BY DAVID OYER.
REMARKS OF
COL. S. S. WUiIITON.
IN PA. SENATE ; FKB'RY, *2, 1862.
The Senate haviDg uuder consideration the
resolution innstrocting our Senators t# vote for
the expulsion of Jesse D. Bright:
Mr. WHARTON. Mr. Speaker, I had not
intended to occupy the attention of the Sen
ate open this question; but I do not feel at
liberty to pass it by, content with merely
casting my vote. I desire only to say a few
words, however, in relation to points which I
think cave not been touched upon in the dis
cussion. In the first place I will say to my
friend of Bradford, (Mr. Landon,) tbat I am
afraid be entertains a mistaken notion upon the
question: I do not think it is of that charao
tor whioh can properly be denominated "a
lover's quarrel." If it wis of suoh a charac
ter, then its adjustment might be expeeted to
resemble that which he has suggested. He
talks of tears of joy and sorrow being shod,
tbe adoption of stern rtsolations by both par*
ties in the quarrel, and then a mutual good
feeling; tot there is more than that emhrased
in the actioo had upon thia resolution. It is
plainly evident that tbe instincts of party pol
icy are the ruling motives in tbe disposition of
the present subject. Although, perhaps, ev
ery member of the Legislature has stated his
belief (bat the objeot of our present action is
not designed to magnify or lessen the standing
of any pelitioal organization before the peo
ple, yet upon nearly all occasions of impor
tance to the interests of the whole country,
this disposition bas been privately indulged in
the Legislature. Ido not thiok there should
be aoy studied demonstrations of party tactics,
on questions of so much vitality to our 00111-
mon country; but we have politioal parties,
ani 1 would as readily recognize party lines at
this time upon material questions of polioy, as
I would have previous to the dawuing of the
present great onsia upon the oountry. It does
not necessarily follow tbat beoause parties do
exist, their adherents are not therefore patri
otic. As aa individual member of society,
belonging to a political organization, I can
state without the least prevarication that my
party feelings do not make me less patriotic
than if I repudiated aii party Urns or politi
cal principles; and 1 suppose the same m*y be
said of the members ot the Demooratio party
generally. I suppose they are carrying out
tbeir convictions of duty; and if the? are hoo
est in those oonviotiucs, tbey wiil favor all
measures which iook to promoting the best in
terests of tbe country.
Now, Mr. Speaker, 1 em see no reason why
there should be anv difference of opiaion oa
this resolution, between the two Bouses, if it
was not for the fact to which I have referred.
It is owing to the tactics of party —to a kind
of mania for a change of what one political
party in this Senate bad proposed and to sub.
stitute the proposition cf our Democratic
friends in the House. The party in the House
seems to have lost sight of the fact that this
Senate finally voted unanimously for the reso
lution of instruction to our Senators in Con
gress, to vote for the expulgj.jQ of the traitor,
Jesse D. Bright. Whether the action of the
Democracy of the House is based upon the
assumption that they are better leaders than
thuse of their party in the Senate, I am una
ble to say, but ooe thing, Mr. Speaker, is car*
tain—that the tendency to differ between the
two houses en this question, at the present
time, oan have no good effect upon the inter
ests of the people. If our Senators in Con
gress are to be instructed to vote for the ex
pulsion of the traitor Bright, why not give
them direct instructions? They are men of
direct and positive dealings and tbey would
certainly greatly prefer that if instructed at
all, those instructions should be plain and to
the point. Now, Mr. Speaker; having made
these preliminary remarks, I desire to oatl the
Attention of the Senate to the somewhat moot
ed question of the right of instruction. That
is a doatrine as old as Democracy itself; it is
ao well understood and has been so well prac
ticed in years gone by, and is so generally
praoticed at this day, that it seems to be a
part and parcel of the government itself.
Members of all parties have long since came
to the conclusion, that, in point of principle,
the dootrine of instruction is just and proper.
SVby, sir, if I felt satisfied in regard to the
instructions of my constituents upon any one
question, I would feel tbat I was not discharg
ing my duty at a Senator if 1 did not obey
Iboe# instructions; the only alternative left
me as an bonoroble into, in such a oee, would
be to reiign my position. In the present in
stacoe, we have clearly the right to f.es?-t that
principle, and especially so at the present
session when many members of the Legislature !
are present, by whose votes the present Sena- i
tore in Congress were eleoted to their high and j
hoooroble offices. The Legislature is that j
power by which our Senators in Cnngress are !
offioialy created, and the right of this body to 1
instruct those representative officers is not on
ly oiear but eminently just and proper, and in
accordance with the republican institutions of
our country. FurthermOie, necessity requires
that those representatives aoould know our
opinions upon il questions of vital interest to ;
this people. The Demooratio party having,!
at all times and on all occasions agreed to the i
r.ght of lnstraotion, it most singularly!
strange that the organisation should now pro- !
fess to avoid the dootrine of voting for dis- 1
SUM* and positive instructions. I make DO
charges against that party on the ground of
disloyalty; I will not say tbat tbey ate not as
p.re.w myself, for I think tfi.t every
Uoßiocretio Senator is as patriotic as be wbo j
A Weekly Papei Devoted to Literature, Politics, the Arts, Sciences, Agriculture, &c., &c—Terms: One, Dollar and Fifty Cents in Advance.
I represents my own pdlitioal cresd. But I ob-
I jeot to this uoiveraal prejudioe in favor of par- '
ty. Iu the disposition of the measure be
fore us, that prejudice is baisd upon the hope
entertained by Democratic politicians that the
difficulties of the oouutry are but temporary,
and that they must take care of the party in
the meantime or else the oooperation of jhe
south would be lost to them when the war is
over. They argue that Mr. Bright is a Dem
ocrat and a t friend of the South, and if mat
ter* heeome quieted down the Democracy of
the North will require the aid of the South in
order to obtain possession of the reins of gov
ernment. Members of the Legisisture would
be a great deal better off if they aoted frank
ly in these matters and either came out boldly
against traitors or against the government.—
Tle.-e party arrangements to go before the
peoplo next fail, are subjects which frequently
engross the attention of representatives of the
people in these hails; and I would suggest to
those gentlemen (bat there is no use in mincing
the matter. It presents a question upon which
we must go before the people of the nation.—
There is not a man here who does not be
lieve that Senator Bright wrote tbe treasona
ble letter with wbioh be is charged. 1 ask
bow can a sensible man conscientiously believe
that a person writing a letter at tbe time at
which this one was dated—three or four days
before the present President of the Uaited
States was inaugurated under frowning batte
ries of caanon, ranged for the defence of the
capital, (which preparations were rendered ne
cessary because of rumored attempts to take
possession of tbe government by a lawless
band of rebels) —how can any man under such
circumstances, refuse to believe tbat that letter
furnishes evidence of treason? I have already
put tbe question to tbe Senator from Berks,
(Mr. Clyrner,) whether be believed that letter
was genuine—whether it was written by Mr.
Bright, tie admitted tbe authenticity of the
letter, and yet with-all these faots before us,
the members of tho opposite party talk about
the Senate of tbe Uuited States being a judi
cial body, sitting for tbe trial of the case of
tbe Government vs. Bright; and therefore
upon tbst question we should not instruct our
Senators. Sir, you may readily find an ex
cuse even for a baa ctms, and that excuse may
satisfy us as partizansPThough it never cao as
conscientious and responsible men. When our
consciences and judgments are appealed to, the
aspect of a case winch to our heated partisan
prejudices may appear proper, will become
great ly changed. 1 think the time has arriv
ed when we should take action upon thia sub
ject, and thereby render a precedent for the
punishment of traitors in all departments of
the government; tor there are many employees
of the present administration whose sympa
thies are in favor of the rebels. 1 Lave no
: doubt that suoh is tbe oase; but bow are tbey
to be found out? Tbey do not write letters,
or it they do tbey are uot detected as has foi
tanitely been the case in the present instance.
The real question at issue is not as to the le
gal or technical settlement of this question:
it is higher than that. Tbe point is whether
Mr. Bright is a fit adviser of the Piesideut of
the United States, whether be has the interests
of the loyal peoplo at heart. In that view
tbei-e should be no hesitation on tho part of
any Senator here to vote io favor of this reso
lution of instruction for bis expuUiou. 1 re
peat the question is not whether he can be le
gally convicted of the crime of treason, but
it is whether the imperative requirements of
th* hour do not demand that the necessities of
the natien shall be placed above aii doubt or
disloyalty in their counoils. Why was that
great writ of habeas corpus suspeuded? Tbe
object was to catch suoh men as eould not be
convicted of treason or unfriendliness to the
government of our country, tbat tbey might
do no iujury; that is the reason why we have
so many men at present confined in prisons.—
Their incarceration is necessary in order to
prevent them from doing vast injury to the
welfare of the country, by giving information
to tbe rebels and traitors of ibe South. As
an illustration of the injury which such men
have caused our oountry, I would refer to the
fact tbat upon tho occasion of a military ex
pedition leaving our shores, the rebels always
kuew the destination and purposos of that ex
pedition, while loyal people bad not the slight
est information as to where their fellow coun
trymen were destined. So loDg as we have quib
bling here in Pennsylvan la amongst loyal men,
this state of things will continue to exist.
Tbe Senate resolution requests our Sen
ators in Congress, in precise language, to do
just aa yon or I, Mr. Speaker, would be like
ly to ask a representative to act upon a ques
tion a£feoting our private interests. It con
templates no other than a direct answer.
Iu regard to the amendment of tbe repre
tentative from Bedford, (Mr. Cessna,) I thmk
it may be safely classed in the Category of
little party arrangements for the next fall
i campaign; to which I have already alluded.—
It has very muob tbat appearance, at least.—
After presuming to instruct our Senators in
Congress, tbe resolution says that if a certain
stats of things is found to exist, a certain ac
tion shall be taken, and Iben aa if alarmed at
its own strength the resolution says in tbe
most amiable terms, ''provided there is nodifs
liouhy in the Constitution." This latter sen
tec ce is added for fear that those who are to
be instructed might find something in tbe
that would not exactly allow
tbsni, on constitutional grounds, to expel a
follow member from the United States Senate.
It wiil be perceived that Mr. Cessna is a inau
of policy, (and i know bun to be a wn of
sense,) lor oy his resolution he pieces himself
on both sides ot the question. If Mr. Cowau
votes for the expaisioo of Jesse D. Bright,
thon the member from Bedford may consist*
ently tali him be has done right; sod if he
BEDFORD, PA. FRIDAY. MARCH 14, 1862.
votes against the expulsion, our politic friend
may likewise applaud tbe sot; and shonld he
meet Mr. Bright, he cau say "this resolution
was not so hard npon you, for we laft it jast
where it commenced: Therefore, nobody is
hurt; with such a resolution nobody cao be
bart.
As I before remarked oar are Sent ton straight
forward, intelligent mei, and they oertaiuly
would greatly prefer, as also would the people
at large, thst we instruct them directly to the
point. If they see proper to disobey that in
struction, then they and their oonsaienoes may
settle tbat question. The people of PeuusyK
vania will bold them to a strict accountability
for tbeir votes on this question. Ido not care
what individual suffering their aotion may cause,
they must come up to the work. The, people
of Pennsylvania are loyal, whether they be
democrats, republicans or of any political faith:
and 1 would add tbat if only lay
aside tbeir little predjudicer, tbe unanimous
voice of the Commonwealth would be unequiv
ocally in favor of the original resolution of the
Benate. They aro opposed to treachery and
to traitors, and that Bright is a traitor no mem
ber of this body will attempt to deny. No one
doubts that he is not a fit adviser of the Presi
dent of the United States and unfit to go into
a seeret session of the Senate where all tho
plans and projects of the government are de
termined upon. He has nevor repented of the
traitorous letter with wh:oh he is charged: be
he has never denied his complicity in the trea
son whioh it unveils: he has never even said
that he was sorry for writing if, and he is not
any better qualified for the duties of his hon
orable position <han he was upon the first of
March last; yet we are tiesiutiog as to our
proper action in the premises. A disposition
has been manifested to consider tbe matter as
a great constitutional question, and to treat it
upon its technical legality, when that question
has nothing on earth to do with tbe subject.—■
The case of Bright should be (rested in tbe
same maoner as tbe government would treat
that of any other dialojal or uosafe man, by
disposing of bim in the most summary was;
and suoh aotion would be justified by the unan
imous voieo of tbe loyal portioD of the ua
tioo.
Tbe government imprisioned those danger
ous meo who were likely to gi*e it trouble in
the future and create dissatisfaction among our
loyal people; and 1 freely declare it as my bnui
ble opinion, tbat a man should be ptivilfeci to
tra\ei through thia or any community and give
uttorauee to seoiimeuis which might tend to
bring tho goverruieut into disfavor or poison
tbe public mind by distorted representations of
the policy of that government. He may not
openly avow bis desire for a dissolution of the
Union, but at the same time iudirectly attempt
io overthrow the goverumeut—l say that such
a man is dangerous and should be marked; be
cause the government requires aii the asaiat
auoe and encouragement we eao give to it, tnd
the people now, more than at all other times,
are requited to stand up to the work in order
to meet tbe immense expenses incident to a
great and just war. We have to-day six hun
dred thousand men upon the tented field, ar
rayed in deadly conflict with probably an equal
force, while we, the representatives of the Key
stone State of the Uuion, sre hosiiatiug about
tbe expulsion of a traitor from the couocil
chamoer. We are hesitating here, to*day, about
turuiug out a treacherous foe, wbeß nearly six
hundred tboo-and uieu are compelled to face a
deadly enemy, at the same time exposed to the
cutting blasts of waiter aud ravages of disease,
with uiaoy ot their families at home iu a cou
dition of want.
Whtle such is the situstion of oar oountry's
defenders, this UID Bright, who it knowu to be
the intimate friend of Jeff. Davis, is to be left
in bis ootnfortable seat at Washington, to be •
spy upon the actions of the Government? Why,
sir, what Democrat in the Senate of Pcoosyl-
Tenia can falter in a full entire support of the
Government, when he sees Andrew Johnson of
leooessea, one of the fathers of Democracy,
standing op to the Senate, exhorting men of
all parties to turn out this traitor Bright!—
Yet we have Pennsylvania legislators who are
trying to get up something of a doubtful na
ture —a moasure which may be oalooisted to
please both sides. Let them come np to the
work and meet the question like men. 1 am
es conservative as any roan, my cause has al
ways been conservative; but I despise this
praotioe ot shrinking a responsibility; I always
prefer to be ranged upon one side or the oth
er; aud 1 have never been knowja to bave acted
in any ether manner.
In reply to the Senator from Berks, (Mr.
CLTUEK,) who complained that the original
resolution of the Senate was passed in great
haste, i would remind that Seaator that it was
not adopted with any greater haste than was
the atneudment of the House by that body.—
Why, Mr. Speaker, when the House ameod
uiaut was submitted, its mover never stopped,
but put the amendment through under the op
eration of the prerions quest ton; that proceed
ing was not adopted here. The Senator from
Berks is not justified in stating as a[faot that
which does not exist. The Senator knew that
the proposition was not passed through here in
saoh a manner, for every Senator bad sufficient
time to deliberate before sating on the resolu
tion, and to express hie sentiments in the freest
and tuilustiuiatiner.
Mr. CLYMER. 1 desire io ask tbe Senator
a question.
The SPEAKER. The Senator oannot be
interrupted unless he consents.
Mr. WHARTON; Ido consent, sir.
Mr. CLYMER. I desire to ask tb* Sena
tor from Huntingdon whether, when the mo
tion was made ou last Thursday by tbe 8ona
tor from Erie, {Mr. Lowry, ) that the commit
tee be dieebargod and the Seoate proceed to
the consideration of the resolution —whether.
1 did Dot ask tbe Speaker to have that mo
tion divided; whether upon that question (re*
quiring but a mere majority to diaobarge the
committee,) the Senate did net do so bj an al
most striot party vote—the thing that the Sen
ator from Huntingdon so uiueh despises—agree
to discharge the committee, whioh was contra
ry to the rales of this body? Then 1 ask him
if that was net followed up by a motion to pro
ceed to a consideration; whether upon that
there was not a striot party vote; whether the
rale (whioh requires two-thirds to suspend it,)
was not suspended by a strict party vote;
whether the Senator from Huntingdon did not
vote with hi* party, and whether it was not a
party movement throughout?
Mr. WHARTON. Ceitainly, sir. All
that the Scoater from Berks has stated, is pre
sisely to. I have stated, however, that I oouid
see nothing wrong iu the drawing of party
lines, when the objset is to rid the country of
traitors. I have made that declaration here
tofore, end proclaim it now. I see no reason
why a mu eanuot be a partisan aud a patriot.
The fact of his connection with the Democrat
ic, Republican or People's party (with the lat
ter of which 1 have the honor to held commun
ion) does not in my opinion, render bis patri
otism lees conspiououi. There is no reason why
such should be the case. But 1 object to the
attempt, on the part of any set of inec, to do
whioh will not bear public scru
tiny.
But, io regard to the assertion of the Sena
tor from Berks, I would repeat that* the reso
lution of the Senate wa not buriied through
here with SDJ more hssie than was the propo
sition of the House hastened through ttiat
i chamber. He assert* that the members of that
j House took pains to deliberate upon (be sub
| ject, but i suggest that no Senator of this body
was deprived of an opportunity to be heard up
on the question.
Mr LOW KY. Will tbe Senator give way
until I move the postponement of tbe pres
ent subject, iu oider to extend the ses
sion ?
Mr. WHARTON yielded the floor; as!
the question before tbe ienaio being postpon
ed.
On motion of Mr. Lowar, the hour of ad
journment was extended.
The Senate resumed tbe consideration of the
House amendment.
Mr. WHARTON oontinued; I was about
i stating when interrupted, that the Senator from
Berks has misconceived my position in regard
jto the propriety of party organizations. 1 say
! that 1 have no objections to party lines or par
ty poiioy but am rather tuoliucd to favor
them.
When the Senator rose to an explanation, I
was referring to the fact that this branch of
the Legislature bed not pressed through the
1 question sn the subject before us; end in that
| particular the action of tbe House does not
compart favourably with that of this obamber.
I was not present in the ball of the Houss
when tbe amendmenta was offered; 1 do not
know how maDy members may have made
speesbes upou it, but [ bare no doubt it was
discussed at some length. I know that some
members were deprived of an opportunity to
deliver their sentiments upon it. I ocoupiad a
seat alongside of a gentleman who tors up bis
notes when the pievious question was called;
so it will bs seen the question was pressed in
that body with greater striotness than in oar
own. A suspension of the rules was decided
upon in this body, but no Senator was depriv
ed of his right to make any remarks be thought
proper. Now, Mr. Speaker, such being the
case, I say that members should not approach
a question of tbu kiud by makiog statements
of a ebaracter to cause doubt and uncertainty
in the minds of the people at large. That is
what 1 object to. Were Iso unfortunate as to
state that whioh was calculated to make a
wrong impression upon the people ia regard to
the opposite party, i wtuld acknowledge my
error at once. Every politician, Mr. Speaker,
io timov like the present, should be & states
man. Us should not merely be a lawyer or a
trickster, but be should rise above all such
ideas, and if such was the case in this Legis
lature, 1 would have no hesitation iu dsolaring
that the Senate and House of liepreseatativsa
would give a unanimous vote in favor of the
expulsion of Jesse D. Bright, because there is
no man (laying aside tbe technicalities of the
law,) wbo oao conscientiously think for a mo
ment of keeping Jesse D. Bright in the Sen
ate of tbe United States, as the adviser and
ooosulter upon all questions affaotmg tbe pros*
pects and duties of tbe government. If there
ever was a time iu tbe history of . .Pennsylva
nia when men were called upon as partizana to
rescue tbe suffering interests of their country,
it is the present, and no man, whose bead is Dot
filled with legal technicalities, will fail to aet
as his duty dictates in this emergency, and vote
for tbe expulsion of the traitor Bright. Law
yers are all right when in tbe right place, but
they do o<->t always make tbe beet statesmen,
and if Mr. Uowau does not vote for the expul
sion of Jesße D. Bright, I can only account
for it on the ground that he is more of a law
yer than he is a statesman. Ido not attrib
ute to him any want of ioyality; 1 know that
he i a loyal man; i know that both of our
Senators are loyal men, though they stand di
vided upon this question. Is not tbe State of
Pennsylvania, whioh has sent one hundred
thousand men into.tbe field, to have a voioe in
the Senate of tbe United States? I think I
can safely aver that there is not a member of
this Legislature who, if bo was a member of
that high body, would not vote to expel Jesse
D. Bright upoo tbe evidenoe of guilt contain
ed in the letter he has written; at least I am
led to infer as much from the speeches to whioh
I bavo listened; yet they now vote fur a pre
amble and resolution that mean nothing at all.
for by tbe amendment of tbo House, Mr. Cow
an oannot help tbinkibg tbat it if intended for
no other purpose than his amusement. Mr.
Speaker, 1 hope tbe original reaolulion of tbe
Seuate will be voted for by every member of
the Senate who has already voted in its favor.
Let that resolution go back to tbe House; no
man is hurt; no democrat is injured; oo repub
lican is maltreated thereby. We will be found
consistent iu eur position upon this question.
Let the House take tbe responsibility of their
action; and msy God be tbe judge between the
motivos of the two braßohes of tbe Legisla-
to tbeir honesty of purpose on this
resolution instructing our senators in Congress
to vote for the expulsion of tbe traitor Jesse
D. Bright.
GEN. FitEMOXT'fi DEFENEE.
A supplement of tbe New York Tribune
of the 4th iost., contains a long defence of
General John C. Fremout against tbe charges
of the committee on toe conduct of the war.
It fills five pages. The General states that bo
has only answered tbe leading points brought
forward, ai he did not desire to cumber hie
defence with merely personal debatej. Tbe
document is an able and entire defence and
entirely ixculpates bim from the charges
brought agaiost him. He says :
'-When, in July last, 1 was assigned to the
command of the Western Department, it com
prehended, with Illinois, all the States aud
Territories west of Mississippi river to
tbe Rooky Mountains, including New Mexico.
"No special object was giveu uie ia charge
to do, nor was 1 furnished with any particular
plan of a campaign. Tbe general discussions
at Washington resulted in the understanding
tbat tbe great object in view was a descent of
the Mississippi, and for its accomplishment I
was to raise and organize an army, and when
I was ready to descend tbe river I wis to lei
the President know. My oomimud was theD
te be extended over Kentucky and down tbe
left bank of the Mississippi. For military
reasons it was judged inexpedient to du so in
the beginning.
"Full diaoretionary powers of tbe amplest
kind were conferred on me. Not a line of
written instructions was given me. The lead
ing object of tbe campaign being settled, the
details of its accomplishment and the manage
ment of my department were left to my own
judgment.
While at Washington I informed myself
fully of tbe unprepared ocnditioD of the West,
and its want of arms, from tbe Governor of
Illinois."
The General then goes on to show that from
tbe utterly unprepared condition of the West
ern loyal troops, from th* threatening aspect
of the rebellion, from tbe want of any
kind of artillery or fortifieatias, and from
tbe raw condition of the Federal levies,
he was forced to buy arms, to erect fortifica
tions, and to oversee the gigantio field of op
erations from Cairo to tbe Rocky Mountains.
The emergency, General F. thinks justiitied
him in taking $300,000 from the U. S. As
sistant Treasurer at St. Louis, and a dispatch
from Hon. M. Blair shows that he aoted with
bis concurrence, for Mr. Blair aaya: "You
will have to do the best you cao, and rake all
needful responsibility, "in reference to Gen
eral Lyon, General Fremont says that bis de
feat at Springfield does not lie at his door.—
Had General Lyon been able to adhere to hra
(General Lyon's, own programme before tbat
battle, the defeat wouid not have ooourred.
About Colonel Mulligan's defeat at Lexington,
General F. says that General Cameron was
oalling on bim for 5,000 troops to go to Waab
ingtou, and the danger of Cairo required other
thousands of soldiers from his department, so
that be could not do everything in the world
at onoe. However, the General says :
"OQ the 14tb, General Sturgis was directed
to move, with all practicable speed, upon Lex
ington.. General Polk's despatch of the 16th
gave me every reason to believe, as he did,
that a reinforcement of 4,000 men, with ar
tillery, would be there in abundant time, and,
if tbe committee will take the time io read tbe
accompanying papers, it will be seen that, from
every disposable quarter where there were
troops the promptest efforts were made to oon
oentrat# theai on Lexington, but shanoe de
feated these efforts."
In regard to the contract! for mortars, &0.,
General Fremont gives an extraot from a let
ter from Hon. M. Blair urgiog him to buy
mortars. So far as the other oontraota were
oouocrned, ho disclaims any "jobbing," and
boldly justifies themjlrom the necessities of the
oase. In closing his introduction to the tes
timony, General Fremont says:
"It'' not grateful to me to have been my
self oompelled to set oat the merits of my ad
ministration ; bat it teas necessary in order to
oall attention to pointa, which otherwise might
cot have been presented, and which are neces
sary to a dear undemanding of the subjsots
inquired into. Maoy acts which have oeeo
ceusured, were, I think, for the public good.
I know tLej were with that intention. Ido
not feel that in any case I overstepped the au
thority intended to be confided to me
'"Myself, and the officers and men acting
with me, wers actuated solely by a desire to
serve the country, and 1 feel assured that this
is realised by the people of the Weal, among
whom we were aoting." #
The accompanying despatches, letters, and
docnmenu are very voluminous, and one would
have to sift them at length to ascertain then
precise value.
UNPUBLIBHED INCIDENTS OF THE
FOKT DONELSON FIGHT.
The New York Treitni'i Fort DoneUon cor
respondent gives the following iaoidenti, not
published before, of that desperate fighit:
VOL. 35. 11
A. FAIR SOUTHERN TRAITRESS.
A young miio belonging to one of the Tea
; aesaee regiments—be held the rank of first
lieutenant in Lis company—-waa very danger*
ousiy wounded in Saturday morning's strife,
and wae not ixpaoied to live when I left Do
ver, where be lay in uuob pain and in re
morse.
Tbe young man told me he wis a native of
Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, and had resided
there until the autumn of 1859, whon he went
te Columbia, Tennessee, and there engaged in
tbe praonce ol the law with eonaiderable suc
cess. While in that State he became acquain
ted with and enamored of a young woman of
ouiture and fortune, a distant relative, ion
dersund, of Geo. Pillow, and was soon engsg
ed to marry her.
The love stream of tbe young couple Sowed
smoothly enough until the fail of Sumter and
the secession ot Tennessee, when the affianced
husband, a strong advocate for tbe Union, re*
turned home, designing to wed after the trou
bles were over.
Tae betrothed pair corrospcaded regularly;
hut, some weeks after the lover had gone to
Harrisuurg, iho girl, who bad suddenly grown
a violent Secessionist, informed him that she
would not become bis wife unless he would en
list in lhe rebel service and fight for the inde
pendence of the South,
j The young uwn was exceeding loth to take
; such a course, aud remonstrated with his be
, lovd to no purpose, and at last, in the biind
uesa of his attachment and in the absorbing
selfishness of passioo, he iuioruied his parents
ot bis intention to win his mistress on the tens
ltd field.
in vain they endeavored to dissuade bins
from his resolution. He went to Tennessee,
raised a company, received the congratulations
of bid traitorous friends, and the copious car
esses of his charming tempter.
Last December the lieut. proceeded to Don
elsou, and, a few days before the fight, heard
his betrothed was the wife of another.
His heart bad never been in the cause thought
it was in another's keepiug; and, stung by re
j morse, and crushed by the perfidy of bis mis
j trass, be had no desire to live.
Unwilling to desert on the eve of battle the
oauve be had embraced, lest he might be ehar
ged t with cowardice, he resolved io lose the exis
tence toat had become unbearable to him; and
in tbe thickest of the fight, while seeking death
without endeavoring to inflict it, he received a
mortal wound.
Heiore this, the misguided and betrayed lev.
er nas ceased to think of her who so oruelly
deceived him. for the Lethean atresia of deatu
is flowing around ihe eternity-bound island of
his sonl.
The double traitress will soon know all; for
her lover dictated a letter to ber from his
couch of pain.
A BOY PATRIOT.
A mero boy of about fifteen years, from
Darke county, Ohio, being in Illinois, bad en
listed in one of the regiments raised in the
southern part of tbat State; but as be was in
very delicate health, his father was extremely
j anxious to have him released from the service,
thoagh the youthful aoldier greatly desired to
remain in it. While at Forte fleDry and
Donelsoo the boy was very ill, but still insist
ed upon performing his duty.
His father arrived at Duutflsoo on Friday",
tbe 14th mst., intending, if possible, to take
him home. He had an interview with some of
i the officers, nut could loam oothing of bis
•on. While look.ug for bim industriously
among his eompauious, he learned to his em
prise and horror, that the poor boy, after fight
ing gallaDtly on Thursday, had died from ex
posure while lying, without fire or shelter, up
on the froseu ground on that bittor and deso
late night.
A BULLET RESPECTED LIEUTENANT.
' A lieutenant of a company in one of the
Ohio regiments, while preparing for a charge
had his pipe shot .from his mouth. He laughed
•nd lighted again, and soon after its fire wae
exiioguished by a rebel rifle ball, which killed
a man three feat from bim, and while wooder
iog at his narrow escape be received a shot
through his cap, and another struok hie scab
bard, and yet he was unhurt.
lhe lieutenant now thinks he was not born
to dia on tbe battle field.
The proverb that lightning does not strike
the tame tree twiee most be truer than that
balls do not design to do miaohief to soldiers
mote than once during an engagement.
THE DIFFICULTY OF DYING.
A number of our soldiers were wounded
five or six, and even seven times, none of them
proving serious, aod yet tbe variation of a
quarter ot an inoh would have caused death
in any one of tho instances. Truly, to change
j the aphorism, in tbe midst of death we are m
] life.
DEATH AT A LONG RANGE.
One of tbe enemy, a member of tbe Ala
bama Rifles, had bis bead shot off by a shell
trom one of Majer Calender's rifle
batteries (tbe First Missouri) at a distance of
two and a half miles, while peeping above the
breastworks. The shot, of course, was acci
dental, but it proves theefficaoy of Cavender'e
guns, and tbe terrible execution thuy are ca
pable of doing at a very long range."
A MAN WOUNDED WITH FALSE TEETH.
A lieutenant in an Illinois company was
•hot with a musket in tb left oheek, the bail
passing through his uioath, which was open at
tbe time, and, knocking out three false teeth
oarried two of them into the thigh of bid eee
geant at hu side, making a painful but set ca
rious wound.