Bedford inquirer. (Bedford, Pa.) 1857-1884, September 17, 1858, Image 1

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    BY DAVID OYDB.
SPEECH
iF TDK
ilOv. JOHN ii. FORM,
AT
TAKRYTOHN, MAS YORK.
FiXbOiV-C'i: v/.ESg : i feel gratified In haing
able to appear I" re you to paiticipatc iu the
ceremony wia-elt ;; as been announced—(ho
nominal to:), as tin- people's cainiilato, of one
fit* the tribunes who stoo l up during the whole
exalting session < ' Jon-greas for an undying
principle. Ami i atu gratified, further, in be
tug able to bear, fser'o in vottr presence, my
persona! tribute to the courage, the indepen
dence and consistency of the gentlem an whom
you have thus formally placed before the peo
p.j foi reelection. Having taken sonae part
in the controversy which is not yet closed, and
baring be -u present when various demands
were m ade at the. se it of the Federal Govern
ment, I saw .Mr. Haskin tried, not only bv
frowns and the threats of pcw.r, but by its
blaudishmcnts too. And there never was a
momeut, from the beginning to the end of thai
struggle, iia which that nian quailed or faltered.
[l'heers.] It required on his part, gentlemen,
uncommon courage, sustaining a peculiar per
sonal relation, as he did, to the Executive, to
resist these combined influences. It required
great independence and great self-denial to tuar
himself from those with whom he had thus
closely associated ; and, more than all, it re
quired that he should beep coustaut watch
over himself, Inst in that gi?3t political center,
where public virtue is constantly sapped, where
the public man is constantly in danger of be
i; ■; betrayed, he should fall into the bauds of
his enemies. It required on his part that he
should bear Limseif us to be able to resist the
influence of newer, but be able to stand with
out suspieitn. He canto from a District which
had Hot only given him large plurality, hut
which Lad given to Mr. Buchanan a decisive
vote ; and to no man more, I venture to say, is 1
Mr. Buchanan indebted thao to Mr. Haskin
tor the manner in which the Democratic party
i'i this vicinity rolled up the vote thev gave to
the Democratic candidate in 135 C. liis active
exertions, his personal devotion 10 the character i
of the President; we feel 'ha' that candidate:
reciprocated (or prctentleJ to reciprocate) all '
flie devotion which Mr. liatkiu himself mani
fested, rendered him of all men the man upon '
whom the President might rely iu conducting
the affairs of the Government at the seat of
the Federal Capital, tie did not go to Wash
ington to betray a principle, or to desert the
candidate of his choice. He saw this Adtum
iOration which he had thus toiled to elect with
four years of power, With unbounded patronage.
Beside, as I have said, be wjs its friend. The
Cabinet was filled with men toward whom he
sustained the most intimate relations. What
inducement was there on the part of Mr. Haskin
10 take an\ other than an holiest course ? I
say, then, my fellow-citizens, that you do well
iu placiug him before his constituents for
another trial. [Cheers and applause.] Yes,
you not only do well, but you would not do
well if you did not do so. But I ray now,
that when the time coracv that public men iu
the North are not sustained who have done
what Mr. Haskin has done—when that time
couies—that the people of this Congressional
District, or any Congressional District, refuse
to do honor to such a man, than we become in
this region a race of cowirds and slaves.—
[Cheers and applause.] My fellow-citizens, 1
must be a little personal, because nppearing
before you as 1 do, I am impelled, if not com
pelled, to refer to a portion of the political
history iu which 1 have borue a prominent
part. My relations to the present Executive
of the United States begun with eatly boy
hood, from the time long before I became a
voter, when 1 was his iutimate confident and
friend. From early youth down to the present
hour, or rather to a period one year ago, I
sustained tow;, ; -u Mr. Buchanan relations not
only of intimacy, but of more than intimacy.
Had he been my father, if his blood ran in my
veiu a , I could not have beeu more devotedly
•attached to him. [Applause.] I believed
that that sentiment and affection was recipro
cated. We had tried in our good old frtate of
Pennsylvania, for many years, to elect this
gmtleman to the Presidency. It fell to my
lot—boru in the coun'y in which he grew to
manhood, iu the county where he read law, iu
the county where be still has his residence, in
that couDty where he says he expects to die—
and knowing him thus well, it fell to my lot to
do a good deal of the hard work iucident to
tho fulfillment of the aspirations of himself
and the wishes of Lis friends. In 1844 we
went to the City of Baltimore instructed to
Vote for a distinguished citizen of your State,
Mr. Vaa Buren ; but owiug to the publication
of his celebrated Texas letter, the delegation
from Pennsylvania, as is well known, conclud
ed that Mr. Van Buren had forfeited the con
fidence of the Democratic party, and thai it
became us to present our own favored citizen
for that high place. We did so, and we failed.
But still iu 1848 wo reappeared upon the
scene with our fellow citizens, and there the
friends of Mr. Van liureu in this State :epaid
us in kind for the good turn we had served
tbciu four years before. [Applause.] Un
daunted we continued to organize and in 1852
we reappeared iu the same scene with our former
friend, and we wore again defeated. That
seemed to he the last chance —the last shot iu
the locker—lf I may use the expression. But
he wa appoiuted try President Pieree in 1853
♦o fill the high and important mission of Min
ister to England. While there he was removed
from the scenes of domestic politics, and
quietly and observauily \yatclicJ the movements
at home pending and succeeding the repeal
of the Missouri line. Mr. Buchanan had been
A Weekly Paper, Devoted to Literature, Politics, the Arts, Sciences, Agriculture, &c., &c—Terms: One Dollar and Fifty Cents in Advance.
(known for his attachment lo that lino though
•in 1819, white a .student of law with Mr.
Hopkins, at Lancaster, Pa., lie attended a
meeting :n which ho tiennunoed it : subse
quently, in 1847, he oaiuf out in his celebrated
Berks County letter, and srutod theie that the
only way to settle lint Shivery question was to
run the iino to the Pacific so as to secure to
tlie North and to the South their respective
benefits <H each side of it as proposed by its
original friend's. Therefore it was that while
at i foriigu court, absent from ids own coun
try, his naroe became peculiarly the name of
the American people, ;•< the me that would
I load the Rem icratio parry to victory again.—
I Ilia old tiiemis iu Pennsylvania moved forward,
and agiiti vve organif u. We saw the time
had come when our champion could he present- j
ed to oor people. We repaired to Cincinnati, j
.Rivalries home rivalries—ha 1 been ex:in-!
guishen ; bitterness* growing out of the Mis- ;
! souri liue and the passage of the Kansas-Ne
i/i'aslia bill had temporarily removed other can- !
(Routes irom the field {or so we thought); and !
I ass men, Dallas men, and Buchanan men iu j
Pennsylvania undo common cause, and ie
j paired io Cincinnati for the purpose of putting |
this gentleman in homination. When we reach- j
ed there, the first indication that appeared was. i
| that the extreme Sooth had resolved upon Mr j
I Buchanan's annihilation. They saw in bi.u !
the light of u moderate Conservative senti- |
ment. I'hCy saw in him, for the first time a
I public man who having been absent froui the j
j country, therefore disconnected from the .x
--ctting revalries of the day, would be compelled !
from his position, to do justice to Northern !
| feelings, and exiinguish seetinialism. They i
j did not trust to him ou tlie issue of the day.— j
] I was not a good enough Kmsas and Nebraska ;
1 him for them; and they fought u s , as the bis- '
j tory of that Convention will show, for five long '
days a bitterness and animosity such as I
| political conventions can scarcely rival, hut
| he was the only man to rescue the Democratic
; party from defeat. lie was the otilv in in to !
. prevent the election of a Republican, an I the '
■ only man who could carry Pennsvlvatra ; for
i upon tlie contest of that State did the eu'ire
tide of battle turn. Prom your own State a !
similar disposition was manifested in certain j
quarters. In this quarter, now, where this
■ disease of Taecoinptonisui rages tlie most vio- 1
1 -n
is t rat ion is iudulged the fuost ardently, Mr.
hu.h.can received nothing hut coldness and
| contempt. Rut wc nominated him and return
ed to Pennsylvania, for the first time joyous
in having achieved our long-cherished wish.—
And when we returned there, we came with the
full and confident hope that their would he an j
end to the difficulty in electing a man whose ,
nature was believed to be so conservative,
whose, character was believed to bo so prudeut, '
anu whose entire record had been national and !
constitutional. At that time 1 believe the Re
publicans themselves a'"nioucd the campaign.
They looked upon his nomination as their
death blow. They look'd arouud in vain for a
candidate ; hut events (and there is no necessity \
for spinning out this detail to a greater length) j
brought, on a series of excitements swell as wo !
have uever witnessed in our country, anl by
the middle of August, 185G, the campaign was
tuore than doubtful. Why did it become j
doubtful? Because the public opinion of the !
North had been stirred to its deepest depths by
the excesses of the Pro-Slavery minority, back
ed by the Federal power, in the Territory of
Kansas. That was the only question. It was
not the Osteud Conference, it was not the
Pacific Railroad ; it was nothing but the single
issue—Shall the people of Kansas dispose of
their affairs in their own way? Shall they vote
upon their domestic institutions, not Slavery
but upon all their institutions, unmolested by
the bayonets of the Administration on the one
hand, and the onslaughts of hands of foreign
maraudeis on the other. No man felt more
deeply hi reference to Kansas than did Mr.
Buchanan. No tuau talked more freely about
i it. In his letter of acceptance of the uouiina
! tion and in the speech he delivered to the com
mittee upon it iu his parlof at Lancaster, (at
which I happened t,o be present,) he laid Stress
upou the great principle that the will of tlie
majority should prevail. Why, he said to me
a thousand times. "The South musi vote for
"me, and the North must be secured ; and the
"only way to secure the North is to convince
' those gentlemen that when I get iu the Presi
"dential chair I will do light with the people
"in Kansas. lam now 60 years of age. I
"have icached that time of life when 1 caimot
"have any ambition for a iceleetiou, and if I
"have, the only way to secure it is to be strong
"with my own people at home. I watched this
"struggle from my retirement in London ; 1
"have seen what I conceive to be the mistakes
"of others. I ain not responsible for the ad
"ministration of President Pierce ; therefore,
"1 will inaugurate a uew system; 1 will show
"to those gentlemen that a Pennsylvania Presi
"dent will stand firm to the pledges of a Penn
sylvania geutlomau and a Pennsylvania JL'em
"ocrat." Now fellow citizens, in that letter
of acceptance, if you will refer to it—it is uot
necessary for tne to produce it here—you will
find that he stated distinctly that the people of
the Territory of Kmsas should be protected
iu the sacred right ot suffrage, unawod by auy
influence whatever, and that the will of the
majority should prevail.
We went iuto the canvass. It fell to my
lot to be at the head of the State Detuoora'.ic
Committee of Pennsylvania. All my affections
were in that State; all the emotions of my
nature* physical aud mental, were enlisted ou
the side of the candidate she had preseuted.—
His whole career, his character, my personal
attachment and the sincere devotion I felt for
hiui, his family, his cause, and all about him
made me so anxious for him to succeed, that I
indulge iu uo vain expression of speech when 1
BEDFORD, PA.. FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 17, 1858.
i j sa} to you that I would have foi (cited my life
for liim. My devotion for biru know no bounds.
Pa y and night. night ami day, L toiled in that
1 Campaign. And there arc those here to-day j
i from my own Btate who. will hear witness to the |
tact when 1 soy that ail my own resource*, all j
iay toituue, my every exertion, every aid, was j
enlisted 10 produce the filial result .And ■
above all others in that campaign was !
■he great principle of popular sovereignty.— j
[Applause.] That was the standard which
mm skilled the way. That, was the sehibboleth
that wi s (he war cry. F:;om Lak ■ Krio to
: the Delaware lliver—from Pittsburg to Phila
delphia—iu every village and town in the state
--everywhere that I could induce a peri to
write, or a tongue to speak, that was the theme
upon which those p ns wrote ami those tongues ;
-poke. \\ hy, gentlemen, Mr. Buchanan had j
no confidence or reserve upon this subject.— j
j He was public, he was open, he was uure .eived :
■in his declarations to everybody. Me sent to j
! the traduced John Hickman, in an adjoining j
I county. He told him, through his friends |
and agents : "iou, Mr. Hickman, occupy a S
' peculiar relatiou : you voted for the Topeka j
j Constitution ; you denounced the Kansas-Ne- I
, brask i bill ; you were opposed to the repeal of i
■ t lie Missouri Compromise line ; the Democratic j
j party of your district have nominated you : {
they believe to you. Now, I want you to take |
j the stump and go before your people, and {
pledge me, .James Buchanan, that i intend
j standing by, and it necessary dying bv this
! principle of Popular Sovereignty." For mv
: seif, if I could descend to the baseness of re
: publishing private letters, 1 might fill a volume
wtdi*,similar pledges from similar outherfty.
| 4 geutlemen, when the distinguished
! Secretary, Mr. Cobb, who from having been a >
, superfine Union man, has heen converted 'into '
a tire-eater, equal to Mr. Cbaulert himself 1
wli3T Mr. Cobb eamii into Pennsylvania, and |
traversed our State from end to < rid aud from I
i county to county, talking to delighted audi- ;
ooccs all (lie time, what was the burden of his !
theme 1 Why— Popular Sovereignty. 1 would j
t iku the Army aud the Navy would use every '
power of (be Federal Govern me iff, I would i
snrrdutiJ ;he Territory, oyi what the people ot I
Kansas should rote, and by their yofc'ibc d*s- '
liutes of the future State should bo decided - i
J) JwaiWf-Mtw.A?.rAhjrvpon"nic-, T-vaWTi)" h'ltnf—
"Now, Sir, I have but. one thing lo sav to you: I
we have but a single thing before the people; I
every day is making the campaign more an t
more doubtful, every day is making the popu
lar feeling more and more intense; Mr. Bu
chanan himself feels that everything depends
upon the prudence, the sagacity, and the spirit
; ot conciliation by which this oampatgu is con
ducted, and for God's sake take care what you
say about Kaunas; leave your violent Southern
j feelings at home; you must not com - to threat
en: you Governor Johnston, and you Mr.
Scott, of llichuiou<l„ and you Mr. Kxtru Billy
Smith, and you Mr. Secretary Floyd, all of
; you, must remember that if sou lose this but-
I tie hero, you lose it altogether, it will be your ,
| loss, and therefore you must aiiow us to Hom
age it in our own way." And they did accecu
i to that policy, without any protest, aud gladly.
I There was uo deception iu that fight, at least
|so far as I was coucerned. I sowed the State
with private letters and private pledges upon
this question. Thero is not a county in Penn
sylvania iu which my letters may not bo found.
| almost by hundreds, pledging Mr. Buchatianj
: in bis uaine, and by his authority, to the full,
complete and practical recognition of the rights
, of the people of Kansas to decide upon their ;
owu affairs. [Applause.]
Gcntlemeu, lie was electeS. ll formed his
Cabinet. He issued his Inaugural Address; aud
here, at this poiut, let me say, that the public
j confidence inspired by his nomiuatiou by the !
Democratic party, aud the apprehension of his
electiou inspired in the Republican rank-, that j
public eoniiueuco iu the man was renewed and
revived by the publication of his Inaugural Ad
dress. The Republicans, many of tkeui who
hid voted for John G. Fremont said: "We
; believe in Mr. Buchanan, if he stands by the
doctrines of this Inaugural Address we will
stand by him." Now, had he done so, the Re
publican aud tho American parties, in my opin
ion, would have been extinguished; we would
have beeu one great, happy, national family,—
Alter all, what the great mass of the people iu
this country desire is a good Government.—
Kvery inula in this country is not an office-seek
er. N iue out of teu are disinterested in their
relations to too Government, and they are ready
to vote for John B. Uaskin, or for John Smith,
it they have confidence iu the man: and Mr.
Buchauau would have suited the couutry as
well as any other man, if he had but fulfilled
bis pledges; aud therefore it was that when his
luaugurai address was published, they said one
j to the other—Wo believe iu Mr. Buchanan—
we are sorry tuat we have not voted for him ;
but We are wiiiiug to trust hiui aud stand by
him to tue eud. Mr. Buchauau had before him
a future which Washington, if he had been liv
iug, might have envied—a future which, if he
had Wiiixed resolutely iu the path he had mark
ed out —the path illuminated by his resolutions
and pledges—would have allowed him to go
duwu to the grave with the acclamation of the
people. Posterity would have pointed to his
administration as a model aud example to all
generations; Pennsylvania would have had no
cause to have been ashamed of heronee favorite
son. No, my fellow coutitrymeu; but lie did
not stop tiere. As if for the purpose of accu
mulating pledgo upou pledge, as it for the pur
pose of piling up a pyramid of promises upon
ibis question, what did bo do uextl lie look
ed arouud to see whom he should get to to
Kausas for the purpose of settling the vexed
question which had rendered Kansas, what it
lias been graphically termed, "the graveyard
J " f nought no inferior marr; lie
i * 0l " , |Bof be tempted to take an ordinary imu.
; He selected a gentleman, a statesman, who had
! been presented by a largo portion of the lead
j tag and prominent men of the South for a seat
i"! ' s Cabinet, who bad for years represented
j bio State in the councils of the nations. He
; ' Robert J. Walker. And when be cal
led ripen Mr. Walker, and asked hiui to proceed !
} to u>o !\ i ritory,.Mr. Walker said to him, "Why,
| Mr. Buchanan, that would finish me forever; it
1 ru, . every man who has gone there; it i
will ruin uie. I have reached thai, time of life
j when I cannot afford to risk all my prospects,
!an t probably the peace aud happiness of uiy
i family. - And he said further, as if gifted [
! with n knowledge of the future, "J cannot run
; the risk of being most pVobnbly betrayed and ''
! deserted by the Administration that appoints
| mc. 1 ' Mr. Buchanan said to him, "Mr. Walker
;if yti will go there, you Will settle this ques
i tiou in a few wvetcs. Kverythiwg is ready; here
I arc instructions. I pledge you my word
; I list ~ev cry thing you desire', you shall have.— ,
! -Mi• \\ alker, as if inspired by a sublime suspi
j cion, S;t jd, Mr. Buchanan, 1 will not go to
Ivan,a.- until you allow me to meet your (Jabi-;
net |r,ce to face, and ascertain from that (Jabi
-1 net in person whether they will agree that I
slKil go there and carry out the pledges of the
; campaign of Accordingly a meeting !
!of the Cabinet of Mr. Buchatnn was called.— j
■ At'tr.e meeting every member of the Cabinet
va.- present. Mr. Buchanan aud Mr. Walker
wejo • esent Mi. Buchanan in the chair.—
tjov. H alter said, "I have desired this meeting j
because I have determined not to go to Kansas '
unless I have full instructions to carry out those j
pledges and those principles; if there is any op
posing voice, I will not go; I do not want to j
£.O. it i by uo means an enviable position: but
it ' have she permission Mid consent of you,
gci.tlem n, for tiiis I have asked, 1 will go."—
I ke Cabinet was polled: but otio member of the j
Cabinet objected to. the programme laid down
bjjjGov. \V a!l:er. I need not mention his name. '
COT. Walker said, "That settles the question, j
gentlemen; I do uot wish to go; a single ucga- I
ttve is sufficient, and I will retire from the field." )
lfut they took that member of the Cabinet into
an adjoining room, and there ih'cy convinced
lorn thai,Gov. Walker was right. They return
••'.4 'Wlker, his instructions iu his
u -iek<d. .srwt hv a man well known
simtl it pTCtlgei- Nw'lfiTO 1W?* 1
incut of the facts, 1 will come down to ury own
part of this campaign. My ambition to assist
and build up my good old State, to push for
ward her great interest, and issist in ihe devel
opment of her industry—to do that which we
must ai! do, at least if wo desire su .eess--for
the elder you grow you .should be stronger ai j
y.mr own home—to build yourselves up in jour
own counties and own States, and when you do
that you will be respected aud strong at the scat
of Federal power. Therefore it was that in
the year 1857 1 starred the newspaper which ,
now hears my name at its mast-head. I did
this for the purpose of advocatiug Mr. Buch
anan's policy throughout. I bad abundant
pledges as to his course, but before publiihing '
that paper 1 took care to write to Mr. Buchan
an's C'abiuet, aud to himself, and told them on
what ground 1 intended :o stand on this ques
tion of Kansas. They Were so good as to send
ino sufficient written testimouy strengthening
me iu the posiiion 1 had assumed. 1 went on
with Walker and Stanton, until the Oxford aod
MoGee frauds took place, when there was a
butst of execration throughout the country.—
The whole Democratic press had argued con
stantly the policy of the Administration up to
' that time; but. when Gov. Walker rejected those
frauds, there was silence. A pall fell over the
columns of The Washington Union. Nothing
was said upon the subject of the Oxford and
i McGoe frauds. No voice was hoard in Wash
ington against it: but 1 supposed some malign
influences for the moment, had surrounded that
journal, that it had had an attack of some pe
' culi-tr insanity, which has lately become chronic
I with it, aud 1 allowed It fo pass by. But when
j the dark, damning deed of Lecomptou was per-
I petraled, then I saw for the first time that those
; gallant men in the Territory, Walker and
| Stanton, and those who acted with them, hud
i been deserted. 1 saw that Democratic prinei
, pies had been carried out by them, and we were
! now called upon to turn our bucks upon our
pledges and betray our manhood. [Applause]
Gentlemen, there was something too much of
this; aud when the cup w-s presented to my
lips 1 refused it. [Cheers ] Administrations
may change, Presidents may change, hut T had
been too fully committed on this subject to go
back to Pennsylvania and turn my back upuu
•dodges which I had both spoken and written
to thousands of tnou. I did not for a moment
believe that the Administration had concluded
to abandon the principles which had put them
into power; that they were resolved to make
their policy a lest; so when I went to Washing
ton and called upon my old friend, L said to
him, "Mr. Buchanan, for the first time in our
lives we arc at variance; 1 find myself standing
bv one principle having followed your lead, and
you have deserted it." "Well," said he, "can't
you chaDge tool ] Laughter. If I can afford
to chauge, why can't you afford to change?—
[Renewed laughter.] If you and Douglas and
Walker will unite in support of my policy, there
will not be a whimper of this thing; it will pass
bv like a Summer breeze." i told him that it
was very well with an Administration surround
ed by office-holders and living all the time iu
the atmosphere of flattery, that wn followed by
thousands of gentlemen who expected place;
that they could come to hiiu ami say, "You are
right, Mr. Buchanan, we are down ou our bel
lies: please to walk over us—please trample
upon us and wo will be happy aud content, and
hope yoit wilt believe your policy is right."—
"But I tell you," said 1, "that there is a stiii
———iwMMMia—a—a——MHt—w—J— mmmmammm a—wam^M
{small voice in the people that instinctively re-
I jeets frauds, and this is not only a ('rand but a
: dishonor. Ido not claim to be more honest
| than any other man. I have done as all poli
ticians have—somethings which may not square
exactly with the rules of religion and right, and
j which, if I have, I regret them; but this thing
will not do. [Loud cheers.] I have reached
j the si ature and years of manhood, and I cannot
go back to Pennsylvania to cat my own words
i and become the slave of power. [Renewed
I cheers.] 1 oannot. But then, Mr. Buchanan,
jou must tolerate this difference of opinion.—
Geu. Jackson tolerated differences of opinion
in his friend". (Jol. P .!k tolerated differences
f of opinion, and you differed with him in his
j views on the tariff, and yet you remained in his
Cabinet. Mr. Pierce tolerated differences of
opinion. But here you are. Men who put
you where your ate —who ask nothing at vonr
bands—who have refused vour favors—have >
trampled all the patronage that has been offered j
them under feet: here they are, asking to be
tolerated iu the indulgence of an honest opin- ;
ion." The reply to that was, "Sir, 1 intend to !
make my Kansas policy a test." "Well, Sir," j
•.aid I, "I regret it, but if you make it a test
with your officers, we will make it a test at the
ballot bok.'' [Loud cheers.] Repeated ifforts j
were made to heal the difference. But it seems
to me. gentlemen, that when the Presidency is 1
conferred upon a poor mortal, it transforms
htm into a god, in his own estimation, or a lu
natic. [Laughter,] Nobody is permitted to
approach p .verto tell the troth. Power never
[ hears the thunder voice of the people, sitting
a? it does iu it- cushioned chairs, between its
marble walls. The iudepeudent man, loud and '
bold, with a clear eye, who comes to tell the i
truth, is waved from the Presidential presence
as a rude intruder. Then wc went home. As
I said, repeated efforts were mad o , and made
iu vain, to heal rlie differences. The confer
ring of this Presidential patronage —of" vast
millions—more than the monarch of Great ,
Britain enjoys, and nearly as much as the !
trench despot wields- —this patrouage induced :
Mr. Buchanan to believe that he eould make
his test successful, flow was it made? Gen- •
tleinen, when the chapter which shall detail the
manner in which the Administration has used i
its parrouage is written, it will be a bl iek one. j
H hen our children and our children's children j
come to read it, they will net believe that au
a-'di.' au armor of pTe'iges, Vodri'TiaVe gOmTiu.'i \
that chair {o ve used his aimy-ay, his army ;
and the treasurey>?w r money aud mine--your j
officers and mine—for the pui'{?C** °f pulf-'uS ;
down a gallant baud of men for standing iy
the plain God's truth; and I would wish that
when the historian comes to write, he would
not be compelled to write that that President
was born iu Pennsylvania. [Applause.] Now,
gentlemen, there has uot been an element lack
iog to relieve this unredeemed infamy—not oue
There has not been a single circumstauce la-k
--ing. They have gone on step by step, with a
tread of fate and destiny, trying to crush out
the brave aud gallant spirits who have stood
' forth asking for uothing but to be allowed to
du right.
Look at the South, iu whose name this deed,
Lecoaiptouisni, has been perpetrated after its
representatives iu the Senate and the House
have assisted in bounding down Stephen A. j
Douglas and David C. Brodcriyk aud thoii' ,
gallant compatriots in ttio Douse, the South be- j
gins to 6ay, as they ace the Administration hell
hounds pursuing and attacking Douglas and his
. friends iu Illinois: "This is too much. We are
willing to accept Lccomptonism as gilded pois
on which has been extended to us, aud which
is to help us, though the only thing it has done
has beeu to to commit our Representatives to
a gross wrong towerd the North. But we can
not bear this persecution." Read the letter
' published the other day in the New York pa
i pers from Reverdy Juhr.sou, of Maryland.—
Read the statement of Alex. 11. Stcpheus and
Henry A. Wise. They are clamorous against
these attacks on Mr. Douglass. Public men
i iu this country forget iu their truckling to the
| South that Southern people are Americans as
jwe are. They have their Slavery. They have
| their peculiar institutions. But they reject a
wrong—they reject an infamy—they reject un
fairness just as readily as we do. They will
not submit'to this tyranny of the Administra
tion upon Mr. Douglas. And so it will be
when the Administration begin by courting the
South—by declaring that the only thing the
! President should do is to yield to the South,
that Administration will cud by the South
turning upon it. What then? It will be Iy
leriscd. [Laughter.] The Administration of
James Buchanan Tylerisud—supported by a
set of office holders and expectants only, with
all the great parties, and die one that put it in
power inclusive, standing from it and shuuning
il like a contagiou !
"Imperiil Caesar, dead, and turned to clay,
Must stop a hole to keep the wind away."
I am aware thkt I am talking to a mixed audi
ence—there are hero present Americans Re
publicans aud Democrats.
A VOICE —No doubs of the Democrats.
Mr. FORNEY (continuing) - Now, gentlemen
we who act with Mr. llaskiu, wo who follow the
flag borne by those great heroes of the day,
those imiuoital chieftains, Henry A. \\ ise aud
Stephen A. Douglas, are copstanfty twifte 1
with combining with what arc politely called
Black Republicans. [Liught.w.] But have
you Americans who are preseut svtr witnessed
the efforts, of the Administration to make i
union with you? '.The Adminisr.-duioo can com
bine with the Americans (I believe you arc
called Know Nothings §otiietio9s) and that is
ail right. Or if a Black Republican eoiucs
out for Lecomptou, tie is iuittiedl-ncly washed
clear, and wiped. [Laughter.] Why, gooile
liienjjthe principles that Wc fought lor in 1 SOfi
VOL. 31. KO. 38.
are now reduced to-—Lecmuoton. We rmy
be as true a? the North Pole upon every prin
ciple, but if wo don't go for Lecompton, we
are d—d indeed. [Laughter.] But if the
Republican or the American becomes Lecomp
tonized. he is uotouiv speodily forgiven, but
he it elevated to the highest scat in she syna
gogue, and he is pointed at as a brand rescued
from the burning. [Laughter.] The Admin■
titration is pledged, recollect, to a platform of
hostility to secret political societies. It is
pledged in its platform to those who speak
j with a rich Irish brogue or sweet German acr
j cent. But, geatlea: -n—yon Americans and
j you foreigners and adopted citizens are not to
recohect when an American becomes Lecouip
| tonizd; only those arc infamous who unite
i wi.b Republicans and Americans to vindicate
a principle. [Applause.] Then you are out
ot the party and are excluded from dec-mt so
ciety, and henceforth and forever you are nev
er to be forgiven unless at the last* moment you
come forward and say: "Praise uuto thee John
Caihoun and Lecompt n." [Litighter.] 1
j have been foiling in the Democratic party since
I was a boy, and I am not now quite 41 years
of age. 1 never vote! any but a straight De
mocratic ticket. My excellent friend Samuel
iJ. It .ud ill, who was a very good American,
and who was elected to the Seuate of our
: State, as a Democrat, last year, said to me:
"lam freshly in the party, and you arc
trcahly out of it." Thus I find myself turn
ed out of the Democratic party because
1 will not consent to leave Democratic princi
ples. [Laughter.] is an age of newspa
pers ami telegraphs oa the laud " aud through
the sea [Cheers.] Aud when these thing*
transpire, there-would bo no God iu Heaven if.
the ballot-box did not damn such a party in
October next. [Oncers.] And you in New
\ork, who think the Democratic party is old
body and breeches to this official despotism,
take care lest when November comes vou do'
not find that the Democrats think a goed deal
more of their principles thau they do of thoii
organization. For my part,speaking for Penn
sylvania, on the 12th of October, when you
open the N. V. tribune, ILrnU au .j Tim**
you will sec under the telegraphic Lcid figures
something like tins: "40,000 majority again s
the Lscouipton cauiidite." [Cheers.] That
is the way we will make eut mark there y C
we will do more, we wiii stand by John litok
nvan. .WC,syill a,„l
am not to be terrified by this Chiueso thunder
of organization. [Laughter.] I aai willing
to combine with any good man, uo matter what
ij bis name, who combiues with mo to rescuo
the Amyricct) uamo from this odium, aud this
disgrace. Why, gentlemen,-in 1850, Dot to go
back to that but for an lustaut, we would
never have got the Republican vote we did for
Mr. Buchanan if we had not pledged on;selves
over head aud heels for this doctrine. Now, let
mo say a word in couclusiou ou the subject of
| popular sovereignty, iou Republicans arc
I coming to it, uud, gentlemen, you will come to
! it. Now mark, there is but oue way for it.—
' 1 saw the other day a speech made by 2 dis
tinguished New Turk jourualist—and I speak
of him as distinguished for many things, tho'
we have differed for many years—l mean Mr.
: Greeley. [Cheers.] He pointed the way to
the coimug time. He has been denouncing
popular soyereigutv as a humbug. It would
j have been if all the Democrats co-opcrating
with him had surrendered to the Administra
tion. It is not a humbng—it is a living priu
i ciple. Tell me this is illusory —that a people
to the number of 13,000 have been strong
enough in their owu will aud their own way to
| put down the army of tho United States, and
| beat the slaveholders'minority, with about.
$70,000,000 of patrouage, ovearun with Fed
-1 era! officers, with the Senate and House against
| them—with the President betraying his trust
tell me not that they, armed as they have been
by the simple, naked principle of popular
i sovereignty—that this principle is a humbug?
t Why, wliai does such wonders, must be real—
| must be right. Oorne to it, gentlemen, the
I men wuo are for Congressional intervention
here arc Lecomptonites; men whom you dee
pise. They are constantly tolling you, day af
ter day, that they despise ycu. We offer to
you the principle of Popular Sovereignty
brought from the fair fields of Kansas, cover
ed all over with glory. We have proved that
we stand by it, we have turned our backs upou
the Administration; we have rejected its pat
rouage; we have laughed at its blandishments
—no mean thing to do at any time, and partic
ularly at a time like the present, when our
eountry has been swept by such a whirlwind.—
Believe iu us, stand by ilaskiu iu his noble con
duct, vindicate the principle iu his election;
oease your differences as to powei; give us tilts
principle and the name will be little. That
which applies to tho Republicans applies with
significant force to the Americans; and I must
| say, (I would do injustice to my character if L
did uot say it) that I am inexorably opposed to
one portion of the Auierieau creed; tout is due
to you gentlemen, and to myself; but there is
another portion of the American oreed which
teaches us, aud wo are bound to believe them,
that it is a national crcod. They have their
Southern' connections —they have their Hum
phrey Mar-hall, their Winter Davis, aud their
good men whom I know well, an 1 these are
your loaders. They tell us that you arc uu
tionai, ami therefore the doctiine of popular"
sovereignty is for you; above all it is for the
North; the Souih is committed to it—it will
not recede. The day is gone when sec ioual
isiu c.m prevail in tuts country—the day for a
sectional party has passed away,iu my humble
opiui ui. The Smith, gallant und glorious as
she is," wo must protect, sir, in all her rights.
1 have to6d by tier from my early years down
tc 'V.e present moment. 1 will stand by her to