BY DAVID OVER.
f$ 0 111 i|.
OUR UNION FLAG.
BY A LAPY OY BALTIMORE.
JLN— NELLY GRAY-
There's a starry bamier floating o'er the home of
liberty,
In olden times 'twas purchased by our sires.
Every crimson stripe was painted by the heart's
blood of the lree,
And its radiant stars were lit by patriot fires.
CHORUS—Oh ! never may the morn,
See our banner stained and torn,
By disunion with its evils sad and sore,
For the stars would fade away,
And the stripes alone would stay,
And treedom would forsake us evermore-
A noble standard-bearer is the eagle of the west,
Proudly daring and defiant is his glare,
lie has left his grand old eyrie in the mountain's
highest crest,
To bear our starry banner on the air.
CHORUS.
The Union is our glory, by the Uuion we will stand
Columbia owns no recreant as her son ;
Froiu the mountain and the valley, come the puresi
of oar land,
And the hearts of the many are as one.
Cuoacs.
The fiery Southern chivalry, the stainless and the
high
Are raising in the glory of their might;
As the war-steed rushes onward, with the lightning
in his eye
When the trumpet blast is calling to the fight.
CHORUS.
And the North will meet them bravely, with the
wisest and her best,
Frank and warm will be the grading of the free,
And the glory and the honor of the vast and chain
loss West
Shall be offered at the shrine of liberty.
CHORUS—And never shall the morn
See our banner stained and torn.
By disunion with its evils sad and sore,
I or the stars shall never fade,
And the stripes shall know no shade,
And Freedom shall lie ours evermore.
THE VOICE _OF DOM.
Presmation of the Tuion.
THE DITY OF PATRIOTS.
By invitation of the Legislature, Hon. Stephen
A. Douglas a la; - - I the Legislature on the 25th
ult., upon tfci . ; :.'. : ng national troubles. Hs
said :
I am not insonsib . to Lhe patriotic motives which
prompted youfto do m<- the honor to invite me to
address you on this occasion, upon the momentous
issues DOW presented in the condilton of our coun
try. With a heart filled with sadness and grief 1
comply with your request.
For the first time sine • the adoption of the Fed
eral Constitution, a wid. -spread conspiracy exists
to destroy the best government the sun of beaver,
ever Bbed its rays npon. [Applause.] Hostile
armies are now marching upou the Federal Capital,
with a view of planting a revolutionary flag upon
its dome, seizing the national archives, taking cap
tive the President elect by the hands of the people,
in the bauds of secessionists and disunioniats. A
war of aggression and of extermination is being
waged against the Government established by our
fathers- The boast has gone forth by the Secretary
of War of tbis revolutionary Government, that on
the first day of May the revolutionary flag shall
float lrom the walls of the Capital at Washington,
and that on the fourth day of July, the resolution
ary army shall hold possession of the Hal! of In
dependence in Philadelphia.
The eimple question presented to us is whether
we will wait for the enemy to carry out this boost
of making war upon our soil, or whether wo will
rush as one man to the defence of the Government,
and its capital, to defend it from the bands of all
assailants who have threatened it. [Great ap
plause.] Already the piratical flag has been un
furled against the commerce of the United States.
Letters of marque have been issued, appealing to
the pirates of the world to assemble under the
revolutionary flag, aud commit depredations carri
ed on nnder the Htars and stripes. Hostile bat
teries have been planted npon its batteries; custom
houses have already been established; and we arc
now to pay tribute and taxes without hav
ing a voice in making the laws, imposing them, or
having a share in the distribution of them alter
They have been collected. The question is whether
this war of aggression shall proceed and we remain
with folded arms, ir,active spectators, or whether
we shall meet the aggressors at the threshhold and
turn back the tide.
So long as there wa a hope of peaceful solu
tion, I prayed and impiorcd for compromise. I
can appeal to my countrymen with confidence that
I have spared no effort , omitted no opportunity,
to adopt a peaceful solution of ail these troubles,
and thus restore peace, happiness and fralemity to
this government. When all propositions of peace
fail, there is lt on® course left to the patriot and
thai is to rally Milder that flag which has waved over
the Quito! "from the days of Washington, and
u/oundtbe government established by Washington,
-Ibflerson, Hamilton, Madison. Franklin, aDd then
compeers. [VtfkWwwu cheering.] _
W hsi is the slledged causu for this invasion
the rights and authority of the Government of the
Unite! State# J The cause; alledged is that the in
htitutious of the Southern States are not safe un
der the Federal Government. What evidence has
been presented that they are insecure ? 1 appeal
to every man withia the sound of my voice to tell
me at what period, from the t'me that Washington
was inaugurated, jdown to 'his hour, have tin
lights "of the Southern State --the rights of the
slaveholders, been more secure tha., at this time i
When, in the history of this government, have
they stood on so Arm a basis ? For the first tirni
iu the history of this Republio there is no re
strinction by act of Congress upon tbe institntie:
of slavery anywhere 'thin the limits of the United
States. Then it cantmt lie the territorial question
that has given them cause. When was the Fugitive
Slave Law executed with more fidelity than smct
the inauguration of tbe present incumbent Of th.
A Weekly Paper, Devoted to Literature, Politics, the Arts, Sciences, Agriculture, Ac., Ac™ Terms: One Dollar and Fifty Cents in Advance.
presidential office. [Much applause ] Let tb<
people of Chicago speak and tell us when were th<
laws of the land executed with as raucli firmnes:
and fidelity, so far as fugitive slaves were con
cerned, as they are now. Can any man tell mo o
any one act of aggression that has been committee
or attempted since the last presidential election
that justifies this disruption of the Federal Union i
I ask you to refleot and then point out anj
oue act that ha 9 been doDe; any oue duty thai
has been omitted to be done, of which any en
of these disunionlsts can justly complain.—
Yet we are told, simply because one party ha:
succeeded in presidential election, therefore
they choose to co nsider their liberties are nol
safe, and therefore they will break up the Gov
eminent.
I bad supposed that it was a cardinal ana
fundamental principle of our system of gov
ernment that the decisiou of the people at the
ballot box, without a fraud, according to the
forms of the Constitution. was to command the
explicit obeience of etery good citizen
[Loud applause.] if their defeat in a presi
dential election is to justify the minority, or
any portion of the minority in raising the trai
torous hand of rebellion against the constitu
ted authorities, you will fiud the future history
of the United Stares written in the history ol
Mexico. According to my reading of Mexi
can history, there never has been one presiden
tial term from the tune of the revolution oi
1820 down to this day whou the candidate
elected by the people ever served his four years,
Io every instance, either the defeated candi
date has seized upou tho Presidential chair by
the use of the bayonet, or he has turned out
the duly elected candidate before bis term ex
pired. Are we to inaugurate this Mexicau
system iu the United States of America?—
[No, never ] Suppose the case to be reversed.
Suppose the disuuiou candidate bad been elect
ed by any means—l care not what, if by any
means in accordance with tho forms of tho
Constitutor)—at the last Presidential election.
TheD suppose the Republicans bad raised a
rebellion against his authority. Iu that case
you would have found me tendering my best
efforts to John 0. Breckinridge to put dowu
the Republican rebels. [Tremendous upplause.l
Aud if you had attempted such a rebellion, i
would have sailed forth all the power and en
ergies of this country to have crushed you
out. [Continued applause.]
The first duty of every citizen, or of a cit
izen of any constitutional government, is obe
dieuoe to the national Constitution and laws
of his country. [Applause.] 1 have no ap
prehension that any man iu Illinois or beyocd
the limits of our beloved State, will misconstrue
or misuudcistacd my tuotiy?. So far as any
of the partiztn questions are concerned, I stand
ic equal, eternal ami undying opposition to the
Republioans aud secessionists. [Applause.]
You all know that I am a good partisan fighter
iu partizin times. [Laughter aud cheers.]
And you will find me equally as good a patri
ot when the country is iu danger. [Cueers.]
Now permit me to say to the assembled
representatives and Senators of our good old
Slate, oomposed of men of both political par
ties, in my opinion it is your duty to lay aside
your oreeds and party platforms; to lay aside
your party organizations aud partiz\u appeals;
to forget that you wore divided, until you
have rescued the government aud the country
from their assailants. Then resume your
partiiiD positions, according to your wishes.—
[Appiause ] Give me rf country first, that toy
obilureu luay live iu peace, then wc will have
a theatre for our party organizations to operate
upon.
We are called upon to fold our arms, allow
the uatioual Capitol to be seized by a military
force under a foreign revolutionary flag; to see
the archives of the government in the hands
of & people who affect to despise the flag and
government of the United States 1 aui un
willing to fly from ihe Federal Capital. It
baa been my daily avocation, six months in the
year for eighteen years, to walk inio that mar
ble building aud from Us portico to survey a
country at tbe north and that iyiug south of
the Potomac. I believe that 1 may with con
fidence appeal to tbe people of every section
of the country to bear testimony that I have
been as thoroughly uatioual us any man that
has lived in my day. [Applause.] And I be
lieve if 1 should make an appeal to the people
of Illinois, or of the Northern States, to their
impartial vordiot, they would say that what
ever errors I have committed have been in
leaning too fat to the Southern seotion of tbe
Uuiou against my own. [Applause.] 1 think
I can appeal to frienJ and Sue—l use it in a
political seose, and 1 trust I tbe word foe
in i> past sense. [Much i p-Jause.] I can
appeal tc them with ooofidenoe that 1 have
never pandered to tbe prejudice or passion of
my section against the minority sootiou of this
Union: and I will say ,to you now. with all
frankness and in all sincerity, that Kil nev
er sanction nor acquicsco in any warfare what
ever, upon the constitu'ional rights or domes
tic institutions of the people o tho Southern
States. [Applause.] Oa the contrary, if
there was an attempt to ;ovado these rights,
to stir up servile insurrection among their
people, I would rush to their rescue and in
terpose with whatever of strength 1 might pos
sess to defend them from such a calamity.—
[Applause.] VVbile 1 will never invade them:
while I will never fail to defend and protect
their rights to the full extent that a fair and
liberal construction of the Constitution can
give them, they must distinctly understand
I will uever acquiesce iu this invasion of our
constitutional rights.
It is a crime against the inalia liable uud ic
deleasible right of every American citizen te
att3iupt to destroy tbe government undei
which we were tore. It is a crime againsl
Constitutional freedom and the hopes of the
friends of freedom throughout the wide world
i to attempt to blot out the United States Lou
the map of Christiaodora. Yet this attempt i:
- ■ -•
BEDFORD. PA.. FRIDAY, MAY 31, 1861.
now being made. Thß government of our
fathers is to be overthrown and destroyed.—
The Capital that bears the name of the Father
of bi* country is to be bombsbelied and level
ed to the earth rubbish and the dust
of the things that aro past. The records of
our government are to be soattered to tba four
winds of heaven. The constituted authorities,
placed there by the same high authority that
placed Washington, and Jefferson, and Madi
sou, and Jackson in the chair, are to be cap
tured and carrk-d off- to become a by word
and a'seorn to the nations of the world. [Nev
er! Never!]
You may think that 1 am drawing a picture
that is overwrought, and not describing a fact.
No iuan who spent the last week in the city
of Washington will believe I have done justice
to it. You have all the elements of the French
revolution surrounding the Capital now, and
threatening it with its terrors. Not ouly is its
constitutional government to be strickeu down;
not only is our flag to be blotted out. but the very
foundations of social order aro to be under
miudod and destroyed; the demon of destruo
tion is to be left loose over the face of the
land; a reigu of terror and mob law is to pre
vail in each section of the Union, and the mao
who dares to plead for the oause of justice
and moderation io either seotion, is to be mark
ed down as a traitor to his seotion. If this
state of things is allowed to go on, how long
before you will have the guillotine in active
operation?
1 appeal to you, my countrymen—men of
all parties—not to allow your passions to get
the better of your judgments. Do Dot allow
your veugeance upon the authors of this great
iniquity to lead you into rush and cruel and
desperate aota upon those who may differ with
you iu opiniou. Let the spirit of moderation
and of justice prevail. You oaunot expoot
within so few weeks after au excited political
canvass that every inao cau rise to the level of
forgetting his partizau prejudices and sacrifice
everything upon the alter of his country; bur
allow me to say to you, you will not be true to
your country if you ever attempt to manufac
ture partizan capital out of tbe miseries of
your country. [Much applause.] When call
ing upon Democrats to rally to the tented fields,
leaviug wife, child, father and mother hehiud
them, to rush to tbo rescue of the President
that you elected, do not make war upon them
aud try to muoufacture partizm capital out
of a struggle in which thoy are engaged from
the bnjisst and purest of motives. [Renewed,
applause.]
Then I appeal to you, my own Democratic
friends— those men that have uever failed to
rally UDder the glorious banner of the couutry,
wheuever au enemy at borne or abroad has
dared to asrail it—to you who I believe to be
the purest patriots that ever lived—do not
allow the mortification, growing out of a
defeat in a partizm struggle, and the elevation
of a party to power that we firmly believed to
be dangerous to the country—do not let that
convert you from patiiots into traitors to your
native land. [Long continued applause.]
Whenever our Government is assailed—when
hostile armies are matching uuder rude and
odious banners agatust the Government of
our country, the shortest way to peace is
the most stupendous aud unanimous prepara
tion for war. [Tremendous applause.] Ihe
greater the unanimity the loss blood will be
shed. [Much applause.] The more prompt
and energetic the movement, and the more im
portant it is in numbers, the shorter will be
the struggle.
Kverv friend of freedom, every champion
and advocate of constitutional liberty through
out the land, must feel this oause is his own,
and that there is and should be Dotbiog that
ought to be disagreeable or humiliating to
men who have differed in time of peace on
every question that could divide fellow men,
to rally in UDIOQ in defenoe of the country
and against all assailants. While all the
States of this Union, and every citizen of
every State has a priceless legaoy dependant
upon the success of our efforts to maintain
this Government, we in the great valloy of
the iMississippi have peculiar .inducements to
the struggle. What is the attempt now being
made? Seven States of this Union, choose
to declare that they will no longer obey the
behests of the UnUeJ States, that they will
withdraw from the Government established by
our fathers, that they will dissolve,without our
consent, the bonds that have united us togeth
er. But, not content with that, they proceed
to invade and obstruct our dearest aud most
inalienable rights, socured by the Constitution.
One of their first acts is to establish a battery
of cannon upon the banks of the Mississippi;
on the dividing line between the States of
Mississippi Dd Tennessee, and require evety
steamer that passes down the river to come to
under a gun, to receive a custom house officer
on board, to prescribo where the boat may
land, and upon what terms it may put out a
barrel of flour or a cask of bacoD; upon the
river and upon the borders of these States to
out off our freedom of trade.
We are called upon to sanction this policy.
Before consenting to their rights to commit
such acts, I implore you to consider that the
same principal that will allow tbo Cotton States
to exclude us from the ports ot the Gulf,
would authorize the New England States aod
N. York and Pennsylvania to exclude us from
the Atlantic, and tbe Pacifio States to exclude
us from the ports of that ocean. Whenever
you sanction this doctrine of Secession, you
authorize the States bordering upon the At
lantic -ud Pacific oceaus to withdraw from us,
,fortu alliances among themselves, and exclude
U3 from the markets of tba world and troiu
communication with ull the teat of 'Juristen
dotu. Not only this, but there follows a tarib
on imports, levyiug of taxes upon every pou"d
of tea and coffee and sugar, and every yard
of cloth that wo may import for consump'ioo;
the levying of an export duty upon every
fensbol of corn and every pound of meat we
may choose to send to the markets of the
world to pay for imports.
Bear in uiind that these very cotton States,
who have in former times been so boisterous
for free trade, have among tbeir first acts es
tablished ao export duty ou cotton for the first
time in American history.
. It is a historical fact, well known to every
man who has road the debate? of the Conven
tion which framed the Ooostitutioo, that the
Southern States refused to become parties to
the Constitution unless there was an express
provision in the Constitution prohibiting Con
gress to levy an export duty ou any produot
of the earth. No sooner have these cotton
States seceded than an export duty is levied;
and if they will levy it on tbeir cotton do you
not thiols they will levy it on our potk, and
our beef, and oar corn, and our wheat, and
our manufactured artioles, and all that we
have to sell? Then what is the proposition? It
is to enable the tier of State# bordering on the
Atlantic and the Pacific, and on the Gulf,
■urrounding'us on all sides, to withdraw from
the IJniou —form an alliance among themselves,
and then levy taxes on us without our consent,
and collect revenue without giviag us any
just proportion or part of all of the amouot
collected. Can we submit to taxation without
representation? [Several voices,''no.'"] Can
we permit nations foreign to us to colled
revenues off our products —the fruits of out
labor? 1 ask the citizens of Illinois; 1 ash
every citizen to the great basin between th<
Rocky Mountains and the Allegbenies; iu the
vallies of the Ohio, Mississippi aod Missouri
to toil me whether be is ever willing to sanc
tion a liue of policy that may isolate us fro a
the markets of the world aod make us depen
dent provinces upon power that thus choose to
isolate us! [Many voices ♦•no," and " oevor.'*]
•' 1 Warn you, my couutrymen, whenever
yon permit this to be done in the Southern
States, New York will very soon follow their
example. New York, that great port, where
two-thirds of our revenue is collected, and
whence twodhird? of our goods are exported,
will not ioug be able to resist the temptation
of taxing fiifeeu millions of people in the
great West, when she eau monopolize the re
rources and release her own people from any
taxation whatsoever. Hence l'say to you,
my countrymen, from the beat consideration
1 have been able to give to the subject, after
the most mature ri-fieatiut., aud throng'; in
vestigation, I have arrived at the conclusion
that, come what may, war if it must be,
although 1 deplore it as a groat oalamiiy, yet,
come what may, the people of the great Mis
sissippi Valley, can never consent to be ex
eluded from free access to the ports of the
Atlautic, the Pacific aud the Gulf of Mexico.
[Great apj-rtruse.] Hence 1 repeat that 1 aai
not prepared to take up arms or to sauctiou a
policy of oar Government to take up aims
take up arms to make aoy wirupoo ! he right?
of the Southern States, up :u their institution;
upon their rights of persons or property: but,
ou the contrary, would rush to their defence
aud protect them from assault; hut while that
is the case, 1 will never cease to urge- my
oouoirvuieo to trko arms to tight o the death
in defence of our indefeasible right?, [Lotri
applause.] Hence, if. a war does come, it is a
war of sell defence on our put It is * war
iu defence of our own just rights; iu defence
of the Government which we have inherited,
a priceless legacy from onr patriotic fathers:
in defence of the great rights of freedom of
trade, oomuieroo, traustt, and intercourse from
t&e center to the oiroumfereuoe of our great
continent. These are rights we must strug
gle for and never surrender.
I have struggled almost against hope to
avert the calamities of war, and to tffeot a
reunion and reconciliation with our brethren
in the Sooth. 1 yet hope it may be done, but
I am not able to point out to you how it may
be. Nothing short of Providence can reveal
to us the issue of this great struggle. Bloody
—calamitous—l fear it will be. May we so
conduct it, if a collision must coiue, that we
will stand justified in the eye of him who
knows our hearts and who will justify our
every aot. We must not yield to resentments,
nor to tho spirit of vcogaoee, much less to the
desire for conijuest or ambition.
I see no path of ambition open in a bloody
struggle for triumphs over my eounlrymeo.
There is no path of ambition open for me in
a divided country. Hence, whatever we may
do must be the result of duty, of conviction,
of patriotic duty —the duty we owe to om
selves, to our posterity, and to the friends
constitutional liberty aud self-government
throughout the world. [Loud appia se.]
My friends, 1 eau say no more. To discuss
these topics is the most painful duty oi my
life.- It is with a sad heart —with a grier tnat
I have never beforo experienced, that I have
to contemplate this fearful struggle; but 1
believe in my conscience that it is a duty we
owe to ourselves, aud our children, and our
God, to protect this government, aud that flag
from every assailant, he he who be may.
rrieaieuviuus uud prolonged applause.]
Ou motion of Mr. Hacker, the house ad
journed.
A DABK-DKVIL REGIMENT Colonel Wil
son's hard-fisted regiment iu New York oity is
nearly full. Thirty men of muscle offeree
tbeni°elv" m a body en Tuosday.—" Glad to
see you, gentlemon," said the Colonel," but
if you enlist with iue, 1 assure you that half
of you ' ill be in your gsaves in less than three
months !" Pleased with the cheering prospect
held out by tbeir commander, tho irrepressi
ble thirty mapped their hands, gave the Colo
nel three oheers, and iuitue dtately enrolled
tbeir names.
Ctantiomil.
ISPIiOVE THE TIME.
Now that our schools aro nearly all closed fo
the season, and the teachers are mostly engaged ii
other vocations, it woul 1 be well lor every peraoi
who contemplates taking charge of a school durinj
the coming winter, to ask himself or|herself, wbeth
er they are prepairing for the duties of the responsi
tile position in which they desire to place them
selves. Teachers should remember that their laboi
for the improvement of their schools is not confinec
to the exercises ot the school room. It is the dutj
of all not only to devote their time and attentior
during tho session to the advancement of the
scholars immediately under their charge, but they
should strive to improve themselves in the inter
veniag time that they may go again to the schoo
room more skilful workmen, and be better prepares
to impart the knowledge they have acquired to tb
minds entrusted to their care. Their duty to theii
Croatcw us responsible and influential creatures,
their duty to society and their employers, theii
duty to their scholars and themselves, and their
duty to the profession, all demand this, and if they
properly appreciate the great responsibility resting
upon them as laborers in this I had almost said
holy calling, they cannot be insensible to these
obligations.
It is not necessary that every teacher should at
tend school or devote their time holy to study
during the intermission although this is advanta
geous when circumstances will allow of it. A
person engaged in almost any occupatior may find
some time in each day for intellectual improve
ment. Even tho farmer or mechanic though he
has not more than fifteen minutes or one half hour
per day may make much advancement in the stu ties
if he will devote those moments to them. The
pleasure afforded to a person of reflective mind
more than compensates him for his labor, lor one
thought give rise to another and new beauties are
continually presented for his contemplation.—
Many of the finest scliol ars that have ever lived
have educated themselves in this way and their
example should encourage us to redouble our ef
forts.
Many ol the teachers do not contemplate the
profession of teaching as a business for life and for
this reason, think they cannot afford to spend
much time in ptepariug themselves. They have
perhaps, attended school for several and
'•have been through theJJAiiihmatic," Grammar
and Spelling Book, "and consider themselves thor
oughly qualified to keep school, without fully com
prehending even these primary studies.-" Such
school keepers as they are not teachers, are a dis
grace to their profession and should receive no
encouragement. They cannot earn their board,
more than that they do the schools a "positive in
jury. If they do not understand a study them
selves they cannot make tho infant mind to com
prehend it and hinder rather than assist. It is of
ten more difficult to unlearn "hat which was im
properly taught than to give a correct impression
at first.
No person would attempt to carry on the busi
ness of steel engraving without serving au appren
ticeship and becoming acquainted with the different
processes of the art. Now is it reasonable or
right to attempt to mould and fashion the human
mind, a tablet as enduring as time and on which
impressions once made are seldom effaced, without
a previous, careful perparaiion.
Even for one month of teaching the one who
undertakes it should have a knowledge of the
business. Then let eVery moment be improved,
in studying and in the readiDg of educational works
that you may advance rather than retard the great
cause of education
Dott Of THE OODNTBT TO EDUCATE ITS OHILDEEN .
—-In Prussia it is said that every child is "due to
the school. J ' Here, it may be laid down as one
of onr social principles, that, as the best services
of all her children are due to tho State, so it is the
duty of the State to bring out, to their fullest ex
tent, all the talents and powers lor the good of all
ber children.— T. 11. Burrou-es.
Humboldt said ten ytars ago, "Government!,
religion, property, books, are nothing but scaffold,
iug to educate a man. Earth holds up to her Mas
ter no iiuit but the finished man. Education is
the only interest worthy the deep controlling
anxiety of the thoughtful man."
CONTRABAND OT WAR. —The following articles
have been officially declared as coming under the
head of "contraband of war" by the Administra
tion : "Gold and silver coin; checks or bills of
exchange for money ; articles of food; clothing
ana r. * : Is for the manufacture of ciothing;
rifle, pistol, musket and cannon balls and shells ;
gunpowder and all materials used in its manufac
ture ; ammunition and munitions and implements
oi war of every description ; books of military
education, saddles, harness and trappings for fly
iug artillery, field ?nd staff officers and cavalry
troops; horses; gun-carriages; timber for ship
building; all kinds of naval stores; engines,
boilers and machinery for boats; locomotive en
gines and cars for railroads, and goods and com
modities that might be useful to the enemy in war. 5 '
The Cincinatti Gazette mentions a company
in that vieimty of twenty-seven members,
whose property is estimated at uine millions
oi dollars.
It is said that the officers and men who
were captured in Texas after the treason of
Twigs, and released on their promise not to
bear arms agaicst the Southern Confederacy,
ate to be called on to renew their oaths of
allegiance, and to serve against the enemies of
their eouutry. Failing to obey this older,
they wiii be at oooe dismissed from 'be ser
vice.
VOL. 34, NO. 22.
THEODORE FREUNQHCTSEN ON THE WAR.
—At • flag-raising on the Rutgor's College
Building, at New Bruoswick, N. J., on Mon
day, Theodore Frelinghuyfen, the President
of that Institution, made u patriotic speech.
He said:
'The fiart cannon shot against Sampler
struck the great heart of the American peo
ple, sod that heart shall never cease beating
until this wrong is avenged. Despising the
remedies offered by the Constitution itself for
redressing their J supposed grieveauces, they,
just as wioked raeu always do, have gathered
their forces, bavo stolen forts and arsenals,
have plundered onr public property, mnrdered
innocent oiti£ ens, and now are endeavoring to
coil a serpent among the stars ar.d stripes,
whose fangs shall strike out the emblems of
Seven States from fts glorious folds. If a
foreign foe had attempted this the nation
would have risen up ae oac man t> hurl down
the aggressor, and how much worse was it when
the f'Q oauio from within our own bosom! lis
fact, s more monstrous crime against humai*
rights had never beeu perpeuaie.l, in the worda
of a distinguished clergyman,''since the Cru--
cifieation of our Lord and S;viour. And, in
view of all this, what do thvy ask? Thy erv
out, 'let us alone! Do let us alone. 15 Jeffer
son Davis is not the iirat transgressor (hat fc.s
warned to bo let alone! Do let us alone.
[Laughter ] Ad-m and Eve, when they sin
ned, sought to be let alone, by hiding them
selves in the garden. But God and their sin
found tbemout; and Jeff. Davis's sio bo sure
of it, will find him out. We must fight; there
is no alternative. Rebellion must be crushed,
and then we ahail oecome on JO more a U'ppy
and united people."
A number of naval* officers who rcently ro
sigoed have come to the conclusion that they
made a slight mistake, and have applied to be
reinstated They have been and will still
continue to be told, tbat they arc not wasted,
in the meantime honorable officers, who ioug
since honorably retiied, have offered their ser
vices to their country in the hour of her trou
ble, and have beeu placed on duty as Seoood
Lieutenants, as no higher position can, under
pre sent circumstances, be assigned them.
JVo More Debts to be Paid. — A proclama
tion from Governor Brown, of Georgia, for
bids citizens of (bat State from paying any
debts due to Northern creditors. The Gover
nor "invites citizens who are indebted" to
Northern States to invest their spare oash in
Georgian bank stock or. still better, to perform
a patriotic duty," by giving it to the Southern
Confederacy for war purposes. He further
forbids tbo protest of notes by any Georgia
banks. Here, then, is a regularly organized.
RWindSe. The Governor of Georgia is an vdepl
in the ;irt of stealing.
"No STRAY BRICKS."--It is said that whea
Coi. Ik-Djl'nin F. Butler, in coiumaod of the
Missjolmaetts Rgiuieut, landed, some of the
authorities of Anuapolis protested against the
passage of Massachusetts troops over Maryland
soil, when Le replied: " Sir, we came here uot
as citizens of Massachusetts, but as citizens
and soldiers of the United States, with nu
iuteution to invade any State, but to protect
the Capitol of onr common country from in
vasion. We shall give no cause of offence,
but there must be no Jugitive shots or stray
bricks on the way."
Slow. —The Riohmoud Exim i-r is very
aavage over the supiueness of the Virginia
government. It charges it with having dono
uothiog at ait towards fitting our privateer*—
whileJFondergast is seizing vessels constant
ly. Its Portsmouth correspondence says that
up to the Bth h9 had "captured tweuty-five
vessels, but ooly one of this number deserves
the name of prize. That it reported to be a
Richmond ship from some of the South Amer
ican ports, laden with 3000 bags of coffee."
We hope ho will keep on doing eo.
A leading mercantile bouse in Philadelphia,
whicn has done much and paid liberally to
stand well with the South, lately received a
letter from a debtor ia Louisiana in these
terms.
"Our note to you lift §IO,OOO, duo thts
day, will not be paid. We have leut the mon
ey to the Confederate States, and you may go
to
The oreditors hope to make of their account
a oartiidge to fire at the rebels. They have
no idea of ever realizing it otherwise.— Tri
bune.
A patriotic New York gentlemen sent to
Col Wilson §3OO, for the ase of his regi
ment of Zouaves, when the messenger pnt his
hand into his pocket to get out the mcaey and
band it to the Col. it was gone, he tbeu told
the Col. bis pocket had been pinked and the
money stolen. The Colonel replied, "it's all
right, 1 saw the boys in their tent, counting
and dividing the tuouey."
Soutnern Heraldry. —A suitable heraldrio
device for I. Davis would be:
Two beams staudant.
One beam cossant,
One rope pendant—
j\ scoundrel at the end on't."
The Filmore school iu New Orleans has
been changed to" Jefferson School," and the
venerable ez-Prcsident prouounced fanatic,
a hypocrite, aud a ttaiior to the soil."
BOSTON, .May 17.—A proposition has been
introduced in the Legislature to aid in erecting
a monument over the reoviias of Whitney and
Ladd, who were killed by ihe B>litujre mob.
T:i£ best lip salve in all the world is a hi*';
but it must be used with caution or it produ
ces an uffcotioo of the heart,