• v
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BY DAVID OVER.
SPEECH
OP
HON. JOHN HICKMAN,
AT A REPUBLICAN MASS MEETING IN THE
CITY OP PHILADELPHIA.
My subject, to-uigbf, fellow-citizens, is polit
ical issues and Presidential candidates.
Tho intelligent voter will so shape bis actions
as to make it conduce to the success of prinoi
pie rather than the elevation of a man. He
will feel this to be more incumbent upon bim
at such a time as the present, when the tenden
cies of parties arc more distinctly marked than
in any previous campaign. It will bo my ob- j
ject, this evening, to endeavor to exhibit, in a ,
distinct light, the dividing line between the j
political p irties of the day, and to ascertain,
if possible, what, in all probability, would be
the effect upou the country of the election of j
the respective candidates for ibe Presidency.
If this were a strife merely between individ
ual tueu, it would possess but trifling import
ance, and 1 should not trouble you with either
remark or suggestion. Kut as I regard the
.contest, the determination will soon be made
not alone to our value iu the Confederacy,
bat as to the destiny of the nation itself.
The policy of our GoVernment is, io many
respects, undefined. Tho more serious ques
tions affecting us have but recently become
topics of careful consideration. Our fathers
were unable to farsce, during the formation of
the Constitution, the greater embarrassment to
which the future of the country was to be sub
jected, and consequently no provision was made
against them. Subjects which distracted an 1
divided them, ir. their deliberations, have lost
much of their former consequence, and we seem
to be more anxious to ascertain what they
should hive said further, than what they ac
tually did say. Even the controversies in
which we ourselves bavo been engaged within
the last decade, have been settled or lost sight
of, and we are now about to enter into tiiat
conflict which is to define many of the most
important powers of the Govcruuient, and to
fix the character of the dominant institutions
of the country. The propriety of eligibility to
office, the exact relations between Federal aud
local authority, the constitutionality of banks
and internal improvements, tho regulation of
the currencyf and the distribution of the pro
ceeds of the public lands, are uo longer agi
tated; and discussions upon tbeua are only to
be found in our past history, and in the fossil
remains of extinct parties. It may iu truth be
said that old things have pissed away and all
things have become new.
There was a time, not very far back in the
past, when slavery was univetsaJly admitted to
be a wrong in se, unwise in practice, detrimen
tal to both individuals and couimunites, and
against the spirit and genius of our free sys
tem Now, however, it is declared to be di
vine, in its origin, the highest type of human
civilization, and in-iispensible to the maiotain
ance of a Democratic republic. Formerly it
was regarded as a condition to be constantly re
duced and finally to be extinguished. Now,
on the contrary, the demand is urged that it
snail be extended, and made controlling. Here
1 find the cause or source of the great politi
cal issue of the present. Shall slavery become
a national institution and a governing power
in the country, or shall it remain as the Con
stitution left it ? This is not an inquiry pro
pounded by us of the North, but forced upon
us by our brethren of the South. They require
an answer at our hands and we cannot avoid
response if we would. Silence upon our part,
under the circumstances, could not be con-tru
ed otherwise than us affirmative of their claims.
I make the distinct avowal that slavery seeks
the acquisition of ail our Dew States; for two
objects: first, to secure the value of slaves,
and, second, to direct the powers of the Fed
era! Government.
"i be irrepressible conflict,"' so frequently
comnie'.ted on and denounced by the Souib, is
constantly admitted and acted on by them.—
i bey are too astute as observers aud sagacious
as politicians Di>t to know there is a necessary
'■nd unending antagonism between liberty and
slavery. If they thought differently there would
be more peace and harmony between the sec
tions. It is there fuli appreciation of the strug
gle for the mastery which arms them for the con
flict,and induces them to wrestle for the victory.
There is no more evideut fact than this: the ad
vocates of slavery seek its extension so as to lim
it the influence of the sentiment of freedom. We
hate tyranny, and would prevent such a con
summation. They ask that uli who shall be
held as property —be regarded, in the chaste
'anguage of an eloquent Senator, as '•mud-
Mils.'' WO believe ih*t Go J created all men
free, and imposed labor upon them for their
advantage. Which hypothesis shall be proven
true? We shall see hereafter! But know
ing that the principles of justice are uniform
and eternal, 1 presume to believe that those
principles will prevail, and burnau rights be
maintained. lam not ignorant or the fact that
'hose who sappose they might rightfully make
merchandise of mothers and their children
•>eem to think they cao shape the designs of
IVovidcnco and rewrite the history of humanity,
everything our fathers thought, aud' for the
maintenance of which they perilled life and
bonor. I must be pardoned for disagreeing
with them, and protesting against such con
clusions.
The extension of negro slavery into the Ten
t-ones of the United Elates has become a settled 1
policy of the Democratic party. This reality
cannot be disguised, and ought not to be de
fied. It is accounted for. .Unity of interest
and unity of desire will always pfoduce a per
fect concentration of strength. Tho fortunes
°f the South have become completely identified j
*h their peculiar domestic relations. By
ueir Harmony they have been euabled to gov- i
-rn tho Democratic party, and, thus tar, to
govern the country through the agency of that '■
A Weekly Paper, Devoted to Literature, Politics, the Arts, Sciences, Agriculture, &c., &c—Terms: One Dollar and Fifty Cents in Advance.
parly. The vital force of that organization
being in the South, and slavery propagandist!]
regarded there as a necessity, it cannot be
considered strange th t the influence of the
party should be so directed as to fortify doc
trines most congenial to the supposed welfare
of those who direct the machinery. To many
it has seemed unaccountable that executive ac
tion and legislative and judicial proceedings
should be shaped, from year to year, as to
strengthen the few at the expense of the great
mass of our people. Let it qo longer be re
garded as a marvel or a mistery : the respon
sibility of it rests with those Northern men in
whom we have reposed our confidence, and
clothed with the garments of authority. Ex
amine the record of votes in your National
Congress, and there learu why it is that North
ern capital and labor are constantly born down
by the enormous weight of Southern exaction.
When your reasonable requests are denied, I
tell you, with earnestness and emphasis, it is
because eight millions of men eoutrol eighteen
uiiiiians, through our representatives elected
by a party pledged to interests adverse to ours.
Slavery educates its statesmen in a high school,
under able professors. It teaches that the
Northern men are cowardly, and that their am
bition is linked with avarice ; and,unfortunate
ly for us, it Ins arguments to fortify its faith.
In half a century it may not be credited that
less than a dozen men, trained uader these cir
cumstances, so alarmed a i'euDsvlvania Pre
sident as to induce him to recast a message,
violate the plighted faith upon which be was
elected, disgrace his native State, and degrade
the high offi.-e to which he bad then but re
cently beeu elevated. And yet not only this
has been done almost within our presence, but
the Representatives of free constituencies lnvo :
been induced to lend their aid to force sorvile :
tahor into competion with that of white men,
aud a slave State into the sisterhood of inde
pendencies to throw the balance of power
ag nst thoir own (eople. Some of these are]
now not only respectable members of the j
Douglas church, but missionaries among the
Uube ieviog and outside barbarians. 1 Lava
somo of them very distinctly in my recollection,
and would be quito refreshing to hear their re
marks of laudation of popular sovereignty,
such as they denied to Kansas, and in dentin- !
cialion ot Southern demands, to which thev
succumbed as reluctantly as a thrice-seduced
damsel to her lover. I believe it was Mirabeau
who said "the presents of despotism ate always
dangerous j" he should have included in bis
remark, the threat of the tyrant as well as bis
reward.
The allegation bat Southern combinations
are formed for tne purpose of counteracting op
position extremists, is sheer false pretence, re
sorted to as a bliud and cheat. No fears ever
sprung from such parentage. Slavery does
uot exist by legal enactment anywhere ; it is
the clild ot force, aud as the sentiment of the
world is against it, it canuot live without the
sustaining hand ot power. Surrounded by an
atmosphere of freedom, it is necessarily un
safe, and defences become necessary. V assalage
and subjection Dtver imptess themselves, with
l out violence, upon the natural man, whilst, on
j the coutrary, the sentiments of freedom must
| forever disturb the subjects of a despotism.—
The South, to be safe, must, therefore, extend,
through and beyond ail the countervailing in
fluences to which 1 have referred, and conse
quently our frontier possessions must be cap
tured. But as the inherent weakness of the
South is cot equal to this task, craft is resort
ed to supply the needed assistance. Upon
whom can this be more advantageously brought
to bear than a President without courage, a
judge without candor, or a legislator without
integrity? We are sold or betrayed hourly,
aud if we had uot more forbearance than dis
cretion we would terrify traitors. Millions of
acres ot fertile lands, every now and then, are
filched from our industrial classes, who require
thetn for the support and education of their
families, to bo turned iuto barren wastes by
those who have already blasted more than one
half of our soil as with an avalanche of fire,
factories aud workshops are loitering iu rums,
and families and neighborhoods lelt starving
and in rags, because fostered industry is not
required iu that region whore the laboring man
has no rights which the owner of men is bound
to respect. And ships rot at our wharves, and
storehouses become but a rendezvous for idlers
aud vagrants, for the reason that uncompensa
ted chattel sinews yield fruits more cheaply
than compensated skill, and require no shield
against the pauper products of Europe. If a
change of tariff laws were required by the
South iustead of the North, they not could fail
of its accomplishment. In that oase the jPresi
dent would advocate it with ardor, if not with
sincerity, and our Senators would again illus
trate tho fact of their truckling subjection to
those who secretly abhor their baseness and
iutidelity. Our earnest wishes are not only
constantly degraded, but our prosperity is re
morselessly paralyzed by our servants, without
an audible murmur on our part; and wo are
not much averse, as we have often proven, to
conferring new leases of offices upon such as
deceive us, to affurd tbeui further opportunities
fr mischief. Does this seem unaccountable ?
1 suggest no, in view of the truth I havo just
stated, that the party soliciting them has its
heart and brain in the South, and its obeying
members merely in the North. The remedy
for this shameless evil is as easy as it is sim
ple. We need but imitate the example set us
by those who have caused this condition of
things. Concord and inflexibility of purpose
will accomplish ail we ask. Nothing else
ever can or ever will. We might as well
expeet a divided and discordant army, mar
shalled uoder opposing generals, to capture
the powerful and thoroughly disciplined and
guarded city, as for Northern rights and North
ern honor to be sustained by men in tho pay
and keeping of those who would weaken aud
BEDFORD. PA., FRIDAY. AUGUST 10, 1860.
! reduce u?. In the ordinary business of life
we never trust fbe faithless and dishonest; I
can imagine no reason for engaging sucb as sen
tinels over our entire fortunes. Just so long
as our custom houses, post offices, navy yards,
and mints shall be stocked with thousands se
lected virtually by those who are in branded
opposition to us, and whoso principal business,
we are instructed to believe, is compounding
politics with perfidy, it will be impossible to
render our condition batter than it is. These
leprosy-yards must be oleaused. Their occu
pants load the air with a contagious corruption.
Throughout their bodias aud their souls jhey
bear the parks of the distemper with which the
aristocratic pollutiouists has touched tbem. I
risk but little in saying that at this very hour,
this mighty phalanx, scattered throughout the
eighteen Northern States, having a common
aud powerful bond of union, are devising mea
sures to dispo'tl our industrial classes, by con
fining them in densely-crowded fields of labor,
or forcing tbem to enter into competition and
companionship with ignorant aud brutalized
bondmen. They all, ves all, have been brought
to believe that the doctrines of the Declaration
of Independence are but sterotypad lie-; that
founders of the nation had but a sorry couccp
tiou of inalieuable rights: that the Constitution
which thoy framed was intend.d as an instru
ment of cruelty and crime; and that the fairest
feature of frco republican association is a union
of States peopled with the lowest grade of i
slaves? Am I right? What is the trouble j
against which we havo to contend? Is it not
the steady influence of what may with propri- |
ety be called political conspiracies to mislead I
the public iniud, and taint the public heart? Is
it not an Administration blackened with treacb- I
ery, and crooked and tottering under the weight !
of its depravity, using ail the patronage of- I
fice, and all the fascinations of position to ut
terly destroy us, by ruakiug the Territories or
the country but garrisons for the enemies oi •
freedom, aud the labor of white men degrading
and fruitless beyond the limits of the present i
States? Jf iam in error, what is the correct j
interpretation of the political discords of the :
last six years?
I anticipate fully that my suggested mode of re
dress for existing abuses will be denounced as sec
tional; to which I answer it it be so, the antidote
to a bane may be a bane itself, '•similta timililns
curanlur." Hut its liability to the charge is denied/
The real sectionalism is arrayed against us; Ido
but counsel systematic and persisteut resistance.—
In studies of the fundamental doctrines of our
common charter, and tbe dispensations of the fa
vors of Government, we should never know a
North, a South, an East oi a West. My com
plaint is that others act as if they thought differ
ently. I trust we shall always be able to command
the exercise of such a patriotism and comity as to
forever preclude us from aggression upon a section
interior to ours ia every element of maternal
strength and greatness. It can never be otherwise
than dastardly to press upon ibe weak and sickly.
It will lie noticed that I have spoken of the De
mocratic party without reference to its present dis
traction. My reason for so doing is found in the
opinion I entertain that these dissensions do not af
fect issues—as neither branch indicates a disposi
tion to meet, fairly and openly, the great political
problem of the times. Iu casting the votes we
should lie accurately informed as to their effect up
on the policy we desire to see established. We
should not be made instruments in the hands o * anv
ambitious man,or the hands of any combination of
reckless and unscrupulous men, to force an unnat
ural growth of slavery in the country, and to blast
the hopes of our own people, contrary to what has
heretofore been the understanding of the Constitu
tion of the United States, and in palpable viola
tion of what has been regarded as a settled nation
al policy. It should be a matter of stinging regret
to us, if from our bearing in the present contest
we could be fairly charged hereafter with a viola
tion of the principles we have long professed to
cherish, or with having imposed any, the slightest
impediment in the pathway of a national, weli
grounded, and progressive liberty.
The all-absorbing qnestion now presented to the
American citizen, for what will prove to be his ul
timate decision, I have watched narrowly as it has
risen into importance from year to year, and I
think I know the opinions of tbe several Presi
dential candidates respecting it.
I am not aware that the supporters of Mr. Breck
inridge attempt any concealment as to his designs
in case of his success. If they should desire to
resort to prevarication, they have placed it entirely
without their power, by the' frankness and boldness,
and I had almost said the recklessness of their
declarations. He has been brought forth promi
nently, alike in speech and platform, as the Achilles
of the armies of the South, and as the determined
foe of free soil, free speech and free men. He
stands u[>on no single Democratic sentiment, un
less, indeed, what were regarded by all statesmen
within the last fifteen years as the pretentious here
sies of John C. Calhoun can be so regarded. He
so reads the teachings of the sages of tbe past, and
their primary law, as to make it fruitless to attempt
an exclusion of his peculiar and favorite institution
from the organized Territories, and so as to make
it indispensable that Congresses, Courts and Presi
dents should exercise all their ingenuity, and all
their powers, to fortify and sustain it there. Leg
islative action is to be invoked, judicial decrees
and executive fiats pronounced, navies equipped
and armies marshalled, to exclude forever every
settler therefrom who will not bow down before the
black god of his idolatrous worship.
I appeal to you, freemen, to know whether this
is "the Democracy of Jefferson, Madison, Monroe
and Jackson. I appeal to you to know whether
you hare ever found anything in the arinals of par
ties so insulting to the understanding, autil within
the lifetime of the youth who has not yet reached
his majority. 1 aopeal to you to know whether
the honesty, intelligence, and unmixed blood of.
the offspring of .Northern mothers can erer accept
an excuse for those who would endeavor • to fasten
such a ruler upou us. But we may congratulate
ourselves that even official zeal can perceive no
chance for Mr. Breckinridge's election. If there
had ever been any, the recent-stump speech of Mr.
Buchanan would hare effectually disposed of it.—
amount of popularity would be able to stand against
the encomiums of such an advocate. 11 is mid
night appeal can only be accounted for by suppo
sing the "old public functionary" was unable to
ouhterate bis animosities toward "the young gen
tleman of Kentucky,"' and that his well known
craft suggested a speech as the readiest aud least
offensive means ef destruction. Such suggestions
are the more reasonable as it is not to he imagined
that the gyved tenant of the White House should
for a moment believe, after the investigations
which have been had, and the exposures which
have been made, such testimony as he volunteered
could be otherwise than ruinous to any cause—
The daring evinced by him on the occasion, was
only equalled by his lsck of self-respect, and his
titter disregard of the circumstances by which he
was surrounded and which should have restrained
him.
Whatever conclusions may be drawn as to my
estimate of Mr. Breckinridge's character as a poli
tician, I can only say that my esteem for bim is
profound when brought into comparison witn that
which ] entertain for his Democratic competitor.—
There are few, if any, living men concerning whom
more has been said, and less really known, than
Stephen A. Douglas, of Illinois. Therl are thous
ands, by fur too many thousands, now sustaining
bim under the mistaken and delusive idea that be is
directing his efforts to counteract tbe plans of the
Southern Democracy. This is a frightful halluci
nation, but a natural one, when we take into con
sideration the humiliating fact that all that devo
tion could do has been done, by those surrounding
bis person, to distort a true record, and to stamp
a Counterfeit character for him on the public mind.
Viewing hitn as one of the most unsafe and treach
erous of leaders, you will pardon me for certain
statements which it now seems necessary should be
j made, and the correctness of which, I presume,
will not be impugned. Phave not yet forgotten,
When in the winter of 1855-">6, during the first ses
sion of tbe Thirty-fourth Congress, the residents
of Kansas, asseverating that the cardinal principle
of tho Kansas-Nebraska act had been wantonly an.i
wickedly nullified, that pride and violence, con
cocted in the blue lodges of Missouri, had invaded
their homes and imposed a foreign rule upon them
for the purpose of forcing npon them institutions :
which they abhorred, and invoking tbe interposi-,
tion of Congress in their behalf, the prided father |
of "untrammelled popular sovereignty" turned his j
back upon his violated child, and closed his ears, as j
ia death, to complaints of outrage almost without a
parallel in the civilization ot the century. These
despoiled pioneers, who had taken up their abode
in tfco territory under the most solemn guarantees
of self government, only asked to prove their ac
cusation; and to be relieved from oppression. In
other words, they declared they never had been
able to enjoy self-government, that they were ruled
b* invaders, and demanded the sovereignty confer
red by law upon them Mr. Douglas should j
h'iTe been the first man to fly to their relief; and it
he bad been as completely dedicated to the princi- ;
pies of his bill, as some would make us believe, he j
would have urged investigation and carried it. So j
far from having done so, he put himself in the lead j
bf those Senators most hostile to an exposition, '
and became the mere mouthpiece, advocate, and ■
apologist of tho9e engaged in t lie work of forcing '
slavery upon an unwilling people.
He enjoyed at that time the full confidence
of the South, and his Democracy wis ortho
dox, because he* was loyal to bis taskmasters,
willing to do battle for their most extravagant
demands. He was then chairman of the Com
mittee on Territories, and I cull attention to
-bis report as such, made March 12, 185(5, as
conclusive upou tie point 1 have stated. In
that paper he could fiud nothing to say against
foreign conspiracies to invade the soil of Kan
sas and coutrol elections, but be bad much to
offer in condemnation of Eastern associations
to encourage removal thither. He could dis
cover DO jrregularitics iu the return of Mr.
Whitfield, the pro slavery delegate to the
House of Representatives, but be clearly dis
cerned that tae Territorial Legislature was a
legally elected body, with perfect authority to
enact the most and arbitrary slave codes, and
that the complaints of fraud and force were
gotten up merely to stiiuulaie and exeitc North
ern emigration. At tho time of waich I speak,
there was no one in Congress or out of Con
gress, in office or out of office, who exerted
himself more uutiringly to perpetuate that
reigu of terror inaugurated to insure the ad
mission of Kansas iuto the Unioa us a slave
State. 1 fear there are uiaoy now beariug up
the banner inscribed with tbe nauio of this
Senator, who never have fully understood, or
who have forgotten, this tarnished page in his
history. If there has ever been a uiore deter
mined foe to the growth of freedom iu Kan
sas, or to the principles of the Nebraska-Kan
sas kill than Stepaen A. Douglas, he has been
able to keep himself very much under cover,
it is gratifying, however, to make a single re
mark in bis favor; it is this, that he seems as
wiiiing as tho most ardent of his friends to
to divert attention trom this period in his ca
reer. lam uot aware that, in either essay or
address, lie has ventured to recur to it; but,
on the contrary, he seems disposed to treat it
as a blank in his life.
Whilst these proceedings were progressing
IID the Senate, the other branch of Congress
! carried resolutions of investigation under a
j close division of parties, ao<J sent a select
| eommitteo to the Territory. The consequence
was such an exposure as satisfied the country
not only of the truth of everything charged,
but of existing conspiracies beyond auything
that had beeu imagined. The puoltshed evi
dence effectually revealed the intentions of the
South, and made a deep impression upon the
North, it was then established that neither
law. uor proprieties were to be allowed to stand
in the way of slavery extension, and we are
almost driven to the conclusion that tho repeal
of the Missouri llestiiction was but a part of
the general and well-matured plan of opera
tions, at tho bead of which stood the self
crowned chief of popular Territorial Govern
ment. Mr. Douglas's terra of office was now
approaching its close. It is not unlikely that
a desire for re-election, and a knowledge of
the conviction forced upon his folate by the
examiQatiOu alluded to, induced him to look
with different eyes upon Kansas, and created
j an anxiety on his part to take up the Cause of
ber robbed and wretched people. 1 cannot
certiiuly say how this may have been; 1 only
state a sudden and miraculous change eame
over him, and for awhile he seemed to glory in
I the name of "rcbe . ' lie opposed the admis
siou of Kaunas under the Lecoinptou Consti
tution with seeming seriousness, aud then an
nounced bis determm *tion to vote for the great
er iniquity, the "Bugiish Bill." It was then
the honored and heroic Harris, who now sleeps
IU death, shed tears of anguish, and gave ut
terance to his despair. Over this again the
veil has been carefully and closely drawn by
the guardians of Mr. Douglas's fame. His ad
mirers have acted wisely, as it has prevented,
doubtless, many unpleasant surmises and sug
gestions. To that boldest, and truest, aud
greatest of ail the warriors in the battle for
the right, David 0. BroddViok, is Mr. Douglas
indebted for bis rescue from a whirlpool which
would certainly have engulphed bim—from a
stain which would have obliterated his heroism
in connection with the cause to which be bad
s" ostentatiously professed to devote himself.
I withhold the words in which the scathing ro
buke was clothed. And yet this noblest and
most self sacrifio ing of men, Mr. Douglas'pro
tector, the martyr to trutb, who, in the full
ness of his heart, and on his dying couch, ex
claimed, "They have killed me, they bavemar
dered me, because I" was opposed to the exten
sion of slavery, and a corrupt administration."
Upon bis return borne, aud in ibe hour of bis
sternest trial, when fighting, like Spartacus,
upon his bended knees, against the pensioned
hordes of the present dynasty, and at a time
when be had a right to expect all possible aid
from a man whose interests be bad made bis
own, he found all the sympathies of Mr. Long
las extended to bis opponents, and himself
treated as an enemy and an off-cast. If we
would respect the memory of Rroderick we can
never support Douglas, it would be a mark of
baseness and servility. If ever there was a
true son ot the North, inhumanly broken in
spirit, aud who bad reason to exclaim, "save
:ue from my friends," that man was David (J.
liroderick. Had Stephen A. Douglas but dis
charged the duty he sacredly owed to him, he
would have gained a victory for freedom in
California, and would, to day, in my opinion,
bo livrhg in tbe land, and acknowledged as one
of the foremost men ic the republic. He laid
down his life to attest his sincerity, many who
professed to love him will, in wild revel and
reckless exultation, utter the name of him who
could not find time or opportunity to speak a
word iu eulogy over tbe grave of the departed
votary, luseribe tbe name of Hroaerick in
fiery characters upon yonr banners—be was
your champion—and you at least can afford to
do him justice. He rests in peace on the
heights of the proud city of the Pacific, where
no iogralitude can longer wound him, relieved
from tho warfare between heartless factioos,
aud where bis ashes will remain an eternal tee-
! tsieuto of his faith anti his confidence in the ul-
I tiniate triumph of a down-trodden humanity.
' Ibese references have been made for a single
purpose—to satisfy, if doubt exists, that in the
great struggle between the South and North, to
secure the long lost equality of the latter, Mr.
Douglas is against us. Should more recent evi
dences be demanded, then let an examination
bf made of the Congressional Globe, containing
the ballots for Speaker and Clerk during tbe
last session of the House of Representatives.
Ascertain what the action of tho Illinois West
ern, and North western Democracy was during
the protracted aontest for an organization.—
Kveiy vote that Mr. Douglas could influence
j was invariably east for such candidates as tbe
South preseuted, including those of the most
extreme and revolutionary character. He could
afford no assistance to any one not recognizod
by the propagandist 3 orthordoi upon all ques
tions which concerned them. And I very wtdl
remember when tho name of (Jul. Forney was
mentioned iu connection with the office he now
occupies, aDd bis fate was to be decided, how
diligently "the great advocate of popular sov
ereignty ' labored for bis defeat; every devotee
of .Mr. Douglas voting against hurt, with one
exception. Mr. Morris, of Illinois, in whoar 1
Lave very great confidence, declined to vote at
"all. Col. Forney, who never hesitated to ad
vance tbe fortunes of Mr. Douglas, when he
oould properly do so, was elected iu spite of
Mr. Diuglas. Col. Forney, I presume, Was j
not eudorsed by the Democracy who swear by
tbe peculiar institution. Others may choose
to forget ail this, and 1 will uot criminate them
for doing so, but I promise never to forget it. 1
am for my friends and against those who oppose
my friends. If lam wrong in this, let charity
be extended to me—l canuot help it.
I have said all I desire to say of the repre
sentatives of the two Democracies. There is a
preference between them. The one is outspoken
and evident; toe other is concoaled and tricky.
Of the two 1 much prefer Mr. Breckinridge,
and yet 1 cannot imagine the circumstauces un
der which I coul lbe induced te support him.
He asserts the Supreme Court has decided that
slavery is an existing constitutional institution
iu all our Territories, and that it is the dutv of
tho Government to sustain it wbero it thus le
gally exists. Mr. Douglas contends the oourts
have not yet so decided, but if they shall do
so, it will then become the dijty of all good
citizens to respect the decision, aDd of every
branch of the Federal Government to enforce
it with promptness and fidelity. This is his
platform. Jf our Federal Court has not al
ready giycD a decision in accordance with the
uotions of Mr. Breckinridge, no one doubts it
will do so as soon as the questioo shall be
brought distiuctly before it. 80, at best, the
only point of disagreement between these rival
candidates, is that of time only. If, in the
language of the resolution adopted by the Con
vention placing Mr. Douglas in nomination, and
justly partly quoted, it becomes the duty of all
good citizens to respect, and of every brauoh of
the Federal Government to enforce, a judicial
decision determining the constitutional existence
of slavery in oar Territories, what becomes of
that other theory of Mr. Douglas, that, no mat
ter what the Supreme Court may decide, slavery
may be excluded from a Territory by unfriend
ly legislation?
Those advocating the oiaima of Mr. Bell
would please everybody by promisiog nothing.
They oomposo the party of extreme faith. They
staud upon a Constitution without interpreta
tion, add upon an endangered Union without
announcing the means by which it can be
saved.
Let us not be deceived. There are but two
doctrines between which we can oboose when
Vo come to desposit our ballots. Una is, that
the Constitution favors slavery as fully as free
dom; that neither has advantage over the other;
thst they must tiavel together and exist together
VOL. 33. NO. 32.
i under equal protection, until the Territory shal'
be clothed with State *overeignty, end that both
alike are national. The other is, that the Con
stitution treats slavery as a local municipal in
stitution, does not give to it a single attribute
: of nationality; that it has not an equal status
with freedom, and that its extension is to bo
t discouraged. How shall we act between these
! opposing views? 1 aoswer the inquiry. Onr
: laboring olasses deserve all the encouragement
and protection we can give them. Southern
statesman regard tLern as white slaves; let us
not surrender tbetu to such mercies as the own
ers of chattel labor would extend to tbeoi.—
Our farmers and manufacturers have long been
cut off from ail the bounties of legislation by
the force of Southern prejudice; we should en
list on their side. Our country has suffered
mush in the estimation of mankind from onr
manifested attachment to a system, notoriously
in counteraction to the principles upon which
our Government was founded; considerations of
morality, expediency, and consistency should
incline us to do all that we lawfully ojay 4o to
save ourselves from further imputations. Slave
ry within the States stands behind impregna
ble defences, but it holds no charter to travel
without restraint. It has long labored for, but
has not yet reached, a position of absolutism.
It grasps for empire, as it is the only means by
which tyranny can ever save itself. Our dan
gor is imminent, bat we can yet overcome it, if
we allow reason, rather than prejudice, to sbapo
our efforts. Demooraoy, as now interpreted by
those loudest in the profession of it, and al
most monopolizing its uarne, no lunger means
the will of the majority; it contemns the masses;
holds no association with labor, and jitters no
word of encouragement to the poor. Its pro
fessions are impostures, and must soon fail to
deceive. It has become worse than the ally of
slavery; it is its pliant tool. Wisdom and
propriety must alike repudiate it, unless
speedily regenerated.
Our true policy is that of resistance to the
extravagant and unconstitutional demands of
the South. VVe can only it effectual in
one way—by the support of Mr. Lincoln. He
is Looest and capable, and attached to the prin
ciples of the Constitution, and bis election will
assign limits to sectional oligarchy, and make
labor honorable and remunerative.
The question, in its true aspect, is not as to
which candidate should be elected by the peo
ple it is this—shall Mr. Lincoln be elected?—
The one hundred and twenty electoral votes of
the boalh will be divided mainly, if not exclu
sively, between Mr. Bell and Mr. Breckinridge,
and their support wiii be almost, if not entire
ly, confined to that section. Such e§ectivo
force as Mr. Douglas may possess is hi the North:
but bis most sanguine friends admit not only
that his election is impossible, but that he can
not carry over two or three States. The body
of the Northern vote will be given to Mr. Lin
coln. Mr. Douglas's supporters can do nothing
for him; the only significant result they can
possibly produce, will be to withdraw enough
strength from Mr. Lincoiq to throw the elec
tion into the House. This done, and Lane
would certainly be chosen by the Seuate—the
condition of parties iu the House being such
as to prevent a majority of the States agreeing
to either of the candidates. Besting ou these
admissions, for they are accepted universally,
wo discover that every vote given to Mr. Doug
las must tend to the elcvatioa of Lane, who,
possessing neither education, experience, nop
executive ability, has been selected to enable
toe South to make the most out of an accideut
in caso it shall occur. To out-Laue Lane in
apostacy to the North, and in crouching, fawn
ing subserviency to the South, need not bs at
tempted by the most ambitious iu that line
not even by a Federal office-holder. Even if
1 could believe that the leopard could change
his Bpots, and Mr. Douglas do the North justice,
I would not sustain him under the circumstance*
which surround us, and amid the perils which
now environ us.
I have not attempted a speech. My purpose
has been to talk plainly. 1 may hare been un
fortunate in succeeding 'oowell in this respect.
Feeling, as 1 do, and knowing the vast "impor
tance of the canvass upon which we are jast
entering, I could not be less - distinct in my ex
pressions. Immense, inappreciable consequen
ces depeud upon tbeSdecisioo we are about to
make. We should tremble when we fear that
those most interested in the present and the
luture, the frugal artisan and laborer, may fail
to comprehend them. But let as hope, citi
zens, that we are ao far right as to be able to
expect the favor of Almighty God throughout
our trials, and that he will continue to bless
the Republic, uutii it sbali become a proper ex
ample to the nations of the earth, and a bles
aiug to universal aiai!
Mr. Hickman was listened to with the deep
est atteutioo, ODIJ interrupted by tremendous
and long cootined outburst of cheering when
ever he spoke in eoiogj of Lincoln or made any
other striking points.
At the conclusion of the address, Geo. A.
Coffey, Esq., offered the following resolutions,"
which were adopted with much enthusiasm:
Resolvtd That the unanimous and hearty
thanks of this meeting are owing, and are here
by presented to the Hon. John Hickman, for
his lucid, powerful aud unanswerable exposi
tion and deft-aoe of the principles aud positions *
of the two millions of voters who are bearing
Abraham Lincoln and Hauuibai Hamlin to the*
highest offices of the Union.
Readied, That we cordially welcome John
tLckm&a into the ranks of those yast Republi
can hosts which are gathering ad<l advancing
to vindicate the Liberty, Justice and Welfare
which are announced in the Declaration of In
dependence, and embodied in the Constitution
of the United States.
Dr. Taylor, of West Chester, and Col. P.
S. White, also made brief addresses, iu the
midst of a elow enthusiasm.