B F McNEIL. Editor and Proprietor. in thus paper, reach a thousand readers more, that j they would,.published iu any other paper that circu s lates in this county. tf. FREEH ET AROUSE! Bedford Coiifcty to the Rescue. GRAND UNION MASS MEETING! jj The l uion Men of Bedford county will assemble I in Mass Meeting in Bedford on Saturday Oct, Ist 11 at 1 o clock P. M. Let there be a full turn out of ail true 1 nion Men from every township borough of the county. Hon. John Cessna and several prom inent speakers from abroad will address the meet ing. JNO. LUTZ, G. W. RUPP, j Sec'y. Chairman Union Co. Com. Professor Vtickerhatn's Lecture. | PROFESSOR WICKBBSHAM delivered a lecture in the SPresbyterian Church last Friday evening, on the f'-Chara'* And °' ht ' r Claims. Has for sale Town Lots, in ratosvillc, and .t. J*seph.s on Bedford Railroad. I arms and unim proved land in quantities to suit purcliassrs. Office oppositethe Banking House of Rood A Schcll. apr. 15, 1864—10 ni. __ JOHN L< TZ, ATTt*RN*:r At LAW, A> Regularly licensed agon* fur the collection of mem claims.'bounties, back pay. pensions, Ac., will gne prompt attention to all business entrusted to his ">• Offi< with J. 11. Burborrow, Esq., on Juliana , trict. Bedford -P*. 1864*—tf. RUPP, SHANNON, & CO., BANKERS, Botlforcl, Pa,, BANK ft* DISCOUNT AND DEPOSIT. COLLECTIONS wade for the East, West, North and South, and theeeneriil bosiness of Exchange, trans acted. Notes and Accounts Collected, *ud Bernittanc.cs promptly made. BKAL ESTATE bought and sold. G. W. IU-rr, 0. E. 'S'BAM.-c*, F. BENEDICT. apr. 15, 1864 —tf. DANIEL BORDER. PITT STREET, TWO noons WEST OF THE AHWARD HOTEL, Bedford, Pa- ,■ Watchmaker * Dealer lu Jewelry. Speetwrle*. A'* HE KEEPS ON HAND A STOCK OF AND SILVER WATCHES, >WcTACT,£S Ot Brilliant Double Refined Glasses, abp beoteh Pebble Glasses. Go Watch Chains, Breast Pima, 1 wger Kntgs, best quality of Gold Pen?. . . He will sapply to order any thing W his law mot on hand. apr. 8, 18414— it. PHYSICIANS, &C, DENTISTRY. I. N. BOWSER, Resident Dentist of Wood bury. TTTILL spend the second Monday, Tuesday, and Wcd \\ lie-day. of each mouth at Hopewell, the remaining : thre* davs at Bloody Run, attending to the duties of his profession. At all other times he can be found in has of fice at Woodbury, excepting the last Monday nod rues day of the name month, which lie wth spend in Martins burg. Blair county. Pcnoa. Persons desiring operations should call early., as time is liontbd. All operations war ranted. Aug. 5,15G4,-tf. c. N. KICK.OK DKTTIST. OFFICE IN BANK BlIliOING; BEDFORD, PA. April 1,1864. —tf. DR. B. F. HARRY, .Roepoctfully .coders his professional services to the 'Citizens of Bertfurd and vicinity. Office and residence unfaltering our noble old flag, Strong arms of the Union, heroes living and deadj For the blood of your valor is uselessly shed! No soldier's green laural is promised you here, But the white rag of "nt/'u p/iiky' softly shall cheer! Andyots, ye war martyrs, who preach from your graves How captives arc nursed by the masters of slaves, Or, living, still lingerin shadows of Death, — Puff out the starved musclb, recall the faint broath, And shout, till those cowards rejuiee at the cry : . "By the hands of the Union we fought for, we die!" By the Hod of Our Fathers! this shame we must share, But it glows too debasing for freeman to bear, And Washington, Jackson, will turn in their graves When the Union shall rest on two races of slaves, Or, spurning the spirit which bound it of yore, And sundered, exist as a nation no more! BATARD TAYLOR. SPEECH OF HON. JOHN CESSNA. Delivered In Philadelphia, Saturday Sept. 10th 1864. Mr. President and fellow-citizens: Sinai the polls were closed on the first Tuesday of Novem ber, 1860, 1 have very rarely appeared before my fellow-citizens as a political speaker. Nor do 1 expect to change that habit to-night, because, al though this is to a great extent a political meet ing, yet in what little 1 shall say to my fellow-cit izens, no matter what others may say on the sub i ject. I do not wish to be understood as making a strictly political address. So far, however, as what I have to say here to-night may partake of a political character, I shall ask the indulgence of those Who may hear me. to believe me when I say that it will in no degree vary in principle frotu the political addresses which I have delivered within the last four years, or at any former time, t dm fully sensible, however, of the fact that to night 1 appear before many of my fellow-citizens with whom I have never heretofore politically acted in harmony, My position ia appearing be fore you, so far as relates to the attachments of friends, is one of a somewhat painful character; yet I hold that tliesC arc times when no man is justified in yielding to the selfish considerations of political position or personal feeling. T< is but nat ural todesirethe good opinion of all our fellow-citi zens, and to regret when we are compelled to dif fer with those with whom we have long acted; but, as t have already said, there are duties devolving upch us which are of far more weight and influence than the hicre considerations of personal comfort, and it is the influence of those duties npon my mind, upon my ceoticienctt, and upon my judge ment which has brought lne here to--night. (Au plavse.] Although there many painful considera tion in connection with my appearance before you, there are those of a different nature. In the first place, those men and those political journal ists with whom I formerly acted, and who, if they notice our proceeding to-night. Will doubtless most rudely and extensively deuounee me, are those who. for the last four years, have been the loudest, most eloquent, and most persistent in ad vocacy of the right of free speech aud the enun ciation of individual opinion. In ihe ne&t place, these men and these papers who will perhaps de nounce me as a renegade and a traitor for what 1 1 may say to you, may be improved thereby, for I know that 1 have not, and I believe that you have not, heard many of them say anything about the renegades and traitors that live in another part of fins country. [Applause.j If, when they get their liani in, they should tire of abusing aud de nouncing me and others who have been Democrats all our lives, but have been unable to swallow the platform lately erected at Chicago, and will then turn their attention for a short time to Jeff Davis and his fellow rebels, I think we will have accom plished something in the interests of our common cause. And if any of them, whether he be a pub lic speaker or a public writer, should be bold e nough and patriotic enough to speak out against the enemies of our country, I think that Barnum Will be able to make a fortune by transporting hint around the country as a kind of curiosity.— [Laughter and applause.] Now my fellow-citizens, I have said that what little I may say to you to-night will not differ in its political character from anything I have ever said before the people of my native State, lam not here to-night as the portisan of any man, or the advocate of any party. lam here in no such capacitv. I have for two three, or four years past earnestly desired to stand by the Democratic par ty, and while it was possible, have done so to the best of my judgement and ability. lam not here to denounce that party nor any of my friends who differ with me Oil the present issue, but L am here because I believe that the best men of that par ty, and the best men of all parties, are called up on by the condition of our country, by the exigen cies of the times, and the probability of the over throw of civii and religious liberty in this land and throughout all the nations of the earth, to rise above party and to stand by the country, the country's cause, and the country's flag. [Cheers. ] I have always been taught to believe it. to be a part of the creed of the great party to which 1 have always been proud to belong to and to stanu by the Union, to stand by the Constitution, and to uphold that flag. But at the National Con vention of that party, held at Charle.-town, there were men who came there determined to divide and di -trait the party. They came there, and with the aid of men in the Pensylvania delegation, and in many other Northern' delegations, they succeeded too well in their uefarious purposes.— BEDFORD. Pa.. FIiII>AY, SEPTEMBER '33. 1864, i If the election of Abraham Lincoln in 1860, was a national calamity, T charge it home that they are > the men who did it. We stood there patiently : for days and for weeks. We went to Baltimore. They followed us, some of them wtnt to Richmond, where they established their own platform. We j came home; and those of us, although in a rail' iority in our own party, who stood by the regular ! national "nominees, were ridiculed, abused, de nounced. insulted, and driven into the rear ranks of the Democratic party. This merely because we would not follow the beck of such leaders. — We stood it then in 1861, when the Democratic party took ground in favor of a prosecution of the war. In 1862 they did the same, and I stood by them. I was with them in the campaign, and supported their ticket because I believed them to be honest in their prefessions. In 1863 they ignored the war policy of the coiintry. I entreated them to reflect upon the cortaequehces of their uuwise position, and to adhere to their former policy in faVor of a vigorous prosecu tion of the war, as sustained by the tit in 1861 and 1862. I told thefti, and others bf us told theta, that so sure as they repudiated that pblicy ahd adopted the doctrine of Vallandigham and his co laborers of the Northwest, jqgt so sure the people would rise ih their might, and the party would be overwhelmed at the ballot-box. [Great cheering.] For this reason, I went home from the Convention at Harrisburg in sadness and in silence, and re maineu silent during the campaign. The peoplo of Ohio, by more' than 90,000 majority, verified and fulfilled the prediction that 1 lmd made to the Democratic leaders at the convention of 1863. Still we remained silent, hoping almost against hope, that our Democratic leaders at Chicago would return to the faith of our fathers, and to the true doctrines of the Democratic party, as proclaimed by Jefferson, Jackson, and all the best men of that party from that day to this. My fellow-citizcns, tio man in Pennsylvania more anxiously or more earnestly hoped, even a gainst hope, that he might be able to sustain the nominees of the Chicago Convention than did the ! individual who now stands before you. I waited even until the Convention had concluded its labors. ! and the proceedings were offieielly proclaimed and ] sent forth to the world, and I stand here to-night ' to say to you that if that Convention had endors ed the true doctrine ofthe Democratic party, alid had declared for the Union, the Constitution, the prosecution of the War—against secession and in favor of suppressing the rebellion-and had placed before the people national candidates, in whom we might have eonfiidenee, I would have support' ed The nominees ofthe Convention. But the same men that went to Charleston, and broke up the Convention there, the same men that went to Bal timore to continue the business, the same men that have been trying to break up the I nion and ■ the party, both together, went to Chicago, and unfortunately obtained a controlling influence ot j that Convention. They have sent forth a platform ; that I shall not describe, for I have not got time, ! and, besides, you all understand its contents, but I will say here, before the world, I would rather that my bight arm should fall from my shoulder, that any calamity should befall me, the loss ot : friends, party associations, property, all that lam. an ! all that I hope to be in this life—that all these ma., perish before I will support the Chicago plat form or any man that stands upon it. [Long and : continued cheering) I take this stand because I j believe my country demand- thnt sacrifice. My f fellow-citizens sacrifice their lives Upon the battle field, and why should -I not saerifiice niy political position, my personal standing, my prospects be fore tlm country, and with my friends' rather than flag should go down, as I believe it Will, if the I nominations and platform at chicago are sustained by the American people. [Great cheering] I be lieve that the only safe remedy for all true Demo crats is to unite in defeating the nominees of the Chicago Convention, in rebuking those who de stroyed the party in 1860. and who continue to keep it in a false position befote the nation and before the World in 1864. ' If they will not listen to Our advice, nor held our entreaties, we must, in self defence, and in the discharge of our duties, assist in teaching them that they cannot, and shall not, use us as instruments for the accomplish merit of their unworthy purposes. If wc succeed in convincing them that they cannot be success ful in foisting false doctrines on the America* people they will, perhaps, in the future listen t< our appeals. For the present they have taker from us everj- hope and every remedy but thi: one—to openly oppose them In their endeavors. The American people have solemnly determine that this nation shall not be divided. They havi resolved this upon their knees and in their closets and if the rebels in arms will uot submit to tliei; decision the military power of the rebellion mus and will be overthrown, The Chicago platforu contains no such declaration —not one Word again, s the doctrine of Secession, or against the rebellion and nothing in favor of its suppression. For thi, reason the American people Will not endorst it Pretended peace commissioners from the Sottl may suggest at Niagara theories for a Dcmocraiii platform —members of Congress who openly udvV cated the heresy of Secession, and hoped the reb. armies might be victorious and the Onion arm*- defeated, and other members of Congress who in sisted in retaining those members in their scii may go to Chicago and submit to the dictation r such peace commissioners—the proceedings of tl Convention may be endorsed in Nova Sootiai liichmond traitors may long for the triumph theories thus expounded —foreign enemies of j American* Republic may reecho the hope—Li j soy, Roebuck, and tlieir friends in England; 1-d Napoleon and .John Slidell in France, and the enries of civil and religious liberty everywhere ij join in the issue, but the American people will j 'in their might and overwhelm them in one c< mon ruin. The friends of this platform cannot tl souably hope for its success. The candidate n inatcd upon it. for the highest office in the gill the people has been unable to stand npon orj) dorse it without material alterations, correcti lay require to suit their unworthy and wicked urposes. The history of our country during the cried of the Revolution, and shortly after that me, or too Well known to require repetition.— ; lie adoption of the articles of confederation, and j H'ir inadequacy, after a short trial, to subserve I to ends and purposes of the nation, are matters j i) history known to all. Our forefathers, those to ! iloni we oWed our existence as an independent nlion and our continuance as a government, j s|edilv superseded the articles of confederation i bjthe present Constitution, for the express pur- j pie of preventing, through all time to come, tile S pctice of secession, and strengthening the arm othe central power. 'his doctrine of secession is not only without wranfc in the Constitution, but must lead to Wild cifusion in the working of our political system, u stem established by the judgment and wisdom olur fathers, the ablest statesmen ever given to j tl World, and a system without a model in all the agof the past —a perfect structure, which dis tnites all the powers of the government in such a r ay as to prove a perfect check upon each oti* and yet work in Unity and harmony iu pro uing all the great objects of its creation, The sqrate States may become great in population, git in territory, great in resources ; but their tr greatness at last consists in their being parts of greater whole, members of one great fami ly Our nation eau only live and accomplish the ptoses of its creation, protect and uphold the cae of civil and religious liberty on this Conti m and throughout the world, with one consti tun, one Union, one government, one set of laws, oriestiny. One flag only, and that the '"stars antripes," can ever be permitted to float over abortion of our land ; and silent be the wicked true that would evef utter a word against that fl and palsied the traitor's arm that would ever d to make an effort to haul down that flag or to lit another in its stead. To preserve our unity a nation, and to prevent dissolution, disintegrri t and final anarchy* may, and will ho doubt, re ,/e many and fearful sacrifices in addition to tf e already made. ()ur fathers endured the suf fhgs and perils of ft seven year's war to estab- I. the nation. They were working for an exper- { jient, moved by hope. The reality js before us. — J "e have all of their hopes, strengthened by years j I fruition, of example, and of unequalled pros . rity and success, We cannot, we dare not sur :nder the government they gave us, but must II nd it down to the latest posterity unimpaired ad untarnished as we received it. '"True, we tay now be sorely tried and grievously afflicted ; 10 kings of the earth may shake the head, and loot out the lip and laugh Us to scorn, but we re only passing through those constant andsharj) nt agonists which are the law of all growing things, he eagle's mighty wing is nerved by the hurri ane. Human progress is ever like that of a ship earing to windward in the Very eye of the tem est. Even Christianity, from its rude cradle, own through all its inighty triumphs in long ftn iquity, has fulfilled the same law and grown strong j lirough antagonisms;so that the comsuinruation j •f God's most stupendous purpose was achieved lot by the ministry of singing angels but through | iuman antagonisms, with treachery and a cross." I This Union, thice favored of Heaven's richest J promises, must not die. It will survive even the j neat!tic conflicts now so fiercely raging, and un i,orn generations in our own land and throughout, i the world will celebrate its restored power and! increasing splendor.' "All empires have, been ce- j merited in blood. - ' We cannot expect to, escape. ! and although we had hojied that such cement j would not be needed for our domestic and inter- : nal structure, it is udw manifest tbat "blood must j be mingled witn tt e sacrifices" required to pre-! 1 serve our natioii. But it must and will bo pre- j ' served. Much has been done since tbe commence - ; ment of the present war to prbveto tbe world that the settled judgement and purpose of tbe people j are to preserve the unity of the nation. The minds of our people are made up that this great purpose must be accomplished. The cost may h great, the burden heavy, but it must be done. Everyone of us must sooner or later bring himself to the conviction, and bf reridy to eVemplfy the truth of i tbe theory in his own person and practice, that all j must be made subservient to the great end of pre serving the integrity and unity of the republic.— There is an implied contract betweecn the govern ment and every ir dividual subject. The former owes protection to the latter. No man in orir na tion can say that it has been withheld. Nowhere else has the enjojfmebt of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness ever been so universal, so certain, dnd so so Jure.- In no Other land have so many ard such large libortihsheen vouchfiftfed.' |in turn the citizen owes obedience to law, Hie payment offcis taxes, a cheerful and earnest support ofnis gov ernment in tim js of dificulty, and if needs be his strong right arm to defend her from the as saults of foreign foes or domestic traitors. No matter what difficulties may come, or what dan gers may threaten, the true patriot can never Jo less than to stand by the flag of his country, and Will always be ready to exclaim : "Perish my own prosperity—perish property —perish party—perish all things that s and in the way of my nation's progress—perish all that I have, and all that I hope in this life—perish self, but live, still live, long live ; oh ! ever live, my country !" The right and duty of self-preservation have at all times in the history of the nation beeu clearly maintained by our ablest statesmen. George Washington die! not hesitate to enforce the law against these who attempted to resist it in the col lection of taxes upon distilleries and whisky. In his message to Congress soon after the occurrence, he said :—"Thus the painful alternative could not be discarded. I ordered the militia to march, after once more admonishing the insurgents in my proclamation of the 23th of September last. While there is cause t) lament that occurrences of this natureshould have disgraced the name or inter rupted the trauquilty of any part of our commu nity, or should have diverted to a new application any portion of the public resources, there are not wanting real and substaneial consolations for the misfortune. I: has demonstrated that our pros perity rests on solid foundations, by furnishing an additional proof that my fellow-citizens under stand the true principles of government and liberty that they feel their inseparable union ; that, not ithstanding all the devices which have been used j to sway them from their interest and duty, they are now as ready ta maintain the authority of the laws against Hcenti&us invasion* as they were to defend their rights against usurpations. It has been a spectacle displaying to the highest advantage the value of republican government, to behold the most and the '.east wealthy of our citizens stand lug in the same ranks as private soldiers, pre eminently distinguished by being the army of the Constitution, tindeterred by a march of three hun dred miles over rugged monntains by the ap proach of an inclement season, or by any other discouragement. Nor ought Ito oiriitto acknowl edge the efficacious and patriotic co-operation which I have experienced from the Chief Magis trates of the States to which my requisitions have been addressed." These are the Words of the first President of the republic—the father of his country. Had his penetrating eye scanned the fu ture and placed before him the present condition of his native land, he could not have used language ! more completely and conclusively establishing the I right and duty of self preservation. As early as 1786; while the old Articles of Con federation were in force, and before the adoption of onr present Constitution, which was adopted by the people in order to form a more perfect C nion, and to perpetuate the blessings of liberty, and which, by express delegation, conferred the power and authority declared to exist by implica tion under the Articles of Cotifederation, Mr. Jef ferson, in a letter to Mr, Monroe, declared, "There never will be money in the Treasury till the confedercy shows its teech. "The States must see the rod ; perhaps it Intist be felt by some of them. lam persuaded all of them would rejoice to see every one obliged to furnish its contribu tions." In another letter, written in 1787, Mr. Jeffer son says: "But with all the imperfections of our present government, it is without comparison, the best existing, or that ever did exist. Its greatest defect is the imperfect manner in which matters of commerce have been provided for. It had been so often said, as to be generally believed, that Congress have no power by the confederation to enforce anything—for example, contributions of motiey. It was not necessary to give them that power expressly, they have it by the law of na ture. When two parties make a compact, there results in edch a powCr of compelling the other to execute it.' ' Thus spoke the author of the Decla ration of Independence, and the father of Democ racy. Had all of h's pretended followers and ad mirers in the sduth obeyed his teachings and practiced his theories, the present crisis Would not now be Upon the nation. In 1832, James Madison, in speaking of the Vir ginia resolutions written by himself, used the fol lowing language ! "The essential difference be tween a free government and a government hot free is, that the former is founded in Compact, the parties to Which are mutually and equally bound by' it. Neither of them, therefore, can have a greater right to break off from the bargain than the other or others have to hold him to it, and certainly there is nothing in the Virginia resolu tions ot 17'J8 adverse to this principle, Which is that of common sense and common justice." It ts remarkable how closely the nullitiers, who make the name Of Mr, Jefferson the pedestal for their colotm! tccrecif. shut their eyes and lips whenever his ciuthdritv Ls ever so clearly and emphatically against them. You have noticed what he says in ' his letters to Monroe and Carrington with respect j to the power of the old Congress to coerce dolin , quent States; and his reason for preferring for I the purpose a naval to a military force and. more over, his remark that it was not necessary to find a right to eocrce in the Federal articles, that ing inherent in the nature of a compact In 1832 the State of South Carolina attempted • . Vol. 37: No. 3Q ' 1 1 iwurf to practice the heresy of steriSMbh. At that time Andrew Jackson occupied the executive chair of the nation- His views aire opinions are fully and clearly set forth in his proclamation of that date, as will appear from a few brief ex tracts : "And whereas, The said Ordinance prescribes to the peo ple of South Carolina a course of conduct in di rect violation of their duty as citizens of the Uni ted States. eontriiry to the laws of their country, subversive of its Constitution, rthd having for its object the destruction of the Union, ibat Union which, aoevsl with our political existejife. led our fathers; without any other tie? to unite than those of patriotism ami a common cause, through a sau guinary struggle to a glorious independence—that sacred Union, hijjierto involate, which perfected by our happy Constitution, has brought us. by the favor of Heaven, to a state of prosperity at home, and high consideration abroad, rarely, if ever, equalled in the history of nations. To pre serve this Itond of our political existence from destruction, to maintain inviolate this state of na tional honor and prosperity, and to justify the con fidence my fellow-citizens have reposed in me, I, Andrew Juckson, have thought proper to issue this. wrfu-iWama tion, stating my views of the Constitution and laws applicable to the measures adopted by the convention of South Carolina, and to the reasons they have put forth to sustain them, declaring the course which duty will require me to pursue, and appealing to the understanding and patriotism of the people, warn them of the consequences that must inevitably yesult from an observance of the dictates of the convention, "The Constitution of the United States ibrtm a government,not a league, and whether it be form ed by a compact between the States, or in any other manner, its character is the same. It is a government in which all the people are reprefcent j ed. which operates directly on the people individ ually, not tipon the States; they retained all the power they did not grant But each State hav ing expressly parted with so many powers as to constitute jointly with the other States a single na tion, cannot, frnm that period, possess any right to Secede, because such secessiondoes not break a league, hut destroys the unity of a nation, and any injury to that unity is not only a breach ( which would result from the contravention of a compact, j but it is an offence against the whole Union. To say that any State may at pleasure seeeei from the Union, is to say that the United States is not a nation; because it would be a solecism to contend that any part of a nation rasght desolve its connec tions with the other parts, to their injury or ruin; without committing any offence." Tims spoke Andrew Jackson in 1832. His ac tions corresponded with his words. Troops were at once sent to resist the first outbreak, and the firm strong voice of the old hero, as he boldly de clared that "the Federal Union must be preserv ed:" struck terror to the hearts of the traitors, arid the first rebellion was crushed without the shedding of blood. Fortunate for the nation and for mankind that General Jackson occupied the executive chair of the United States in 1832 Prov idence, always heretofore favoring our nation, never permitted us to suffer a greater calamity than that which befel the republic from the want of a Jackson la the same position at the inaugur ! ation of the present rebellion. The views entertained and expressed by these statesmen have been fully endorsed and affirmed on repeated occasions by the Supreme Court of the United States. Chief Justice Marshall, whoso great learning ard legal ability-, as well as his emi nent position, were calculated to give confidence in his opinion and judgement everywhere through out the nation, declared in Coheps vs. Virginia : "It is very true that whenever hostility to the ex isting system shall become universal it will be also irresistible. The piffle made the Constitution, and the people can unmake it. It is the creature of their will, and lives only by their will. But this supreme and irresistable power to make and un make resides only in tho whole body of the people, not in any subdivision of them. The attempt of any of the parts to exercise it is usurpation, arid ought to be repelled by those to whom the people have delegated their power of repelling it. Tho same voice comes to us from the tombs of Motint Vernon. Monticello and the Hermitage, as well as from the gravesof Madison and the judicial learn ing and unspotted ermine of Marshall. Ashland and Marshfield poured fort h their unsurpassed el oquence in defence of the same vital principles ort many occasions. All the great Hit-n of our land, of all psrties and at all tpnes. in the Cabinet, in Congress and on the bench, have united and a greed upon this great question. No man of national fame, hither living Or dead who had recieved or was entitled to the confidenceo the American people, ever entertained or expressed an opposite opinion. The advocates of the doctrine of the right'of secession are sustained and supported only by the address of Benedict Arnold, in the dhfs Of the Revolution, to the American people, after he had betrayed them: the platform ofthS Hartford Con vention in 1815, and the resolutions of nullification by South Carolina in 1832. All the arguments of thb unconditional peace men of thh pteseht day art tlritWh from of founded upon the ideas; sentiments and prin ciples of these three documents. The patriot fcnn Console himself with the reflection that in the present Struggle wc lmve right on our side, Not only tho glorious reccoHeetions of the past, the prMid realities of the present, and the bright hopes Of the future, inspire us in our devotion to our cohtry, but wc arc strengthened and encouraged with the full knowledge andfirm conviction that reason and justice are on ouf s idc. The true patriot will always stand by his coun try in time of war, right or wrong. No wonder then that in this war when Wb have country, fcll the glorious memories of the past, the instituions and government as our fathers made them on the one hand, and only the tyranny, despotism and r.narchy of traitors on the other, that so many have rallied to tir Support. More is the wonder that there should be one among us who is not ardently attached to our cause. But the highest and brightest intellects of the nation, its great power and force of argument and reas oning, its most educated ami Well disciplined minds* all its mbst eloqufent tbflguts, as well as its most oxs* found thinkers and most polished pens, are wymly and ardently enlisted in the cause ofthe Count. From the forests ot Maine to the golden shores Califor nia. from the Atlantic to the Pacific, eotptllesa hosts have solemnly sWorn that the "Kepv=?h shall live" and now stand forth everywhere a mighty army, ready to seal their oaths with the blood ®f heroes at.d pat riotsi (CnhdioiiCt (xl trcck.)