and a part the next or alternate
year causing a general popular election every
year.
To this there is, it seems to me, several se
rious objections:
1. It involves the too frequent change of
officers and often the loss of skill and expe
rience' and these changes produce also un
necessary expensive and inconvenient chan
ges of business to a great number of people.
2. It involves too much expense and loss
of time to the public generally and especially
to the large number of candidates with uo
compensating benefit.
And third: Which is the main and most
serious objectiou, annual popular elections
keep the country in an almost continual can
vass and commotion and produce, and keep
op on unnatural and injurious public excite
nient., for which there is no necessity and no
compensating benefit And for many years
before the commencement of our late trouble
these might well have produced the impres
sion that the carrying on of eanvesses and
holding of elections wore the principal busi
ness of the country. While the carrying on
of the various industrial and professional
pursuits, the rearing and education of fami
lies, and the support of the government were
but incidental matters. The remedy for
these things may be easily found and as easily
applied with very great benefits to the public
and with greatly increased credit of safety to
ottr system of free popular selfgovernment.
The one I would recommend would be:
First. To lengthen all terms of office,
which are now two, to four years.
Second. To require all general elections,
as far as practicable, to take place during
the same year, and at the same time.
And. Third, To provide: Ist. That the
State Treasurer, Comptroller, Attorney-Gen
eral, and Commissioner of the General Land
Office, shall be appointed by the nomination
of the Governor, and confirmation of the
Senate, as the Secretary of State now is.—
2d. That the Clerks of the District Courts
should be appointed by the several Judges,
as the Clerk of the Supreme Court is by the
Judges of that Court. 3d. That the Coun
ty Courts should appoint their Clerks, and
and Sheriffs, Coronors, Assessors and Col
lectors of Taxes, County Treasurers, County
Surveyors, and the Constables for tue vari
ous precincts of their counties. 4th. That
the Mayor and Alderman, or Couneilmen, of
all cities and towns should appoint their
Clerks, Marshals, Treasurers and other
officers.
This would withdraw the appointment of
this vast number of ministerial officers from
the seiamble, excitement, expense, loss of
time, and commotion of popular elections.
It would confer the authority for their ap
pointment on responsible, intelligent men,
who would have been elected to office by the
people, and would be responsible to them:
and it would secure their appointment on
account of their qualifications and fitness for
their several duties, rather than for political
considerations, or on account of mere per
sonal popularity, without reference to these
qualities. And it would give great dignity
and importance to our county courts, which
they never can have to a properextent under
our present system.
It would at the same time retaiu to the
people the election by popular vote of the
Governor. Lieutenant-Governor, State Sen
ators, and Representatives, Judges of the
Supreme and District District At
torneys, Chief-Justices, and Commissioners
of the County Courts, Justices of the Peace
and the Mayor and Aldermen or Councilmen
of cities and towns: embracing the Chief
Executive officer of the State, and all those
who have the power of making laws or of
expounding them, or of imposing taxes or
other burdens on the people.
And, what is of most value, it would ren
der the elections so infrequent, aud so far
apart, as to suspend all excitement about
them for long intervals, and allow the peo
ple to pursue their ordinary vocations free
from the repeated interruptions and excite
ments to which they are subject under our
present system; ami it would put an end to
the corrupting and debasing state ot politics,
which was created, and is being nourished
aud strengthened, by the number und fre
quency of popular elections.
I am persuaded that some such change as
this is essential to the public welfare, as to
the credit and success of our svstem of gov
ernment, to the permanency of our institu
tions, and the repose and security of society.
And it will be doubly important, now, since
such great numbers of people, heretofore
slaves and in great ignorance, are now marie
freemen, and are to become, in some form,
either participants or an element in all our
political contests.
With these two lines of policy adopted, 1
think, notwithstanding all your recent ..mis-
TOLI ME 88; 3fo. 45.
fortunes, yoa might look with hope and
confluence to the future. The negroes will,
it is honed, gradually diffuse themselves
among the greatly preponderating numbers
of whites in the different States and Terri
tories; many of them will probably go to
Mexico and other countries in search of so
cial equality; and a few or none of their race
will be added to their numbers by access!cms
front other countries. While the steady
and rapid influx of great numbers of white
races from other countries will gradually in
crease the disproportion in numbers between
them and the whitest and so render this new
element in society and government innoxious,
or at least powerless for evil, if they should
be so inclined, But from the general docili
ty of their dispositions we may now expect
most of them to be orderly, and manv of
theui industrious and useful citisens. "But
to secure these desirable ends it must not be
forgotten that it is an essential prerequisite
to confer on them their reasonable and ne-
cwsarjt right*; awl to adopt a policy which
shall prevent them from becoming an ele
ment of political agitation, and strife, and
danger.
Aid we must bury past animosities with
those of our fellow-citizens with whom we
have been at war. and cultivate with them
feelings of mutual chanty and fraternal good
will. And it will be greatly to your advan
tage, in many ways wliich I cannot trespass
on you to mention now, to hold out induce
ments to them, and to emigrants from oth
er countries, to come and settle among you,
with their labor and skill and capital, to as
sist in the diffusion of employments, the in
crease of your population, aud the develop
ment of your vast resources into new crea
tions of wealth and power.
Time, and patience, and wisdom, and jus
tice. mingled with the holy precepts of the
New Testament, are necessary to enable you
to secure these great and beneficient ends,
that you may, by the means I have indica
ted, or others, secure these results, shall have
my constant hopes and prayers.
Very truly and respectfully,
JOHN 11. REGAN.
FUN.
Oh glorious laughter! Thou man loving
spirit that for a time dost take the burden
from the weary back; that dost lay salve to
the feet bruised and cut by the flints and
shards; that takest blood baking melancholy
by the nose and makest it grin despite him
self; that all the sorrows of the past the
doubts of the future confoundest in the joy
of the present; that makest man truly nhil
osphic conquerer of himself and care! What
was talked ol as the golden chain of Jove,
was nothing but a succession of laughs, a
chromatic scale of merriment reaching from
earth to Olympus. It is not true that Pro
metheus stole the fire but the laughter of
the gods to deify our clay in the abundance
of our merriment to make us reasonable
creatures. Have you ever considered what
man would be destitute of the ennobling fac
ulty of laughter? Laughter is to the face of
man what synovia, I think anatomists call it
j is to his joints; it oils lubricates, and makes
j the human countenance divine. Without it
' our facoa would bo rigid hyouu like; the ini
quities of our heart with no sweet antidote
to work upon them would have made the
face of the best among us a husky thing,
whh two sullen,hungry, cruel lights at the
top — lor forehead would then have gone
out of fashion—aud a cavernous hole below
the nose. Think of a babe without laugh
ter —as it is its first intelligence! The crea
ture shows the divinity of itsorgin and end
by smiling upon us. Yes smiles are its first
talk with the world smiles the first answer
that it understands. And the worldly wis
dom comes upon the little thing it crows, it
chuckles it grins and shakes in its nurse's
arms or in waggish humor playing bopecp
with the breast it reveals its high destiny,
declares to him with ears to hear the heir
how of its immortality. Let materialists
blaspheme as gingerly and acutely as they
will they must find confusion in laughter.
Man may take a triumph and stand upon
his broad grins for he looks around our world
and his innermost soul sweetly tickled with
the knowledge tells him that heof all crea
tures laughs. Imagine if you can a laugh
ing fish. Let man then send a loud ha, ha!
througn the universe and be reverently grate
fully for the privilege.— Douglas Jerrold.
Colonizing the South.
It has been made public that Governor
Andrews of Massachusetts has declined the
Presidency of the Antioch College for the
purpose of carrying out a plan in connection
with othcrinfluential gentlemen, to introduce
free labor into the South and by this means
rapidly develope its immense agricultural
and mineral resources. The project we un
derstand contemplates the establishment of
a central office in this city where the owners
of lands in the slave States can become ac
quainted with Northern purchasers and thus
a stream of emigration be organized which
will fill certain sections of the South with a
population having Northern energy and
ideas. Branch offices will also be instituted
in all the former slave States. In this way,
for instance it is hoped to ' 'reconstruct''
Louisiana, on a basis that will root cut the
spirit as well as the practices of slavery, and
secure to freediuen their right not only in
the courts but also to become land owners.
As the project goes, on European immi
gration may be introduced to settle particu
lar Southern regions. The whole scheme is
upon the most enlarged scale and is under
the charge of gentlemen abundantly able to
meet all the exigencies that can arise in the
course of its development. Governor An
drew will most likely be the president of the
organization and under his able manage
ment we should expect the enterprise to
prove successful and bo productive of much
good to very many of the Southern States.
Evangelist.
A CHRISTIAN is a man that is living to
perfect in himself a better manhood. lie is
living not to waste his understanding either
by dissipation or by a selfish and perverse
use of it but. to enable him to use it for the
worthiest purposes. He is living to carry
higher and higner in himself the moral sen
timents—conscience.benevolence,faith, hope
and love. He is living so as to be letter,
i There are a great many persons who are liv
ing simply for wealth or for honor or for
power; but these are not the things that he
is living for. He is to become better in
every part of his being. The consequence
is that he takes the highest rule —that is
God's law—to measure his conduct and dis
position b y, in all he changes of life.
REMEMBRANCES.—The memories of child
hood, tlie long, far-away days of boyhood,
the mother's love and prayers, the voice of
a departed play-fellow, the ancient church
J and schoolmaster, in all their green and hal
lowed associations, come upon thr !. it in
i the autumn time of life, hke the passage of
a pleasantly remembered dream, and cast a
ray of their own purity and sweetness over
it.
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Ot'T AT NIGHT.
Fathers and mothers, look out for yotir
boys when the shades of evening have gath
ered around you 1 Where are they then?—
Are they at home, at the pleasant, social fire
side, or are they running the streets V Are
they gaining a street education? If so, take
care; the chances of their ruin are many.—
There is scarcely anything more destructive H
to their morals than running abroad at night.
Under cover of darkness they acquire the
education of crime; they learn to be rowdy
ish, if not absolutely vicious; they catch up
loose talk, they hear sinful thoughts, they
see obscene things, they become reckless and
riotous. If you would save them from vul
garity, save them from ruin, save themr from
prison, see to it that night finds them at
home. Let parents solemnly ponder this
matter, and do all they can to make home
I attractive for ALL the children, so attractive
that the boys will prefer it to roaming the
streets. There is ho place like home in
' more senses than one—certainly no place like
|home for boys in the evening.— Arthur*
Home Magazine.
THE USES OF ADVERSITY. —You wear
out your clothes. You are not troubled
with visitors. You are exonerated from
making calls. Bores do not love you. Tax
gatherers hurry past your door. Itinerant
bands do not play opposite your windows.
You avoid the nuisance of serving on juries
No one thinks of presenting you vnth a tes
timonial. No tradesman irritates by
asking, "Is there any other article to day
sir?" Impostors know it is no use to bleed
you. You practice temperance. You swal
low infinitely less poison than others. Flat
terers do not shoot their rubbish into your
ears. You are saved many a debt, many a
deception many a headache. And lastly, if
you nave a true friend in the world you are
sure in a very short space of time to know it
GOOD AJEVICE.—GirIs, let us tell you a
stubborn truth! No young woman ever
looks so well, to a sensible young man, as
when dressed in a plain, neat, modest attire,
without a single ornament about her person.
Shea look then as though she possessed worth
in herself, and needed no artificial rigging
to enhance her value. If a young woman
would spend so much time in cultivating her
mind, training her temper, and cherishing
kindness, meekness, mercy, and other good
qualities, as most of them do in extra areas
and ornaments, to increase their personal
charms, she would at a glance, be known
among a thousand —her character would be
read in her countenance. That's so!
'TOE SAID THAT AFORE. —Old Father
Bushnell, of Vermont; used to say that the
best criticism he ever received on his preach
ing was from a little boy who sat at his feet,
looking up into his face as he was preaching
in a crowded house. As he was going on
very earnestly, the little fellow spoke out,
" You said that afore ." I fancy that an
honest critic would find in those sermons an
hour long, a good many such sentences said
afore in the same discourse, and said afore,
on almost every Sabbath day. A word to
the wise is sufficient.
NOBLE SENTIMENTS. —Condemn no man,
says John Wesley, for not thinking as you
think. Let every one enjoy the full and free
liberty of thinking for himself. Let every
man use his own judgment, since every man
must give an account of himself to God.
Abhor every approach, in any kind of de
gree to the spirit of persecution. If you
cannot reason or persuade a man into the
truth, never attempt to force him into it.
If love will not compel him to come, leave
him to God, the judge of alb
EDMUND ABOUT writes daintily; "A1
though true hearts never become indifferent
to public affairs, we see things which touch
us nearest occupying the first place. It is
not selfishness; it is optics. Put your hand
before your eyes; you can perceive nothing
in the chamber. Interpose a little head in
a tiny cap between the world and you, you
will witness a beautiful phenomenon, which
astronomers have not yet studied, tpe total
eclipse of the world."
Lord M , with no very large por
tion of wit or wisdom, had a very axaited
opinion of his own powers. When once in
a large company, and expatiating about him
self, be made the following pointed remark:
"When I happen to suva foolish thing, I
always burst out a laughingF' "I envy
you your happiness, my lord, then," said
Charles Townsend, "for you must certainly
live the merriest life of any man in Eng
land."
ACTIONS SPEAK LOUDER THAN WORDS.
Captain Winner once received a sharp an
swer from a negro which will bear repeat
ing. The black man had long been ac
quainted with him, generally helping him
load his vessel. In the course of a conver
sation one day Winner accidentally remark
ed that he was a Christian. "l r ou a Christ
ian! " said the darkey, in astonishment,
Law's a massey I'd never found it out in
the world if you hadn't told me!"
DIFFICULTIES.—Wait not for your diffi
culties to cease; there w no soldier's glory
to be won on peaceful fields no sailor's da
ring to be shown on sunny seas no trust or
friendship to be proved when all goes well.
Faith, patience, heroic love,devont courage,
gentleness are not to he formed when there
are no doubts no pains no irritations, no
difficulties.
THE GREATEST MAN.—The greatest man
' is he who chooses the right with invincible
resolution: who resists the sorest temptations
from within and without; who bears the
heaviest burden cheerfully; who is the calm
est in storms and whose reliance on faith
and virtue and on God is the most unfalter
ing.
Woman's love, like th ■ roe blossoming in
the arid deserts, spreais its rays over the
barren plain of the human heart , and while
all around it is black and desolate, it rises
more strengthened from the absence of every
other charm.
On the doors of a parish church, hot a
hundred miles from Peudlo Hill, was recently
affixed thp following notice: —"The church
wardens "frill hold their ouarterlv meeting
every six weeks, instead of halfyearly, as for
merly."
Iltrtvlong Kve, the first woman, lived, we
do not know. It is a curious fact that in sa
cred history , the age death and burial of
only one woman. Surah, the wife of Abra
ham,is distinctly noted. Women's ages ever
since, appear not to have been a subject for
history or discussion.
When Chief Justice Chase was at Key
West, he wis served by an old negro, to
Iwhnm he promised a carte de-visite. aud
handed iiitu a one dollar bill. Ahi" says
Sandie, "now I know ygp, uiassa: yop ure
'old greenbacks.' "