BEDFORD INQUIRER, '
BEDFORD, Pa.
Friday Morning, July 13, 1861.
"FEARLESS AND FREE."
D. OVER—Editor aud Proprietor.
THE MESSAGE.
Tbe message of President L incoln will be
found in our columns to-day. We presume
is will be read more generally tban any' other
message of any President sioce the founda*
tion of our Government- It is ably written,
and its arguments against secession, &c. are
unanswerable. There is no doubt that every
sentence of tho document is from the pen of
the President, as every line bears upon
its face the nervous and peculiar style of iff
author. The call for 400,000 men and
$400,000,000 will be promptly, we believe,
voted by Congress.
Tho Gazette says that we take "great pains
to prove that Democrats are Union man," and
that "to this end we publish tbe letters and
speeches of eminent Domocrats," and "that
Democrats have always been for tbe Union."
Now, we plead guilty. We DO publish tbe
letters and speeches of "eminent Democrats"
"te prove that Demooratb" and the Democrat
ic party is for the Union. The eourso of the
Bedford Gazette is an exception. It is a
secession, disunion paper, and publishes the
treasonable messages of Jeff Davis, &o.—
As a party, that party ie loyal to the Consti
tution ana the Unioc, ami to prove to Demo
crats who see no other paper than tho Gazette,
that this is tbe fact, we pubiisb these arti
cles.
THE TREASURY AND WAR REPORTS.—The
Report of the Secretary of the Treasury shows
that for the fiaical year just closed he requires, ,
in addition to the appropriations a'ready made, j
§217,168,850, nearly all of whieh is for the
Army and Navy. For the year ending July
1, 1862, the probable demands upon theTreas
sury are estimated at §318,519,581.
From the Secretary of War's Report we
learn that under the oall of the 6fteenth of
April last, 75,000 men from the militia for
irree months, there are new in the aarviee of the
United states 80,000 men. Under the proc
lamation of the 4th cf May, for volunteers to
serve for the war, there have been accepted
and are now in the service, Regiments equal to
155,000 men; making tie total volunteer foroe
cow In service, 235.000 men. Add to this
fifty-fire Regiments, accepted but net yet in
service, 50,000 men, and new Regiments of
the regular army, 25,000 men, makes the ag
gregate fo'-cc now at command, 310,000 men.
Deduct three months, men after their time j
expire', 80,000, leaves a foroe still at coro
maud of the Government of 230, 000 men. ,
THE WAR CONGRESS.—The extraordinary '
se?eion cf Congress assembled on Thursday.
Tfciity-nioe Senators ,vcre present, including
Messcrs. Pearco and Kennedy of Maryland,
Johnson of Tennec>, Breckinridge of Ken
tucky, and Polk of Missouri. Hon. Galusba
A. Grow, of Pennsylvania, was elected Speak
er of the House, he receiving 99 votte, Mr.
CritteDdeu 12, Col .Blair 11, &Dd the ballantfe
scattering. Mr. Tennessee was
elected Clerk. The vrfcc stood, Ethreidgo 92,
Forney 41, Dietrich (ill.) 21, Florence 2.
Col. Charles J. Riddle, iu command of one
of tbo Regiments recently in this place, but
now in Cumberland, has been ejected to Oon
prVsa tn Philadelphia, in place of E. J. Morrii,
resigned. The Distrie: is R publioan, and
only about half tbo vetcs were roll. d. His
n.njority is a little above 200 cvsr ("has. O.
Neill Riddle was a Breckinridge Democrat
and his eiection is ... be attributed 'o th 9 mis
take of a few Republican leaders attrmp'ing tn
force a party nomination on the pccpia at a
time when rityism ought to he dropped.
The map of our eoucty has finally ma le its
appearance and we think in good style, rnd
perhaps in good time, as a thorough knowledge
of the border counties of our State is- indis
prpsible in the prosecution of tho present war,
and can only be obtained from these eouotv
map We believe that the author has done
brtter ibsu was gencral'y expected, and hope
his woik a*iil be w-U received throughout the
county. No utfe ir has ever yet succeeded,
however, in chia full satisf ration to ail, and
it should n i be cxp-cted in this caße ; but his
work certainly ' - - well, and us far as we
known ccr.tasr. few < r. ~r.
4TH Jct.T.—Our " z ns aloog with the
Bedford Rifiomeo, met in tho Uuien. School
House on the morning cf the 4th, to celebrate
the natal day of the nation. Tbo ladies,
eseinked by the gentlemen, sang patriotic
song, the Dcclarsritu of Independence was
then read by Hoc. Alex. King, after wht-h
the Star Spangled Binner wis sung, cl the
people returned to their homes, and spent the
day in a patriotic manner.
PRB&IDENFS MESSAGE.
Fmow CiTiKf s or THB SEICAT AS HOUSE or
RErEESBNTATiTEs - Having been convened on an ;
extraordinary cccation as authorized by the Con- i
stitntion, yonr attention is not called to any ordi- j
narj suhjeet of legislation. At the beginning of the i
present term, far won ths a;w, the functions
of the Federal Government were found to be gen
erally suspended within the several States of South
Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana
and Florida, excepting only those of tnt P° Bt Of
fice Department. Within these SUiu all th e forts,
arsenals, dock yards, custom houses and the like,
had been seized and were held in open *°
this Government, excepting only forts Pickens,
Taylor, snd Jefferson, on and near the Florida
coast, and Fort Sumter in Charleston harbor, South
Carolina. The Forts thus seized had been put in
improved condition. New ones had been built, and
armed forces bad been organized and were organiz
ing, all avowedly with the same hostile purpose
The forts remaining in the possession of the Fed
eral Government in and near those States were
either besieged or menaced by warlike preparations,
and especially Fort Snmter, which was nearly sur
rounded by well protected hostile batteries with
guns equal in quality to the best of its own, and
outnumbering the latter as perhaps ten to one. A I
disproportionate share of the Federal muskets and
rifles had somehow fonnd their way into these
States, and had been seized to be used against the
Government. Accumulations of tho public reve
nne, lying within them, had been seized for the
same object. The navy was scattered in distant
seas, leaving bnt a very small part of it within the
immediate reach of the Government. Officers oi
the Federal armv and navy had resigned in great
numbers, and of those resigning a large proportion
hid taken lip arms against the Government. Si
multaneously, and in connexion with all this, the
purpose to sever the Federal Onion was openly
avowed. In accordance with this purpose an ordi
nance had been adopted in each of (hose States
declairing the States respectively to be scperated
, from tbe National Union. A formula for the in
stituting a combined Government of these States
had been promulgated, and this illegal organiza
tion in the character of Conlederate States was
already invoking recognition, aid, and intervention
from fortign Powets.
Finding this condition of ibirgs, and believing it
to tie an imperative duty npon the incoming Exe
cutive to prevent, if possible, the consummation
of such attempt to destroy the Federal Union, a
choice of means to that end became indispensable,.
This choice was made, and was declared in the
augural Address. The policy chosen looked to the'
exhaustion of all peaceful measures before a resort
to any stronger ones. It sought only to hold.the
public places and property not already wrested
from tbe Government, and to collect the revenue,
relying for the rest on time, discussion, and the
ballot-box. It promised a continuance of the ;
malls, at tbe Government's expense, to the very
people who were resisting the Government, snd it
gave repeated pledges against any disturbance to
any of tbe people, of any of their rights. Of all
that which a President might constitutionally and
justifiably do in snch a case everything was for
borne. without which it was believed possible to
! keep the Government OD foot.
Ou the sth of March, 'ho present Incumbent's
first full day in office, a letter of Mr.jor Anderson,
commanding at Fort Sumter, written on tho 28th
of February, and received at the War Department
on the 4th of March, was, by that Department,
placed in his bands. This letter expressed tbe
professional opinion cf the writer that reinforce
ments could not be thrown into that fort, within
the time for his relief rendered neeessary by the
limited supply of provisions, and with a view of
holding possession of the same, with a force of less
than 20,<i00 good and well-disciplined men. This
opinion was concurred in by all the officers of his
command ; and their memoranda on the subject
were made enclosures of Major Anderson's letter.
The whole was immediately laid before Lieut.
General Scott who at once coucurrec, with Major
Anderson in that opinion. On reflection, however,
he took full time, consulting with other officers,
both of tbe army and navy, and at the end of four
days came rrluctantly, but decidedly, to the same
conclusion as before. He also stated at the same
time that no such sufficient toice was thou within
the control of the Government, or cou'ri he raised
and brought to the ground within the time when
the provisions in the fort would be exhausted. In
a purely military point of view, this reduced the
duty of the Administration in the case to the mere
matter of getting the garrison safely out of the
fort. It was believed, however, that to so abandon
that position, under the circumstances, would be
utterly ruinous ; that the necessity under which it
was to tie done would not be fully understood; that
by many it would be construed as a part of a vol
untary policy; that at borne it Would discourage
the friends of the Union, embolden its adversaries,
aud go far to insure ;o t. e latter a recognit;on abroad;
that, in fact, it would be our national destruction
'consummated. This could not be allowed.—
Starvation was not yet upon the garrison, and ere
it would be reached Fort Pickens might be rein
forced. This last would be a clear indication of
policy, and would hotter enable the country to ac
cept tho evacuation of Fort Sumter as a military
necessity. An order was at once directed to be
sent for the landing of the troops from the steam
ship Brooklyn into Fort Fickens. This order could
Dot go by laud, but must take the longer and slower
route by sea. Tbe first return news from the order
was received just one week before the fall of Fort
Sumter. Tho news itself was that the officer cotu
mandihg the Sabine, to which vessel the troops had
beea transferred lrom the Brooklyn, actiug upon
some quasi armistice of tbe late Administration,
and oi the existence of which the present Admin
istration. up to tho time tho order was despatched,
had only too vague and uncertain rumors to fix at
tention, had refused to land tho troops. To now
reinforce Fort Pickens before a crisis would bo
reached at Fert Sumter was impossible, rendered
io by the near exhaustion of provisions in tho lat
ter named loit.
In precaution against sucb a conjuncture the GOT
eminent had ft few days before commenced pre pair
ing an expedition, as well adipted as might be, to
relieve Fort Sumter, which expedition was intended
to be ultimately nsed or not, according to circum
stances. The strongest anticipated case for using it
was now presented,and it was resolved to send it for
ward, as bad b, • a intended in this contingency. It
was also resolved to notify the Government of South
Carolina that if the attempt should not be resisted
there would be no effort to throw in men, arms, or
ammunition without further notice, or in case of
an attack upon the fort. This notice was accord
ingly given, whereupou the fort wag attacked and
Ixmibarded to its fall, without even awaiting the
arm ~1 ol tbe provisioning expedition. It is thus
seen that tbo assault upon and the reduction of
Fort Sumter was in no sense a matter of self de
fence on the part ol the assailants. They well
knew that the garrison in the fort could by no pos
ibiltty commit aggression upon them. They knew
- they were expressly notified—that the giving of
bread to tip few bravo and bnngry men of the
garrison was all which could, on that occasion, be
attempted, unless themselves by resisting so much
sbou d prove ;e more. They knew that this Gov
ernment desired to keep the garrison in the fort;
not to assail them, but merely to maintain visible
possession, trusting, as heretoforo stated, to time,
disc .sion, and tbe ballot box, fni flnal adjustment.
And they assailed and reduced the fort for precisely
the reverse object—to drive ont the visible authority
of the Federal Union, and thus force U to immedi
ate dissolution.
That this was their object, the Executive well
undersiood ; and having said to them in the Inau
gural address, "you can have no conflict without
being yourselves the aggressors," he took psins
not ouly to keep this declaration good, but also
to keep the case so free from the power of ingenious
sophistry as that the world sDould not be able to
misunderstand it. By the affair at Fort Sumter,
w;tb its surrounding circumstances, that point was
reached. Then and thereby the assailants of tbe
Government began the conflict of arms without a
gnu in sigiit or in expectancy to return their fire,
save only the f. w in the foit, sent to that harbor
years before for tneir own protection, and still
riacy to give that protection in whatever was law
ful. In this act, discarding ail else, they have
forced upon the country the distinct issue—imme
diate dissolution or blood. And this issue em
braces more than the fate of these United States.
It presents to the whole family of man tbe que*.
BEDFORD INQUIRER.
tion wh tbcr a Constitutional RoptiUic or Deinoc.
racy— a government of tbe peo pie by the sa me
people—can or cannot maintain its territorial in
tegrity against its own domestic foea. It presents the
question whether discontented iudivi duals, too few
in numbers to co ntrol the Administration ac cord
ing to the organic law in any case, can always,
upon the pretences made in this case or any other
pretence, break up their government, and thus
practically put an end to the freest government
upon the earth. It forces us to ask : Js there in all
Republics this inherent and fatal weakness? Mast
a government of necessity be too strong for the
liberties of its own people or too weak to maintain
its own existence 1
So viewing the issue, no choice was left but to
call out the war power of the Government, and so
to resist the force employed for its destruction by
lorce for its preservation.
The call ws made, and the rosponse of the
country was most gratifying, surpassing in
unanimity sod spirit the moat sanguine expec
tations. Yet none of tbe States commonly
called slave States, except. Delaware, gave a
regiment through regular State organizttions.
A fen regiments have been organized with
j in some others of those States by individual
enterprise, and received into the Government
set'ice. Of course the seoede.f States so o ail
ed, and to which Texas ltd been joined about
the time of the inauguration, gave no troops to
the cause of the Union. The Border Slates,
so called, were not uniform.in their action,
some of them being almost unanimous for the
(Juion, while in others, as Virginia and North
Carolina, Tennessee and Arkansas, the Union
sentiment was nearly repressed and sileDeeu.
The course taken iu Virgiuia was the most
re nnkahle, pcrlaps the most important. A
oouvention elected by the people of that State
to consider this very ques tic of disrupting
the Federal Union was i" session at the capi
tal of Virginia when Fort Sumter foil. To
this body the people had chosen a large ma
jority of professed Union men. Almost imme
diately after the fall of Sumter, mauy members
of that majority weut over to the original
disunion minority, and with tbein adopted an
ordinance for withdrawing the State from the
Uuion. Whether this change wis wrought
by their great approval of tbe assault npon
Suoiter, or the g.eat resentment at the Gov
ernment's resistance to that assault, is not defi
nitely knowD. Although they submit)! the or
dinance for ratification to a vote of the peo
ple, to be taken on a day then somewhat more
tbau a month distant, the Convention and tbe
Legislature, which was also in session at the
satno time and place, with leading members of
the State not members of either, immediately
oojumenoed acting as if the State were already
out uf the IJaiou. Tbey pushed tbeir military
prcperaiions vigorously forward ail over tbe
Stat". They seized tbe Uuited States armory
at Harper's Ferry, and the oavy yaid at Goa
porf, uear Norfolk. They Received, ■perhaps
invited, into their State large bodies of troops,
with their warlike appointments from the so
called seceded States. They formally entered
into a treaty of temporary alliance and co-op
eration with the so called Confederate States,
and sent members to their (Joogress at Mont
gomery, and finwlly, they permitted tho insur
rectionary Government to be transferred to
tbeir capital at Richmond.
The people of Virginia bate thus allowed
this giunt iusarrection to make its nest with
in ber borders, and this Government bas no
choice left but to deal with it, where it finds it,
and it has the less regret as tbe loyal citizens
have, in duo form, claimed its protection.—
These loyal citizeus ibis Government is bound
to recognize and protect as being Virginia.
Iu tbe Border States so called, in fact tbe
Middle Siaes, there are those who favor a
policy which ihey call armed neutrality; that
is, an arming of those States to prevent the
Union foroes passing one way or tie Ditunion
the other, over tbctr soil. This wouid be dis
anion completed, figuratively speaking. It
would be the building of an impossible wall
along the line of scperatiou, and yet not quito
an impassable one, tor uo ler tbe guise of neu
trality it would tie the hauJs of tbe Union
men, aud freely pass supplies from among
them to tbe insurieotionists, whioh it could
not do as an open enemy. At a stroke it
would take all the trouble off tbe hands of
secession, except only what proceeds from the
exiorual blockade. 1' would do for tho Dis
j unioninis that which, of all things, they most
| dasire—feod them well, and give them-iisuuion
; without a struggle of tbeir OWD. It recogni
zes no fidelity to tbe Constitution,'DO obliga
tion to maiutuiD the Union ; aud, while very
many who have favored it are doubtless loy
al, it is nevertheless very injurious in effeot.
Ileoun tog to the action of the Government,
| it may be aiated that at first a call was made
for seventy-five thousand militia, and rapidly
following this a proclamation was issued for
closing the ports of the insurrectionary dis
tricts, by proceedings iu tbe nature of a block
ade. bo tar, all this was believed to be strict
ly legal.
At this point, the insurrectionists announced
their purpose to enter upon the practice of pri
vateering. Giber calls were made for volun
teers to serve three years, unless sooner dis
charged, aud also for large additioua to the
regular army and Davy. These measures,
wnether strictly legal or not, were ventured
upon under what appeared to be a popular
Ueuiand and a pubiio necessity, trusting, theu,
as now that Congress would readily ratity
tbem. It is believed that nothiug has been
done beyond the constitutional competency of
Congress.
Soon after the first oall for militia, it was
considered a duty to authorize tne Command
ing General in proper eases, according to bis
discretion, to suspend the privilege of the
writ of habeas oorpus, or, in other' words, to
arrest or detain, without resort to the erdinsrv
processes and forms of law, such individuals
as he might doom daugerous to the pubiio safe
ty. ibis authority has purposely been exer
cised but very sparingly. Nevetheless, the
legality and propriety of what has been dono
uudei it are questioned, and the atterttion of
the couutry has been called to the proposition
tbat one who is sworn to lake care tbat the Uws
be faithfully executed should not himself vio
late them. Of course some ooueideration was
given to the questions of power and propriety,
before ihig mat'er was acted on.
The whole of the laws which were required
to be faithfully excouted ware being resisted,
and fading of execution jn nearly one third
of the Stales. Must they be allowed to final
ly fail of execution, even bad it been perfect
ly clear thai, by the use of the means neces
sary to their exeoution, some single law, made
in snob extreme tendernoss of the oitiaens
liberty that, practically, it relieves more of
the guilty than of the innoocnt, abriUlJ, to •
very limited extent, be violated?
To state the question more directly, arc all
tbe laws but one to go unexecuted, and tbe
Government itself go to pieces lest tbat one
be violated? Even in such a case, would not
the official oath be broken if tbe Government
should be overtbiown, when it was believed
tbat disregarding tbe single law would tend
to preserve it? But it was not believed tbat
this question was presented. It was not be
lieveu that any law was violated. The pro
vision of the Constitution, that the privilege
of the writ of habeas ccipus shall not be sus
pended uole-s wben, in ease of rebellion or
invasion, tbe public safety may require it, is
equivalent to a provision tbat sncb privilege
may be suspended wben, in cases of rebellion
or invasion, the puvlio safety does reqnire it.
It was decided tbat we bave a case of rebel
lion, and that the public safety does require
the qualified suspension of the privilege ot the
writ, wbicb was authorized to be made.
Now tt is insisted that Congress, and not
tbe Executive, is vested with tbis power. Uux
the Constitution itself is silent s to wliieh or
who is to exercise the power, anil as tbe
provision was plainly made for a dangerous
emergency, it cannot be believed tba; the fra
mers of the instrument, intended that in every
caso the danger should run its course until
Congress could be called tr-getber, the very
assembling of which might be prevented, as
was intended in this ease by the rebellion.—
No more extended argument is now offered, as
au opioiou at tome length will probably be
presented by the Attorney General. Wheth
er tbero shall be auy legislation upon the sub
ject, and if any, what, is suomilted entirely to
the better judgment ot Congress.
The forbearance of this Government bad
been so extraordinary and so long continued
as to lead somo foreign nations to shape their
action as if they supposed the early destruction
of our National Union ws probable. While
this, on discovery, gave the Executive some
concern, he is now bappy to say that the sov
ereignty and rights of the Uuitod States are
now everywhere practically respected by for.,
eign Powers, and a general sympathy *vi'b the
country is uianife>ted throughout the world.
The reports of tbe Secretaries of the
Treasury, War, and tbe Navy, will give iho
inforntation in detail deemed necessary and
convenient for your deliberation and action,
while tbe Executive and all the departments
will stand ready to supply omissions, or to
communicate new facti considered important
for you to know.
It ts now recommended that you give tbe
legal meaus for making this eontest a short and
a deolsive oue; that yon place at the control
of the Government, for the work, at least
400,000 men, aud $400,000,000. That num.
ber of men is about oue-<tfnth of those of prop
er ages within tbe regions where apparently all
are willing to engage, and the sum is less than
a twenty-third part of the money value owned
by t.ie men who seem ready to devote tbe
whole.
A debt of $600,000,000 now is a less
sum per head than was the debt of oar own-
Revolution, wben we came out of that struggle;
and tbe money vslue in the country now bears
even a greater proportion to what it was then
than does tho population. Surely each raau
has as strong a motive now to preserve our
liberties as each had then to estabiish them.
A right result at this time will be worth
more to the world than ten toues tho meu and
ten times tbe money. Tbe evidence reaching
us from the country leaves no doubt that the
material for the work is abundant, and that
it needs only the hand of legislation to give
it legal sanction, and the hand of the Execn
tise to give it practical shapo and efficiency.—
One ot the greatest perplexities of the Gov
ernment is to avoid receiving troops faster than
providing for them. In a word, the people
will save the Government if the Government
itself will do ita pait only indifferently well.
It might seem, at first thought, to be of
little difference whether the present movement
at the South be called secessiou or rebellion.
Tbe movers, however, well understand the
difference. At the beginning they knew
they could never raise their treason to any
respectable magnitude by any name which im
plies violatiou of law. They kuew their peo
ple possessed as much of mora! sense, as much
of devotion fo law and order, aod as muoO
pride in, and reverence for, the history and
Government of their common country as aov
other civilized and patriotio people. They
knew they could make uo advancement direct
ly in tbe teeth of these strong and noble sen
timents. Accordingly, they commenced by an
iosiduous debauching of tbe publio mind.—
luey iuvented an ingenious sophism which, if
conceded, was followed by perfectly logical
steps through all tbe incidents to the complete
destruction of the Union.
Tbe sophism itself is that any State of the
Union may, consistently with the National
Constitution, and therefore lawfully and
peacefully, withdraw fro:n the Union, without
the c nsetit of the Union or of any other
State. The little disguise, that the supposed
right is to be exercised only for a just causa,
because they themselves are to be the sole
judges of its justice, is too thin to merit aoy
notico.
Wi'.b rebellion thus sugar coated, they have
been drugging the pubiio mind of their section
for moie than thirty years, and until at length
they hqe brought many good men to willing
ness to take up arms against the Government the
day after some assemblage of men havy enact
ed the farcical pretenee of taking their .State
out of the Union, who could have been brought
to no such thiog the day before.
This sophism derives much, perhaps the
wholo of its currency, from the assumption
fiat there is some omnipotent and saorsd su
premacy pertaining to a State, bo each State of
our Federal Union. Our States have neither
more nor less power than that reserved to
them in the Union by the Constitution, no one
of them ever having been a State out of the
UnioD. The original ones passed into the
Uniou even before they oat off their British
Colonial dependence, and the new ones eaeb
came into the Union directly from a condition
of dependence, excepting Texas; and even
Texas, in its temporary independence, was
never designated a State. The new ones only
took the designation of States oti coming into
the Union: white tbat name was first adopted
far the old ones in and by the Peolaratioc of
lndepondeoeo. Therein the Uuitcd Colonies
were declared to be free and independent States.
Rut oven then the objeet plainly was not to
declare their independence of one another,
or ot the Union, bat directly the contrary, as
their mutual pledge and their mutual action,
before,at the time, sod afterw.ids, abundant
ly show. Tbe express plighting of faith, by
each and all the original thirteen, in tbe
Articles of Confederation, two years later,
that ''the Union shall be perpetual," is most
conclusive. Having never been States, either
in snbsttDce or ueme out side of the Uoion,
1 whence tbiw magical omnipotence of State
Right* asserting a claim of power to lawfully
destroy the Un ou itself? Much is snid about
the sovereignty of tbe States, bat the word,
even, is not in the Natioual Constitution, nor
! *s is believed in aDy of tbe Stare Coostitu*
liona. What is a sovereignty, in the political
j sense of the term? Would it be far wrong
Ito define it ."a political community without
I a political superior !" Tested by tbis, no
, one of our Stares except Texs ever was a
; sovereignty, and even Texas gave tip the char
; acter on coming into the Uoion, by which set
! she acknowledged tbe Constitution of the
j Uuited States, end tbe laws and treaties withe
j United States, made in pursuance of tbe Con
stitution, to be tor her the supreme law of the
land. Tho States have their status in the
UnioD, nud tbey bave no other legal status.—
If they break from tbis, they can only do so
against law, and by revolution. The Uoion.
. aud not themselves separated, procured their
; independence and their liberty. By conquest
or purchase, rbe Union gave each of ihem
whatever of independence and liberty it bag.
The Union is older tban any of the States,
; and in fact it created them is States. Orig
iooally, some dependent colonies made tbe
Union, and, in turn, the Union threw off tbeir
old dependence for them and mide them Spates,
such as fbty are. Not one of them ever had
a State Constitution independent of the Union.
Of course, it is not forgotten that ail the
now States framed their Constitution* before
they enterced tbe Uoion; nevertheless depen
dent upon, and preparatory to coming into the
Union.
Unquestionably, the States have the powers
and rights reserved to theiu in and by tbe Na
tional Constitution, but among those surely,
are not iucluded ail conceivable powers, how
ever mischievous or destructive, but, at. most,
such only as are known in tbe world, at tbe
time as governmental powers, nd certainly
power to destroy tbe Government itself bad
never known as governmental a merely admin
istrative power.
Tbis relative matter of national power and
State rights as a principle is uu other than
tbe principle of generality and locality.
Whatever concerns the whole should be con
fided to the whole, tj tbe General Government
while whatever concerns only the State soould
be left exelu>ively to the Stats. This is
a.i there is of original principle about it.
Whether the National Oonstitunoa, in defining
boundaries betweou tbe two, has applied tbe
principle with ex iot accuracy, is not to be ques
tioned. We are also bouud by that detining
without quashou. What is now tombalted is
the position that seceoioa is conststaut with
.the Constitution, is lawful and peaceful. It is
not contended that there is aoy express law for
it, and nothing should ever be implied as law
wuiob leads to uojust or absurd Oousequeneea.
Tbe cation purchased wilii money me coun
tries out of which several of these States were
formed. Is it just that they shall go off with
out leave and without refunding? The nation
paid vary iarge sums—in the aggregate, I
believe, of a buudred millions— lO relieve
Florida of too aboriginal tribes. Is it just
tbat she shall now go oil Without consent or
without making any return! The nation is
now in debt for money applied for the bene
fit of these so-called seceded States IU common
with the rest. It is just either that creditors
shall go uupaid, or the remaining States pay the
wnole? Fart of the present national debt was
,contrasted to pay the old debts of Texas. Is it
just that she suail leave and pay no part of
this herself?
Again, if one State may seaede, BO may aDO
iber, aud whou ail shall have seceded, none is
letl to pay me debts, is this quito just to ore
ditois? Mid we notify them ut this s>ge view
of ours when we borrowed their money? If
we now .recognize this uoetriuo by allowing the
Seceders to go iu peace, it is difficult to see
what we cult do if otuers choose to go,or to extort
terms upon which they will promise to remain.
The secedcrs insist that oar Constitution
admits of secession. They have assumed to
make a national constitution of their own,
which of necessity they have either discarded
or retained the right of secession as they in
sist if exists in ours. If they have discarded
it, ttiey thereby admit that on principle it
ought not to he in ours. If they have retain
ed by their own construction of ours, they
show that to bo consistent they must secede
troin ons another whenever they shall find it
the easiest way of settling their debts,or effecs
dug any other selfish or unjust object. The
pnuciple itself i 9 one of disintegration, and
upon which noGovcroment can possibly endure.
If all the States save ODe should assert the
power to drive that one out of the Ucion, it
is presumed the whole elms of seceder politi
cians would at once deny the power, and dea
uouoou the act as the greatest outrage qpon
State lights. But suppose that precisely the
same act, instead of being called driving the
one out, should be called the seceding of the
others from that one, it would be exactly what
the secedtrs claim to do, unless, indeed, they
make the point that the one, because it is a
minority, may rightfully do what the other ben
cause they are a majority may not rightfully
do. These politicians are subtle and profound
on the rights ot minorities; they are not par
tial to that power which made toe Constitution,
aud speaks from the preamble, calling itself
"The People." It may well bo questioned
wbetb-v there is to day a majority of the le
gally qualified voters of any Btste except, per
haps, South Carolina, iu favor of disuuioo.
f.iere is much reason to believe that the
Union men are the majority in many, if not in
every other one, of the so called seceded States.
As the contrary has not been demonstrated in
any one of them, it is ventured to affirm this,
even of Virginia and Tennessee, for the result
of an eleotioa held io military eampg, where
the bayonets were all en one side of the ques*
tioo, voted upon, popular sentiment. At such
an eleotion ail that laiga class who aro not at
once for the (Jnioa and against coercion woold
be cuoreed to vote agaiuat the Uuioo
It may be affirmed, without extravagance,
tht iho free institutions we enjoy have develo
ped the power and improved the condition of
our whole people, beyond aoy example in the
world. 01 this we now bava & striding and
impressive illu-(ration. large an army as
the Government has now on foot was never be
fora known, without a soldier in it hot who had
t-k*n bis place there of his own free choice.
Bat, more than this, there are many single
regiments whtse members, one and another,
posesa full praotieal knowledge of all the arts,
sciences, professions and whatever else, wheth
er useful or elegant, is known iu the world:
and there is scarcely one from which there
could not be selected a President, a Cabinet,
a Congress, and perhaps a eoort abundantly
j competauVto administer the Government itself.
Nor do 1 say this is not true also in the arms
of our late friends, uow adversaries in tbii
j content. But if it is, so much better the
reason why the Government which has confers
red aucb benefits on both them and us should
not he broken np. Whoever, in any section.'
proposes to abandon such a Government, would
do well to consider in deference to what prin
ciple it is that be does it. What better beds
likely to get in its stead* Whether the subs
stitufe will give, or be intended to give, so
much of eood to tbe people? These are some
foresbailowiogs on this suhjeet. Our sdversa*
ries have adopted some declarations of indepen
i denoe in which, unlike the good old one, pen
ned by Jefferson, tbey omit tb words, "All
men are created equal." Why? They have
adopted a temporary national constitution'
in the preamble of which, unlike our good obi
one, signed by Washington, they omit "We
tbe people," and substitute "We, tbe deputies
of the sovereign and independent States."
Wby? Why this deliberate pressing out of
view the rights of mea end tbe authority of
the people?
This is essentially a people's contest. On
the side of the Union it is a struggle far
maiutlining in tbe world that f. rm and sub
stance of government whose leading oiject i*
to elevate the couaition of men; to Hit artificial
weights from all shoulders, to clear the paths
of laudable pursuit for all; to afford all an
unfettered start, and a fair chance in tbe race
of life.
Yielding to partial and temporary departures
from necessity, this is tbe leading object of
tbe Government for whose existet.ee we con
tend.
1 aai mo3t happy to believe that the plain
people understand and appreciate this. It is
worthy of note that, which in this, the Gov
ernment's hour of trial, large numbers of those
in 'he army and navy who have been favored
with the offices have resigned, and proved
false to the band which bad pa'tnpered them,
not one common soldier or common sailor is
known to have deserted his flag. Great honor
is due to those officers who remained true des
pite the example of their treacherous associates.
But the greutsst honor Dd most important
fact of ail is tbe uncommon firmness of the
common soldiers and common sailors. To the
last man,so far as known,they have successfully
resisted the traitorous efforts of these whose
oouunands but an bour before tbey obeyed as
absolute law. This is the patriotic instinct of
plain people. Tbey understand, without au
argumeut, that the destroying of the Govern
ment which was made by Washington means no
good to them. Our popular Government has
often been called an experiment. Two points
in it our people bave already settled—tbe suc
cessful maintenance against a formidable inter
nal attempt to overthrow it. It is for tbem to
demonstrate to tbe world that those who oan
fairly carry an election can also suppress a
rebellion—that ballots are the rigbiful and
peaceful successors of bullets, and that when
ballots have fairly and constitutionally decided
there can be uo successful appeal except to bal
lot- themselves at succeeding elections. Such
will t> a great lesson of peace teaching men
what tbey cannot take by an election, neither
can they take it by war; teaching ail tbe folly
of being the beginners ot war.
Lest there bo some uneasiness in tbe minds
of candid men as to what is to be tbe course of
•the Government towards the Southern States
after the rebellion shall bave been suppressed,
tbe Exeoutive deems it proper to say it will be
his purpose than, as ever, to be guided by the
Constitution and tbe laws, and that he proba
bly will have no different understanding of the
powers aud the duties of the Federal Govern"
meat relatively to the rights of tbe States and
tbe people,under the Constitution, than expres
sed in tbe luaugeral Address, lie desirea to
preserve the Government, that it may be ad
ministered to all as it was administered by the
men wbo made it. Loyal citizens, everywhere,
have tbe right to claim this of their Govern
ment, aod the Government has no right to
withhold or neglect it. It is not perceived
that in giving it there ie anv coercion, any
conquest or subjugation, in any just sense of
tbe terms.
The Constitution provides, and all the States
have acoeptod tbe provision, that tbe United
States shall guaranty to every State in this
Union a republican form of Government. But
if a State may lawfully go out of tbe Union,
having done so, it may also discard the repub
lican form of Government, so that, to prevout
its going out, it is all indispensable to use
every means to the end of maintaining tho
guarantee. W'heu an end is lawful "and ob
ligatory tbe indispensable means to obtain ifc
are also lawful and obligatory.
It was with the deepest regret that the Exe
cutive found the duty of employing the war.
power, in defence of the Government forced
, upon him. lie could but perform this duty
or surrender tbe existence of the Government.,
No compromise by public servants could in this
case be ma le. Not that compromises are not
often proper, but that no popular government
can loDg survive a marked precedent, that
ttio-a who carry an election can only savs tha
Government from immediate destruction by
givtog up the uiin point upon which tbe peo
ple gave tbe election. The people themselves,,
and not their gemots, oan safely reverse their
own deliberate deoisioos. As a private oitisen
the Executive could not have consented that
theso institutions shall perish; inooh lees could
he in betrayal of so vast and so sacred a trust
i aa these free people bad confided to bim.
He felt that he had no moral right to shrink,
nor even to oouut the obeoces of his own lifa
ic what might follow. Iu full view of his
great responsibility, he has, so far, dona what
be baa deemed his duty. You will new, iooor
oording to your own judgement, perform yours.
1 He sincerely hopes that your actions tnay so
j accord with bis as to assure all faithful citi
zens who have been disturbed iu tbair rights
of a certain and speedy restoration lo them
under the Conatitutioa *ud the law-.
And having thus chosen our course, without
guile and with pure purpose., lot us tt>tw out
trust in Go:!, and go forward without fair, and
with manly Loarts. ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
July 4,