BY DAVID OVER.
SPEECH
OP
HON. ISAAC lIAZLEBBRST.
Delivered al Reading, Aug. 6, 1860.
Mr. H. said ho felt highly flittered by the
invitation extended to him by the committee, to
meet the independent electors of Berks county,
at this their first muster for the coming politi
cal struggle. lie *vas a member of the Peo
ple's party of Pennsylvania. As a member of
that organization he had been interested in the
success of a distinguished Senator of this State
before the f'hicaco Convention. Ale did oot
conceal his wishes. He was active in giving
tbcui broad and general circulation, lie did
ao, for the simple reason that Senator Came
ron in all bis public acts, bad beeu faithful to
the Uoiou and the Constitution, and had ex
hibited and maintained that rare virtuo of ab
solute fidelity to the interests of his native
State. During Lis whole political lifo, that
Senator had been consistent in his desire to
develop tho resources of Pennsylvania, by a
fair and just protection to American manual
labor. The united action of this State iu his
favor, while it failed to accomplish what her
people desired, established the fact that the
Commonwealth of his birth was not ungrateful
when her delegated power was cast io bis be
half. But, said Mr. 11., individual preference
gave way when the great question is prevented
as to whether the Constitution itself is to be
pieserved and maiutaiued, and when the very
ease has arisen that the government is no
longer safe in the hands to which it had beeu
entrusted. It is with the people, and with the
people alone, tint tho right exists to correct
existing abuses—no delegated power can do it.
Tho appeal then is directly to the people —not
to party nor to partisans, not to professional
politicians, nor to those who have uu interest in
office and piace greater than their stake in the
country, but to the people and the whole peo
ple: aud to those wbo, iu regard to political
affairs, have a wish for a good government,
and who have power to accomplish their owo
wishes.
When, therefore, the People's party ratify
to-uight the action of their representatives
recently assembled in the metropolis of the
west, they do so in the hopo that wise and
generous counsels will prevail, and that iu the
change of rulers now required, oar beloved re
public may he administered in the honest spirit
of its early founders.
Mr. 11. said ho appeared before tne meeting
to advocate no new doctrines, to declare no
new principles. In 1844 ha had spoken in
that county for the father of the American
system, and be was now ready again to do bat
tie against that enemy who had traduced and
defrauded hiui ; and, said Mr. 11., most hearti
ly do 1 co-operate with ury fellow countrymen
iu the endeavor to elevate that distinguished
American citizen wbo, at the same time, and
under the same circumstances, on every prairie
iu Illinois, raised his voice to vindicate the
character and policy of Henry Clay. Honor
to Abraham Lincoln for his devotion to Ilenry
Clay, and for his uuwavering fidelity to the
policy of "Protection to our Domestic indus
try !"
While, said Mr. H., I am ready to acknow
ledge that the great local advantages of the
position of this city, such as the magnificent
river before us, and the fertility of the sur
rounding country, may be considered as the
original spring of its prosperity ; still, all will
acknowledge that this current of prosperity
has been put to motion by the desire to de
velop the domestic industry of the country.—
To my uiiud no man cau stand in the uiijst of
such a scene as is now presented in this valley
without feeling keenly tho great importance of
this policy which we advocate, ainPwhich our
opponents despise. It has built your railway
to the coal-pits—it has united you with the
Hudson. Over your canals float treasures in
numerable. Foundries, forges, and steam
cugtnes have sprung up along the line of your
improvements. Beautiful cottages line the
hill sides of the mountains around us, while all
that is wanting to make our people happy, is
to strengthen the spring that moves the in
dustry of the country. The question of the
degree of protection is not of as much impor
tance as the preservation of the principle, and
that is a practical question. Labor, mote than
auy thing else, enters into production, and la
bor must vindicate its sovereignty. I speak
to nieu who go forth to labor until the evening.
Look at your represenatives—have your eye
upon the Capital, lie not deceived by party
means—look to your votes.
Hut we are for excluding slavery from the
Territories.
Ih ibis, also, said Air. H., Mr. Lincoln pre
sents no uew doctrine, and urges DO Dew prin*
ciple. The case has been thus stated in its histo
rical and constitutional aspect, by the late Whig
statesman. The argument 'still lives.'
The Constitution of the United States was
adopted iu 1788, and went into operation io
1789. At the time of its adoption the state
of the country was thus :—Slavery existed in
the southern States There was a very large
extent of un-occupied territory —which was
understood was destined to be formed into
States ; and it was then determined that no
slavery Bhould exist in this territory. The
motives which prompted the north to recognize
the existence of slavery io tbo southern States,
and to give a representative to those States,
founded iu part upon their slaves, rested on the
supposition that no new slave States were to
ho acquired on the southern frontier, and slave
ry wis to be excluded from tLo northwestern
territory.
Not only does this clearly appear from the
debates and history of the times, but as a ba
sis of consideration the south insisted that
w-.ere slavery existed it should not be inter
fered with.
A Weekly Paper, Devoted to Literature, Polities, the Arts, Sciences, Agriculture, &c., &c—Terms: One Dollar and Fifty Cents in Advance.
With this the People's party of this State
unhesitatiogly acquiesce. In the Convention
and in the first Congress it was a conceded
point that slavery, in the States in which it
existed, was a matter of State regulation ex
clusively. Congress had not the least power
over it. ( All agitations and attempts to disturb
the relations between waster and slave by per
sons not living in '.he slave States are uncon
stitutional In their spirit, and productive ot
evil and mischief.' No patriot should counte
nance them. The regulation of slavery is with
the States where it exists—the responsibility,
if there be any, is there.
But our opponents are not satisfied with the
recognition of these Constitutional rights. In
a speech delivered by President Buchanan,
from the executive mansion, at tho opening of
the present campaign, it is contended that this
old Whig doctrine of non-extension of slavery,
deprives our Southern brethren of their rights
in the territories. That, as the territories
were acquired by the common servico and
cowwou exertions of all—that they have the
right to carry their slaves 'as slaves' into the
new territories, or as the President states it,
'Any set of Principles which will deprive you
of your property is ag iiust tho very essence of
Republican Government, and to that extent
makes you a slave.'
The argumeut of Mr. Buchanan is uot ori
ginal. It was urged by another with great
force in the Senate in 1843, and was thus an
swered by Daniel Webster in his speech on
the 'exclusion of slavery from tho territories.'
"They say that in this way we deprive th;m of
the opportunity of going into this acquired territory
with their property. "Their property!" What do
they mean by 'property!' We certaiuly do uot de
prive theiu of the privilege of going into this newly
acquirred Territories witli all that, in the geueral
estimate of human society, in the general and com
mon and universal understanding of mankind, is
esteemed property. Not at ail. The truth is just
this; They have in their own States peculiar laws,
which create property in persons. They have a
system of local legislation' on which slavery rests;
while every body agrees that it is against natural
law, or, at least against the common understanding
which prevails among men, as to what is natural
law.
"The Southern States have peculiar laws, and by
those laws there is property in slaves. This is pure
ly local. The real meaning, tbeu, of Southern gen
tlemen. in making this complaint, is, that they can
not go iuto the Territories of the United States
carrying with them their own peculiar local law, a
law which creates property in persons. This, ac
cording to their own statement, is all the ground of
complaint they have. Now here, I think, gentle
men, they are unjust towards us. How unjust they
a e others will judge; geuerations that will come
after us will judge. It will not bo contended that
this sort of personal slavery exists by general law.
It exists only by local daw. I do not mean to deny
the validity of that local law where it is established,
but I say it is, after all, local law. It is nothing
more. And wherever that local law does not extend
property in persons does not exist. Well, sir, what,
is now the demand on the part of our Southern
friends? They say.- We will carry our local law
with us wherever we go. We insist that Congress
docs us injustice unless it establishes it iu the Ter
ritories in which we wish to go with our own local
law. This demand I for one resist, and shall resist.
It goes upon the idea that there is an inequality,
unless persons under this local law, and holding
property by authority of that law, can go Into new
territory and there establish that local law, to the
exclusion of the general law.
"Now, our friends seem to think that an inequal
ity arises from restraining them from going into the
Territories, unless there be a law jirovided which
shall protect their ownership in persons. The as
sertion is, that we create an inequality. Is there
nothing to be said on the other side in relation to
inequality? Sit, from the date ot this Constitution,
and in tire counsels that formed and established this
Constitution, and I suppose in all men's judgment
since, it is received as a settled truth, that slave
labor and fiee labor do not exist well together. I
have before me a declai*ion of Mr. Mason, in the
Convention that formed the Constitution, to that
effect. Mr. Mason, as is well known, was a distin
guished member troin Virginia. He says that the
objection to slave labor is, that it puts free white
labor in disrepute; that it causes labor to be regard
ed as derogatory to the character of the free white
man, and that the tree white man despises to work,
to use bis expression, where slaves are employed.
This is a matter of great interest 10 the free States,
if it be true, as to a great exteut it certainly is, that
wherever slave labor prevails, tree white labor is ex
cluded or discouraged. I agree that slave labor
does not necessarily exclude free labor totally.
There is free white labor in Virginia, Tennessee and
other States, where most of the lal>or is done by
slaves. But it necessarily loses some of its respect
ability, by the side of, and when associated with
slave labor Wherever labor is mainly performed
by slaves, it is regarded as degrading to freemen.
The freemen of the North, therefore, have a deep
interest in keeping labor free, exclusively tree, in
the new Territories.
"But, sir, let us look further into this alleged in
equality. There is no pretence that southern peo
ple may not go into Tenitory which shall be subject
to the Ordinance of 1787. The only restraint is,
that they shall not carry slaves thither, and continue
that relation. They say this shuts thein altogether
out. Why, sir, there can be nothing more inaccu
rate in point of fact than this statement. I under
stand that one halt the people who settled Illinois
are people, or descendants of people, who came
from the Southern States. And I suppose that one
third of the people of Ohio are those, or descend
ants of those, who emigrated from the South. And
I venture to say, that, in respect to those two States,
they are at this day settled by people of southern
origin in as great a proportion as they are by peo
ple of northern origin, according to the general
numbers and proportion of the people, South and
North. There are as many people from the South,
:n proportion to the whole people of the whole
South, in those States, as there are from the North,
in proportion to the whole people of the North.—
There is, then, no exclusion of southern people;
there is only the exclusion of a peculiar local law.
Neither in principle nor in fact is there any inequal
ity.
The question, whether it was not competent
tor Congress to prevent its further increase was
met and answered by the same authority io the
same year. Congress 'has full power over the
Bubjeot. it may establish any such government
and auy such laws in the Territories as in its
discretion it may see fit.' This was certainly
the opinion of Wm. Pinkney, as derived from
his celebrated argument on the Missouri ques
tion, when he expressed the hope that the whole
subject might be disposed of by a 'proscriptive
prohibition of slavery in the Territory north
and west of Missouri.'
Does Mr. Lincoln proclaim any new doc*
BEDFORD, PA., FRIDAY, AUGUST 24, 1860.
trine? Listen to the old Whig champion in
the Senate, iu February, 1.859: "Sir, I have
Baid that I never could vote for it; and I re
peat that 1 never can and never will vote for
it; and no earthly power shall ever make me
vote to plant slavery where slavery does not
exist." Two weeks later, on the 20th of Feb
tuary, 1850, he said again, in the same arena:
"From the earliest moment when 1 oould con
sider the institution of slavery, L have hel*r
and 1 have said, that from that day down to
the present, again and again; and I shall go to
the grave with the opinion, that it is an evil,
a social and political evil."
Look now then at what has been the course
of our opponents upon this question. It is
not that the people of the Territory shall de
termine the question, although that is the view
of one fragment of the opposition; but that
the Constitution of itself carries slavery into
the Territories. And what has been the prac
tical effect of this judicial construction? noth
ing more than this, that slavery is to be forced
into the Teiritories as au element of political
power. That the youthful territory of Kan
sas is to be dragged into the Uuion with the
iron collar of servitude upon her neck—but
never is to be admitted as long as she persists
in wearing upon her brow the civic crown of
Republican Freedom.
Against all such reasouiog the people of
this State most solemnly protest. Nu judi
cial construction of the Constitution has to
this hour ever justified it.
But, said Mr. H., it is supposed that Mr
Lincoln has placed himself on a platform, a
portion of which is hostile to Americans of
the opposition. If Americanism was tho hos
tile aud proscriptive principle which our oppo
nents considered in 1856, there might be some
thing in this suggestion; but 1 Lava uever so
considered it.
Iu 1857, the American Convention honored
me with the Domination for the highest office
in the gift of tba people of this State. In that
canvass, I spoke freely and unreservedly to
eitizens, native and adopted, in various sec
tions of the State. In this city I said 'with
the right of suffrage as to the foreigoer who
has immigrated, or with his privilege to be
naturalized under oar present system, we do
not propose to interfere.' It was to the faith
ful and honest administration of the naturali
zation laws that the efforts of the American
party were directed; bow entirely Cn*wUUg
the reoent developments at Washington have
strikingly exhibited.
Nor did tbe American party prosoiibe any
one on account of his religion—the argumeut
was in favor of an unlimited freedom of reli
gion, and the unrestrained right to adopt and
practice any form of worship; the only qualifi
cation was, that there should be DO combina
tion to control the American ballot box.
To these sentiments I have nothing to add
or alter. I believed then as 1 believe now,
that the times demanded the organization.
Let us then unite aud press ou for tbe ac
complishment of the great purposes of the
People's Party. We are all Americans, link
ed now and forever to the fates aud fortunes
of our beloved country. The party of dis
union is in tho field—the Vice President of the
Republic bears its standard onward and for
ward—the President from tho windows of the
Executive mansiou waves encouragement, while
a motley troupe are uiarshaliDg their forces
conjoined beneath tbe impious banner of a
'Southern Republic.'
1 do not desiro to state the case too strong
ly. I read from the address of llendrick R.
Wright, the presiding officer of the reoent De
mocratic State Convention:
"After Yancey and the DUuriionists went
out of the regular Convention, it occurred to
nac (hat it would be profitable to me to go in
to the Secession Convention and ascertain tor
myself the sentiments thero proclaimed. 1
did go into the Yancey Convention, and dur
ing the two hours I was there, as God is my
judge, 1 heard nothing but with reference to
the expediency of erecting a Southern Re
public upon tbe ruins of the present Uuion.
If Mr. Breckiuridge bo not a disuoioni9t him
self, it must bo conceded that he is the candi
date of the disuuienists. He is, then, in tbe
hands of the worst meu that this country has
ever seen. Those men are fixed upon a disso
lution of this Union and the erection of a
Southern Confederacy. Ido not care what
their apologists may say; 1 have heard their
debates and L know that which I do speak.—
(Applause.) Disunion was the cry of the dis
union movemout at Charleston and at Haiti
more. Breckinridge is the pliant tool of tbe
Disuoiooists—the men who. proclaim front tho
housetops that they want disunion. Audsucb
are the men that the Democratic party of
Pennsylvania are asked to support. For one,
1 never will submit to such burning dishonor.
1 ask the people of Pennsylvania to ponder
over this statement. The authority is emi
nently respectable. The facts are carefully
stated. The subject of discussion—a South
ern Confederacy—the place,—a Democratic
Convention!
Fellow citizens, our path of duty is plaiu.
Fidelity to all sections and at all times, and
obedience to the constitutional authorities of
the land, will make our Union perpetual.—
With our Uuion as it is, and thorough frater
nal fechog between its various parte, we utay
present ourselves to the world as a grand na
tionality, fostering its own labor and develop
ing its own resources.
Let us move on in defeuce of theae great
principles, just as we would move on in de
fence of those stars and stupes, the proud em
blems of our native land.
Let us meet disunion with Uniou. That
Union which gave us the Constitution. 'That
Union which with successive strides of prog
ress has crossed tbo Alleghenies, the Ohio, the
Mississippi and tho Missouri', has stretched its
living arms almost from the Arctic Cirole to
the tepid waters of tho Gulf: has belted tho
Continent with rising States; has unlocked the
treasure of the Siera Madre, and flung out the
banners of the Republic to the gentle breezes
of the Peaceful Sea ' Fellow citizens, let our
watchword be the Constitution and the UnioD.
KEEP IT BEFORE TilE PEOPLE,
That a Democratic Senate of the U. States,
avfeated the Tariff act, which a Republican
House of Representatives passed.
That Henry D. Foster was in Washington
city when the Tariff bill was before the Senate,
aqd that instead of using his efforts aDd re
puted eloquence to secure the passage of an
act-to protect the interests and the industry of
Pennsylvania, he wa3 in secret conference with
tb# administration, arranging plans to carry
this State for Breckinridge, free-trade and
slavery. ,
*fhat a democratic Seoate defeated the Home
stead bill, because it proposed to apportion the
jiiblic domain among the free white laborers of
nation, who would become actual settlers
oil and cultivators of such land It was op
posed by Democratic Senators with whom 11.
Lv Foster sympathises, because it threatened
aujl would have curtailed the spread of slave
ry* It was thus opposed by an administration
which now supports and advocates Henry D.
Foster, because it promised to biiug free States
into the confederacy, and thus change the slave
ruling influence of the United States Senate,
it was opposed by the friends of Henry D.
Foster, and that opposition seconded and ap
proved by his silence, because it tended to ad
vance free instead of slave labor—to briog
capital within the reach and control of honest
industry, and to place that industry, beyond
the influence of speculation.
KEEP IT BEFORE THE PEOPLE,
That in a crisis ot great danger to every in*
terest ot this country, involving the welfare of
labor, the progress of civil and religious liber,
ty, the perpetuity of the Uuioo, as well as the
saored rights and dignity of the North, Henry
D.-Foster is silenced by his personal fears.—
He sees the South striking down the industry
ot his native State, and he applauds the motive
which nerves the arm to inflict the ruthless
biuw. 110 sees the South pushing forward in
stitutions that are disgracing, degrading and
da lining the noble aspirations and achieve,
moots of a free people, and he lends his in
flueiOue to two work by an ambiguous silence
which hie friends call "independence," and
which Stepheu A. ltouglas claims as the great
principle of "uon-iuterventiou."
KEEP IT BEFOBE THE PEOPLE,
That the Republican party advocate and are
pledged to secure the passage of an aol to pro
tect the industry of the country.
That the Republican party are pledged to
secure our territory for freedom —the free la
bor of the white man.
That ihe Republican party are opposed to
direct taxation to raise revenue for supporting
the government.
That the Republican party are in favor of
opening the territory of the nation to improve,
meat and enterprise, by the passage of a home
stead act, granting lands to beads of families
who will become actual settlers thereon. By
such a plan it is proposed to briug the land of
government into market—creating competition
by tbe encouragement of emigration to the
West, to torui new commonwealths of freemen,
each adding to the strength of the Uuiou, the
independence of free white labor, and tbe
power and glory of tbe country at borne and
abroad.
KEEP IT BEFORE TUE TEOrLE,
That Audrcw G Curtin is in favor of a
Frotceiive Tarifl as passed by the Houso of
Representatives—and that lleury D. Foster
aided secietly, with Biglcr, to defeat that same
Tariff bill in the Senate.
That Andrew G. Uurtin is in favor of free
homes for free white men, to be apportioned
out of the public domain, while Henry D.
Foster is in favor of devoting that domain
eternally to the uses of slavery.
That Audrew G. Uurtin is in favor of free
speech, free schools and free press—while H.
D. Foster refuses to acknowledge cither tbe
'reedom of speech, schools or the press, by bis
lileuce iu the present campaign, his sympathy
\tth an institution that banishes freedom of
speech from tbe hails of its local legislature,
muzzles its press, exercises an espioo ige in the
jost-offices in its localities—and with the whip
and thong seeks to crush every man and every
orgicizition that upholds tbe sacred light of
lift, liberty and the franchise.
Will the people of Feoosylvania ponder
those (ruths ? The comparison that we here
make between tbe two candidates before them
for Governor is true and just. The Repub.
bean candidate, A. G. Uurtin, has no conceal
ments to make. He is daily before the people
advocating the immutable principles of justice
to all interests ; and equal and exact laws for
all men. He does not falter when freedom is
up for discussion. He does not shrink when
tbe Homestead law is broached. His iips are
not sealed or bis bands idle when tbe rights of
laboi becomes tbe issue. He is square and fair
on all these great questions. How is it with
bis opponent, Henry D. Foster ? Let bis
opponent's own position be taken in answer.—
Let Henry D. Foster's sileuce illustrate, if it
can, tbe plans of chicanery and deceit by which
be hopes to be elevated to tbe chief executive
control of the interests, industry and prospects
of Fenusylvauia. Tbe distinction between
such men is easily drawu. Tbe difference is as
easily defined. The people will have no trouble
in discovering in Andrew G. Uurtin a man for
tbe crisis and the Commonwealth — Harris'wrg
Tt.legraph.
Uol. Orr, late Speaker of ths House of Rep
resentatives, has written a letter stating that
as tbe election of Lincoln is certain, the South
should secede at onoe. We think so too.
VIULIFYING THE DISTINGUISHED DEAD.—
Mr. Douglas and bis backers are fond of refer
ring to Clay and Webster as authorities to sus
tain their shaky creed. But they dare not
quote the words of theso revered statesmen by
which the doctrine of slavery oxtecsion is in
dignantly rebuked.
Mr. YVebster, in bis celebrated 7th of Maroh
speech, gave utterance to this significant lan
guage:
"Sir, wherever tbore is a particular good to
be done, wherever there is a foot of land to be
staid from becoming slave Territory, 1 am ready
to assert the pricoiple of tho exclusion of sla
very. I ana pledged to it from the year 1837;
1 have been pledged to it again and again, I
will perform those pledges."
In his Marsbficld speech, in 1848, Mr. Web
ster said:
"If my friends, tho term "free soil" party,
or "free soil man," is meant to designate one
wbo has been fixed unalterably—to day, yes
terday, or for some days past —in opposition to
slavery extension, then 1 may claim to be, and
may bold myself as good a "free soil" man as
any member of that Buffalo Convention."
In a speech in the United States Senate, the
same year, he bad occasion to discuss this same
question of "property" in slaves, in its appli
cation to the Territories:
"The real meaning then, of southern gen
tlemen, in making this complaint, is, that they
cannot go into the territories of tbe United
States, carrying with tbem their own peculiar
local law, a law which creates property in per
sons. * * It will not be contended that this
sort of personal slavery exists by genoral law.
It exists ouly by local law. * * And
wherever that local law does not extend, pro
perty in persons does not exist, Well sir, what
is now tbe demand on the part of our southern
frieuds? They say, 'we will carry our local
laws with us wherever we go. YVe insist that
Congress does us injustice, unless it establishes
in tbe territories in which we wish to go, our
own local law.' This demand, I for one resist,
and shall resist."
The "Little Giant" appoals to the sympathies
of "old Wbigs," by claiming that he staads on
the same gruund with respect to slavery as
Henry Clay. The impudence of this olaim will
appear from the following:
"Slavery is a social and a political evil, * *
and no earthly power shall make mo vote to
plaut it where it does not exist."— Henry
Clay.
"I don't care whether slavery is voted down
or voted np in Kansas."— Sena f or Douglas.
And yet the former was Southern by b>rtb,
while the latter was nurtured iuNew Kugland!
So true is it that "the renegade Christian makes
the worst turk."— Chic. Jour.
The division journals supporting Henry D.
Foster are publishing a paragraph translated
from a German paper, printed on the sunny
side of a sunny and beautiful village in Cen
tre county, by a most rampant office holder of
the Buchanan administration. The name of
this fiery newspaper is the Bene/iter, and it
charges Col. Curtin with having OD a certaiu
occasion spokeu disrespectfully of the German
population of Centre couDty. Of course such
small talk and weak charges are not desigued
to influence the German population of Centre
county—the GermaD yeomanry that have been
there for seventy years, struggling with the
kinsman of our gallant gubernatorial candi
date, uutil they huve made the rallies and the
mountains of old Centre, the abode of peace
and plenty, with a genorous hospitality une
qualled in any oiher portion of the Common
wealth. Such charges as the postmaster edi
tor of the Btrichltr publishes and are copied
by the venal press advocating Foster, are re
garded at home in CeDtre county as not only
talse and malicious, but supremely ridiculous.
Instead of being the defamer of any particu
lar olass of peopio, Col. Curtin is the friend of
every man wuo deserves friendship and re
spect by the rectitude of bis purposes and the j
decency of bis actions. With the German ;
population of Centre county —the old resident j
German families, the name of Curtin is a talis- !
man ot enthusiasm. They look ou "ABdy" as
their friend and advocate, their counoil in eve- i
ry difficulty. Among his clients are hosts of \
these very people—among his warmest friends !
and supporters are the German farmers of
Fenn, Brush and Nittany vallies. We now j
write of what wo know. We know that "Au- i
dy Curtin" is personally and politically one of
the most popular and esteemed men in Centre
county —and we also know that our young
friend, the editor of the Bene/iter, the post
master in Aaronsburg, Centre county, allows
his enthusiasm to oloud his reason, and his
prejudice to misdirect his judgment of men and
measures, wbeu he asserts that Col. Curtin
does not respeat and is respected in return by
ths Germans of CeDtre county."— Harrisburg
Telegraph.
JOHN L. ORR AT HOME. —It is not every
one in South Carolina that echoes the senti
ments of Mr. Orr iu his reoent letter. The
Charleston J\'tws responds to it in the follow
ing pungent paragraph:
Mr. Orr is oomplaisant enough to declare
that would or would not be his "assent" as to
the course whioh may have to be taken in the
event of Lincoln's election. Indeed! The
'oracle' declares against separate secession.—
Who proposes it? Ho oatoties at a straw. If
action thus becomes necessary, it will no doubt
be by, at least nearly all, the cotton states.—
Do uot be so authoritative, Mr. Orr, — 'Othello's
occupation is ;none * The people of the state,
and of the South, will not ask the opinion of a
rnao, who during his whole career, was never a
champion of Southern rights as against the in
terests of national or northern Democracy, on
what may pertain to southern action. His'as
sent' or dissent is not of the slightest moment
I or weight.
VOL. 33. NO. 34.
Tbe Success of Buchanau Democracy.
It has succeeded in dividing tho American
people into sectional factions, wherever its rale
and influence have extended to a political or
ganization.
It has succeeded in bankrupting the Trea
sury, filled to overflowiog when it came into
power.
It has succeeded in driving from its support
and respect, the ablest men who were engaged
in its elevation to power.
It has succeeded in changmg a surplus of
twenty million into a defioit of fifty million of
dollars. ,
It has succeeded in disgracing tbc country by
eqoouragiug piratical raids upon nations with
whom we are at peace.
It has succeeded in opening the African slave
trade, after it had been pronounced unconstitu
tional by every administration since the forma
tion of tbe Constitution.
It has succeeded in defeating all legislation
tending to the encouragement and protection of
American industry.
It has succeeded in defeating the Homestead
bill, providing free homes for free white men.
It has succeeded in silencing candidates for
tho most important offioes in the gift of the peo
ple.
It has succeeded in demoralizing its own
press, by suborning it with threats or bribes.
These eoDstitute a very small portion of the
"successes" of tho present National Adminis
tration, which the people of Pennsylvania and
the Union are expected to endorse by voting
for Breckinridge and Lace. They are expect
ed to endorse these "successes" too, by voting
for Henry D. Poster. Breckinridge and Fos
ter represent tbe spirit and tendencies of tbc
administration in Pennsylvania—tbe former by
his ingratitude iu assisting to destroy a party
which created him politically, and the other by
his silence and duplicity, is hoping to delude
the people into his support. — Harrisburg T*U
graph.
SPEECH OF MR. LINCOLN.
At tbe tremendous demonstration* at Spring
field, 111., on Wednesday, Hon. Abraham Lio.
coin was forced by the kindly violence of his
friends to speak. He congratulated them on
their unanimity, and said :
"I confess with gratitude—be it understood,
that I did not suppose that my appearauoe
among you would create tbe tumult which I
now witness. [Renewed cheers.] lam pro
foundly grateful for this manifestation of your
feelings. 1 am grateful because it is a
tribute such as oan be paid to no man as a man.
[Applause.] It is a proof that four years
hence yon will make a like manifestation to
the next man who is the representative of the
truth on the questions that now agitata the
public. [Cheers.] It is evident that you will
fight for this causo then as you now fight for
it, and even stronger than you now fight,
tnongh Ibe dead and gone. 1 most profound
ly and sincerely thank you.
Haviug said this, let me now say that it is
my wish that you hear the public discussions by
our friends here for the purpose of addressing
you, and let me be silent."
ID striking contract with these modest de
clarations are the stump harangues of Doug
las in New England, which bis own best friends
there deeply deplore, and his parade through
those States with a few fawning demagogues at
his heels.
TOE GERMAN PRESS OP INDIANA. —The
Leavenworth Zeitung publishes a list of the
German papers in Indiana which support Lin
coln and Hamlin with their political standing
ID 1556. The following is the list:—
NAMES, 1856. 1860.
Volksbattle, Evansville, Dem. Kep.
Staata Zeitung, Ft. Wayne, Dem. Kep.
Post, Lafayette, Neut. Rep.
ZeituDg Terre Haunte, Dem. Kep:
Freie Blatter, La Parse, Dem. Rep.
Froie Presse, Indianapolis, Rep. Rep.
Only one German paper in the State sup
ports either of the Democratic candidates.
NEW JERSEY.
A prominent Republican in New Jersey
writes to the New York Tribune, that "the
Republican cause is steadily improving," and
from the best information which he can gain
from all parts of the State, the vote will be
about 107,000 which will be divided as fol
lows :
Lincoln and Hamlin, about 56,000
Breckinridge and Lane, 22,000
Douglas and Johnson, 26,000
Bell and Everett, and scattering 3,000
Total, 107,000
Henry A. Wise has pronounced in favor of
Breckinridge and Lane. This was to be ex
pected. Mr. Wise, true to his aDcient devo
tion to slavery aud its atrocities, is perfectly
consistent in declaring a preference for his
candidate representing all the interests, in
stincts and influences of that institution.
Let the laboring men remember that the Re"
publican House of Representatives at Washing
ton last winter passed a Protective Tariff bill,
but that the Democratic Senate defeated it,
and voto accordingly.
The edisor of the Marion (Alabama) Ameri
can tells a brother editor that be is a Southern
organ-grinder, with a Northern monkey n his
box.