Bedford inquirer. (Bedford, Pa.) 1857-1884, January 29, 1858, Image 1
BY DAVLD OVER. Ittt fSortrt]. *!§§l§|®R [From the Atlantic Monthly.] STARS AAD FLOWERS. When Eve had led Iter lord a.irny, • And Cain had killed his brother, The Stars and Flowers, the jioets say, Agreed with one another. To cheat the cunning tempter's art, I Aud touch the race its duty. By keeping on its-wicked heart Their eyes of light and beauty. A million sleepless lids, they say, Will be, at Iwast. a warning; And so the Flowers woul 1 watch by day, The Stars troiu eve to morning. On hill and piairie, field and lawn, Their dewy eyes upturning, The Flowers still watch from reddening dawn I Till western skies are bui uiug. Alas, each hour of daylight tells A tale ot shame >■ crushing. Tii it some tun) white as sea-tdeached shells, And some ar- always Hushing. But wheh the patient Stars look doWn On all their light discovers— The traitor's snnl". the murderer's frown. j The lips of lying lovers, j Ti ey try t i shut their saddened eyes, And in the vain endeavor M e Ml' them twinhling in the skies, And so thi-v wink fl>r. wr. .11Y WIFE t.\l) I nr TKXXisos. As through the land at eve we went, And plucked the ripened ears. Wo foil out —my wife and i We foil "Ut! I k uw not why; And kissed again with tears, For when wo came where lies the nliild, Wo lost iu othci years, Th-re, aimvethe li tic grave— O.'i. tiieie, above the little grave, We kissed again with tears. Ijiiiimim. i OSlOlYINt; IRISH POTATOES. j -1 protiiHcl. some time ago, to give tho resui* or ai. experiment in growing Iri*li potatoes, and which I was at that time trying. By the side of a patch planted, manured and worked in the usual way, I planted several rows with slips ii* i* u.;ial with sweet potatoes in tins section, i had [enviously m ule aho'-bed, iu which I put about half a bushel of potatoes to turnisli the slips or sprouts. It so happened, however, that the bo; bed was made much later than it xli&ald have been, and I did not have slips readv as soon as 1 ought to have had them by several weeks, aud consequently the yield was far less than ii would have been, on account of the dry weather which it; mid-summer foil owed the co pious rains of the earlier pait of the season.— Those which were planted in the usual way with whole tuber.*, or pieces with one or more c .y e; , —had the start of them, and yielded bet ter, because they had the advantage of the rain. Ycl my experiment, in connection wiih those of some of my neighbors, has convinced me quite satisfactorily on the lollowiug points: 1. Iu this way one bu*'nel of potatoes wili go as far as three or four planted in the usual way. One bushel will furnish slips for a large piece of grouud. '2. A crop cun be raised from 'be "lip* fully as early, and I am confident earlier, than by planting the potatoes, because the Lot-Led can be made in February and the sprouts be grow ing before it would be practicable to plant in the open ground. A little brush or straw will protect the Lot-bed in bard weather. o. I found that the slips ou being transplant ed lived wttb little or uo care, hardly one in a hundred dying. 4. The potatoes grown from slips will usually be larger and of more uniform size than thope raised m the ordinary way, but not so many in a hill—the yield in the aggregate fully as much. I hope souie of your readers will try this plam and report. Let the ground be rich or thor oughly manured, and, with a tolerable season, the trial will be satisfactory, I am sure. AGRICOLA J B'Utimore Sun. SEED CORN. —It is A matter of nxfre impor tance of late years than formerly (o give espe cial attention to the election and careful preser vation o: corn for seed. For fioui the peculi arity of the latter seasons, a vast amount of corn that has seemingly kept well in the crib for ordinary use, has been greatly injured in its vegetative quality; so much so as either to /ail iu sprouting altogether, or to send up such a stock as is best calculated to withstand the un favorable spring weather of the few last yeats. To this cause must be referable in a great mea sure the wide-spread complaint of the last sev eral seasons relative to the "stand" iu the corn crops throughout the country. And complaints to a greater or less extent will be heard while farmers arc, as the mass of tbem are, so un mindful of iheir interest as to have to go to the bulk of their corn iu the spring to pick up in a hurry the corn for planting. Written directions n the subject almost in variably recommend goVig through the field iu the fall, at the proper time, aud selecting the earliest cars, braiding their husks together and hanging them up for seed. Directions which, however, often recommended, are very seldom practiced; first because it is a very troublesome way of selecting seed, and is casUy neglected duriug the shot* ppace time intervening be- BfiiforD jm* Jnquirrr. A Weekly Paper, Devoted to Literature, Politics, the Arts, Sciences, Agriculture, &c., &c—Terras: One Dollar and Fifty Cents in Advance. tween the time the earliest earsareripe enough for planting and the time when the uniform ma turity of the crop would make it impracticable to make the selection. Next, every farmer wishes, or should wish, to give the naked ear as a whole, atid the gram and cob as parts, a more careful examination than it. is possible to do when the selection is made iu the field, and the rule the more ripened appearance of the externa! covering. Nor is the advantage in | securing the first ears that mature of anything | of like equal importance to other considerations | hereafter alluded to, save, perhaps, in high or* j der latitude*, especially when it is remeuiber • ed how much a little excess of manure a stock J of corn may have had over its neighbors has to do with ripening its ears.. So numerous are the shades of variety in every neighborhood, and so multiplied are the facilities for intermixing where the aptitude is so great as itisin Indian corn, that the only way to preserve the distinc i tivo characteristic of any variety is to employ : watchful eye through a large portion of the | crop while haudling it, or immediately on crib bing it iu the fall. An acquaintance with the features of the original variety, a slight prat- j tice, will enable any or.e to detect the one ear ' iu twenty, perhaps fifty or a hundred, not mark ed with a palpable adultcratiou from the origi- • Hal.— lb. INAUGURAL ADDRESS OP JIOLEBM WM. F. PACKER. FELLOW CITIZENS: — In appearing before you to enter upon my duties as Governor of tlm Commonwealth, i consult my own inclinations j in conforming to the usage which demands a jx.pulir address: and, in the first place, I glad ly embrace this opportunity to return my pro- • found aml giuatful thanks to the l'eoplt* of PetiH- i sylvania, for honoring me with the Chief Ex ecutive office in their government. Their kind- ' uess will never be fotgotten, nor will the con fidence they have reposed iu me ever lie hi ten- ! tionally betrayed. Duty to them and to myself ; will require that the obligation which 1 have i just taken to discharge my pubiic duties with fidelity shall be faithfully observed; and thus justify, as far as possible, the popular decision. Doubtless I may commit errors iu a position involving so touch of responsibility; but I will i hope that none of them will be of a grave char- P v~u.. •: Ir llio. n,u,. lie iuteresis. 1 crave in advance a charitable judgment upon tuy official conduct—that it shall be construed with kin dues and toleration so long n.t it shall appear to bo prompted by sincere and honest motives—and I here engage , in this public and formal mariner, to regard lire will of the people, the public good, and the commands of ihe Constitution, as the guidrng lights by which my course ih to be directed.— With these aiurs constantly iu view, I shall indulge the pleasing hope of doing some good in the high station to which 1 have been called by the public voice, aud of repressing some evils which may threaten the public welfare, or the individual rights of the people. Ft/low Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives: —It will be my ardeut desire to cultivate with you, as Representatives of the people, the most amicable relations, and to , unite with you in the adoptiou of all such uiea- I sures as the public good mav require. The different branches of the government, although charged with distinct duties, arc to be regard ed as parts of one harmonious whole ; and it is well when all these parts move onward without jar, interference, or collision. Nevertheless, the distinct duties of the Executive, when du ly aud honestly performed may occasion differ ences with the Legislature; but, in such case, it will be expedient to cultivate a spirit of com promise and conciliation for the disposal of such differences, or, at least, for mitigating the feel ings of alienation to which they tend. It is oue of the duties of the Executive from time to time, to give to the General Assembly information of the state of the connYiouwealth, and recommend to their consideration such measures as lie shall judge expedient; and un der usage this is done by messages iu writing, which are entered among the public records and remain a part of the official history of the State. I c'o uot understand this as a power of dicta : ting to the General Assembly the measures they shall adopt, nor even as a power of iuitia | ting laws, but as an iuforming aud suggesting power, iu no respect trenching upon the just and proper jurisdiction of the legislative de partment ot a free state. Iu short, it was nev ler intended to give a legal control over the i proceedings of the Representatives of the ; people in the euactmcnt of laws. It is, there i fore, a right of communication with them, which, while prudently and reasonably exerci sed, cau give HO just occasion for jealousy, ob jection, or cctnplaiut. The Executive, wheu exercising this right, is but performing a plaiu duty, and cau apprehend no difficulty in speak i ing with a respectful freedom even upon ques tions where an entire agreement ot sentiment cannot be expected. But, there is another aud I more delicate power which pertains to the re lations betweeu the Legislative and Executive depariments. By the twenty-third aud twenty fourth sections of the first article of toe Oon- I stifcutiou, all bills pasted by the General As i setnbly, aud most of the orders, resolutions and votes iu which they may concur, are submitted to the Executive, and if disapproved by him i can ouiy be made valid by a vote of two-thirds of each House. This power of disapproval is among the most important duties of the Exec utive, and is constantly becoming more so, from- the operation of obvious and natural cau ses. In my opinion it is the clear and binding duty of the Executive to return for ic-consid oration every bill, order, resolution or vote, presented to bim which be canuot approve—iu j other words, that the assent of his judgment aud conscience shall be. actually given to any i measure before lie permits it to take effect; uu i less, indeed, it be passed against h objeotiou BEDFORD, -PA.. FRIDAY, JANUARY 29, 1858. by a two-thirds vote. The words of the Cou stituiiou are "if he approve he shall sign it, but, if be shall uot approve, he shall return it with his objections to the House in which it shall have originated." Words could not convey a power, and prescribe a duty iu a more clear and definite form. It is manifestly the intention of the Constitution that the deliberate and con scientious approval of the Governor shall be given to a bill before it, becomes a law, in ad dition to the approval of the two Houses that have previously passed it; unless the majorities afterwards given to it upon re-ooiisideration iu each House, shall bo so decisive as to clearly indicate the wisdom of ths measure. It is true that upou things trivial or icuifferent, where no great interests are involved, nor constitutional principles ill question, no private rights assail ed, considerations of expediency may be taken into account by the Executive; but certainly no j substantial objection, whether of policy or of j principle, can be waived by him in view of bis : oath to support the Constitution. Ten days . (Sundays excluded,) are allowed tho Executive j to consider a bill, and to approve or veto it, ! after which it will become a law without his signature, if uot previously returned. The j practice of my predecessors has been occasion- j ally to permit bills to become laws by this lim itation of time. They have taken effect in the entire absence of Executive action. But I be lieve tliis has ouiy occurred where the Kxequ- ; five has fouud it impossible to form a postive ; opinion upon the measure—wticre, though uot unobjectionable, it was trivial—or, where it Was manifest that a veto would not cause its defeat. This Executive practice ought not to be extended, ami ilie practice iistlf is open to question. For if the provision that bills noi tuer signed uur returned within ten days, shall become laws, was intended as a guard against Executive abuse, iu holdiug tUeiu an undue pe riod, and not as a mode by which the Execu tive might cause them to take effect, without the responsibility of acting upon them,itpvnuld seem clear that the practice of holding them over for siicii purpose cannot be defended. But the Legislature by its adjourn men t within ten days after the passage of u bill, may ueprive the Executive of due tim.f for consid ering it, and hence it is provided that iu such case it shall become a law unless scut back with in three day s after the next meeting. Iu mod ern practice a large uumber of bills arc usual ly sent to the Governor within a few days of the adjournment of the Legislature, which it is iiii|HJ>SlUiv I'n Uiin VU buuciwoi UUI * v.- adjournment takes place. Iu fact many arc scut to him in the very closing liout icof the session. But it would seem plain that the Ex ecutive could reasuuabiy ask Hi such case only the full constitutional period of ten days for formiug his opinion, aud that all bit!* he be l.eves it his duty to approve siiull be actually signed within that period. By the eketcisc of reasonable industry this cau iu all cases be ac complished. Then, sucii bills as lie disap proves will be held over to bo returned to the proper branch of the General Assembly v.ithiu ilitee days alter their next mooting, according to the constitutional provision. This will prop erly dispose of all bills iu his hands at the ad journment, unless iudoed it, be allowable to hold over bills aud permit them to become laws without his action. The propriety of signing bill* by the Gover betwecu the sessions of tho Legislature has hecu questioned. It docs not accord with the old practice, and is certaiuly liable to abuse. Duriug my term it will be strictly confined to the tiist ten days after an adjournment, and ail bills not then approved, may be considered as awaiting the next meeting of the General As sembly, to be returned with the Executive dis approval. The Executive should not be sub jected for long periods of time to the nolicita i rions of those interested in bills, nor shuold be i tie subject to the imputation of indecision, or I favoritism almost unavoidable in such cases.— I Nor is it right that he should have in his hands • the means of influence which the holding open I of his decision upou bills during a recess would confer. Besides a great wrong mav bo don* to those interested in legislation, by continuing tbem for undue period iu uncertainty as to tie fate of bills iu which their rights, their proper ty, or their business may be involved. Thee are evils which an Executive may obviate, ly settling his policy firmly in the outset of lis administration. It would be well, also, for tie Legislature to so shape its action as to avid the necessity of sending iiiauy important bils to the Governor in the closing days or boureof a session. Fellow Citizens: —Although it will no be expected that 1 should at this time discus) in detail the particular questions whioL willpob ably come before the government dnriu,' my team, 1 desire briefly to give expression u the general views of public policy to which ihoid iu their application to practical issues now peuding. The currency of the State is insuoh a disordered condition, that a genera) and wholesome public opinion demands its itbrm, and the] establishment of eifcotuai turners agaiust future convulsions. This is a sd'jeet which will test tli3 intelligence, the finmess, and the patriotism of the Representatises of the people in the Legislative department, and may impose grave responsibilities upou tip Ex ecutive. My views are decidedly hostildo tbe emi*siou and circulation of small uotea as a ourreucy; to the iucrease of Bankiug apital tinder present urrangenicuts, and to tbe issoos of bank paper upou securities inadequat for tbeir redemption. The want of unitoraty iu the legal provisions under which exisiiudianks .Operate, is objectionable. Iu tbe revisit aud amendment of our bankiug system, the fublie j iutkrests iu my opinion demand the extusion of the specie basis upon which issues ariuade, the suppression of tho smaller deuouiinaous ot notes heretofore allowed; thorough refits ot the condition and business of bauks wi< their frequent publication; additional seeuiit, (oth er than specie) to oousiat of the bonds I this ' State or of the United State*, for tbe #ietirp-* ' tion of j "wulatiug note* 1 , including in all cases r proper liability of stockholders and director, fitted for con venient and actual en- ' foroenidhL with a supervisory and controlling power in louu; proper officer or department of Government t*j restrain or suspend! tho action af buukfc in case of their violation or evasion of tbe laws: < Wheff # specie curreucy shall be secured to the peojde by prohibiting tho c-ireulatiori of bills of# small denomination, it will be highly desirable that the fiscal afiairs of the Statu governtfient shall be wholly separated front those of the banks;-in other weirds, that tho money transactions of the government both in its collections and ijisburseuientt. shall be iu the leg#! ccm of the country. Whenever a practicible, convenient and efficient scheme for the operations of the Treasury ugK>u such u ba sis cau pt presented to me by the Represents- j i lives of the people, it will meet -with a 4 cheer- i | ful appj-oval. There are difficulties iu tbe ease, Isoweveir, far greater thau those surmounted by j the general government, i-i the establishment ; 1 of its independent Treasury system; but ihcob ; jeet bojbg one of the first magnitude, and cal culated to exercise a most salutary influence j | upon '!<e action of the government, aqd upon i ! the business of the banks aud the people, it is ! Well worthy of earnest consideration. In reforming the currency, a siugie State can | accomplish but a moderate good, i however sincere, itHeliigeut and earnest it may be, without the co-operation of other States, and especiilly of those which adjoin it. Bank notes 'ire not stopped in their flow by imagina ry Sra lines, no/ doe* it seem possible for a Sta e altogether to prevent foreign notes from ; eircu Utiiig within her border.*, even by the 1 most stringent enactments. We must, there fore, invoke our sister States to join with u* in the regression of small paper, and iu such oih- j er ji trlicilurs of reform as require tor com- j plete Wuecess their en-uperatiou. Meantime to j the uxient of our power let us exert ourselves jto furilsh our citizen* with a sale and stable currurfcy; to prevent future fitiaucial coutul sioiis rial bar to that under wbion thu communi ty La* for Miuie time been struggling; and t., | relieve tbe government in i's fiscal action from tho danger of depreciated or worthless paper, joudtjlfe embai rassments arising from do pell ; dencf' upon Corporations of hor owu erea : tiou.. m Thd people of I'enm-yivania by the recent iduA"ijffof an amendment to tbv Constitution t .... ilu WEi, . . imposed nu nnpetativc obligation upon tnoir servants to practise economy, to limit expendi tures, ami to give their best efforts to the graduil but eventual extinguishment of the ex isting public debt. Afici eight years of expe rience under the sinking fund act of 184U, wo | find nr public indebtedness but slightly diuiinplied. The constitutional amendment ' just adopted demands the establishment vt an effective sinking fund for its payment, audi shall consider it one of the leading do lie* of imy administration to see that that amendment, is ojrried out both in its letor and its spirit.— 1 owl uot regard the reduction of tiiu three mill tax oil property, made at the last regular ses sion ot'the Legislature, otherwise than as inop portune, ntid doubtless existing financial ein baraismetits will for a timo reduce the amount lierlvfd from other sources of revenue. Nor will any very large amount of the purchase motet of the main line of tbe pubiic works be realicd by the Treasury for a considerable pe ri ad. It wiil, therefore, be necessary for the i Statejto husband tier resources, and to iucrease Iter rlvenuea as far as is possible, without op pros-iin to my interest, in order to meet her current aud necessary outlays, the demands of i her auditors, and the positive obligation of the constitutional ameudttienf. Tlcre i* a great lack of consistency and prinerde in ihe laws passed duriug some years in reation to incorporations. They have been crealtd upon no settled, uniform plan; are ex cusspe in number; and many of them uuueees sarvto the acoouipli-buient of any legitimate purpose. They have doubtless encouraged speculation, and in various ways contributed to the reeent financial convulsion. Various and iucnisistant provisions appear in acts establish ing or extending the powers of corporate bodies of tkc same class and general eharaetei. The tax laws relating to theui are in some confu sion, and conkequeutly taxes paid by them un equal, while soma wholly escape any share of the public burdens. In brief, our system of incorporations has become so vast, diversified and difficult of comprehension, that no reasona ble industry can master the whole subject, and understand precisely where we are aud whither we are drifting. A thorough revision of our laws on this subject, aud the establishment of general, uniform regulations for each class of corporute bodies, with the avoidauee, as far as possible, of special provisions for particular corporations, are reforms imperiously demand ed by the public interests iu which 1 shall heartily co-operate. I have no hostility to ex press against incorporations for proper objects beyond the power of individual means and skill: nor generally against legislative facili ities for the application of labor and'capital to the creatiou of wealth, where individual un prompted action will not go. But no oue cau assert that we have limited ourselves to such a policy, nor that our laws ou this subject have been careful, consistent and just. Bat, notwithstanding all topics of regret or criticism in our public career, (and which sbouid bear their proper fruit iu amendment and reform) we may well be proud of this Pennsylvania of oure—of her people, her insti tutions aud her laws. She has become great, prosperous and powerful, ranking auioug the first of the States, aud her condition at homo and character abroad bear testimony to ber merits, aud protniee for her a distinuisiw.d fu ture. B sides her agricultural resources which are great and first iu importance, she is capa ble of producing in untold quantities those two articles of priuie necessity and universal use, Iron and Coal. Even in times of wide spread financial calamity, when speculation end ex travagance have done their worst, to cripple the 1 operations of capital, and stay the hand of la bor in its useful toil, the leading interests of our State may be counted among the first to revive and to furnish a strong and reliable ba sis for the resumption of activity iu all the channels of employment, and in all the opera tions of trade. That government would be unwise and blind which would aduiiuister the public affairs of this State, otherwise than in a spirit of kindness and protection to these great and capital interests. From the earliest period of our history, it has been the policy of Pennsylvania to educate all her citizens; aud at this time our institu tions of leamiug atrd educational facilities are equal to those of any country. Our Common School system is justly distinguished as one of the uioat practical and efficient iu the Union. Let us then cherish this traditional policy, coming down to us from the fathers of the Common wealth, and by every means in our power foster and strengthen the measures now successfully producing the results so ardently desired by the patriotic men wuo have gone be- fore us. While our domestic affairs and policy uatu- j rally will occupy most ot the attention of our i Government and our people, it is not t< be for gotten that Pennsylvania bears very interest ing relations to tbe other States of the confed eracy, and looks wi'L an anxious eye to the proceedings and policy of the Gcueral Govern- ! meut. It is both war duty and our interest to ; cultivate the most friendly relation* with our ■ sister Statu.*, and to frown upou all attempts to ' sow among them feelings of alienation. . We j should exert our whole influence to keep the ' government of the Union in its true position, |as the common agent of the States and the i people, cxetci-itig high powers in liust. for i their advantage and welfare, and deriving all , its powers from the written constitution which ; I called it into being. At this time we have j | strong reasou to confide in that Government, :a* we know that its administration i* in sife, able and patriotic hands; ard that it may be trusted to deal justly with all sections of the country. Insubordination—an utter disregard and contempt of just ami lawful authority —has heretofore produced difficulties in the Territo ries of Kansas and Utah, aud in the case of the latter, lias uow precipitated a state of artued bostihtv between the inhabitants aud the Gen eral urtTveiirffon,i. m trie tmtihrrj tc- pvai,.e,.i American remedy for ttie redress ol political grievances, real or imaginary—the ballot-box, I —hao been tot a long tiuie abjured by a cou ! siderablc portion ol iliu population, aud a ■ struggle between legal authority and unlawful ; aud irregular vuiibiuatiou* continued down to ; the prcseut period. Meantime, contributions |of motiey and aid from the State.*, have kept ; up excitement aud turbulence in the Tenitorv, | and enabled <ie*igning tueu there to inflame ! passious, which otherwise would long since j have subsided. The judgment and opinion of the country cannot be too strongly consolida ted in favor of the laws, and against ail who rise up to oppose iheiu ty unauthorized uieans. Nor cau the excuse for resistance to the Terri torial laws, and for failing to perform the du ties of citizenship uuder tiiem, that wrongs and frauds were perpetrated at elections; be admitted as a justification. Where elections are so fi'eqnent, and the right of suffrage so liberal, as iu this country, it is peculiarly the duty of a good citizen to obey existing author ities, and even objectionable laws, knowing ' that, the former cuu be changed, and the latter modified or repealed, within a very brief peri- I od. Aud as to disputed election*, they must >be decided by the proper legal authority, ami ; uot by individual citizens, or irregular self-con stituted assemblages. Insubordination t>. necessary and rightful I authority, instigated aud encouraged by un • worthy men iu the organized States, who de*i i red that discord should continue, and were wil | iiug to contribute to that object, is the prolific i foundation from which the troubles in Kitisas | have heretofore proceeded. It was natural, ; perhaps inevitable, that this conduct, by a par jty in tbe territory should provoke uu opposite i party to many unjustifiable acts, and to much i imprudent and unreasonable couduct. Thus extremes act and re-act upou eaeli other, and ; when the laws are defied aud individual action } let loose, wroug, outrage aud violence are ue j eessary results. | The last phase of the Kansas question, wbiclt i is upon the constitution framed by a Territori ial Uooventiou, is peculiarly for the judgmeut. jof Congress, to which the power of admitting : new State* is confided by tbe Constitution of ' the Union. The representatives of the people i and of the States in Congress assembled, will meet that question under all the rcsponsibili ! ties whioit they owe to their constituents, aud j which are imposed upon them by their oaths of ' office; and with full information upou matters !of fact important to the formation of a final j judgment. Events are constantly occurring in : the territory which will afford matter for o<u -l gressional debate, and may affect the ultiia te i decision. To tbe people uf Peunsylvauia the admis sion of a new iitate into the Union—into that confederacy of which she is a member—must be at all times a subject of bigh interest.— And 1 believe 1 express their sentiuieo's as well as my own, in declaring that ull tbe quali fied electors of a Teriitory, should have a full and fair opportunity to participate iu soicotiug delegates to form a Constitution preparatory to admission us a State, and, if desired by them, they should also he allowed an unqualified right to vote upon such Constitution after it is frame!, (if course tbos9 wbo lUen fail U vote iu either case, cannot complain that the pro ceeding goes ou without their partieipatiou. — It is to be hoped, turt Congress such provision for other Territories that the present difficulty will have no repetition in the future. VOL .31. NO. 5. In conclusion, permit nje to observe, that all oxperieuce and reflection prove that the moral virtues form the only firm foundation of pnbiic ojder as well as individual character, and their support should therefore engage the profound attention of Government, and ibe co-operation of all good men. Frail, indeed will be any structure icared for the regulation of society, and the promotion of man's true and substan tial happiness, unless it stand upon a founda tion more permanent than paper arrangements or the fleeting impulses of the hour! The re cognition of a Great Supreme power, which rules the affairs of nations and of uten, is the ouly support of those virtues which can make a people distinguished aud prosperous, and give to Government duration and success. Sincerely imploring the Divine guidance in the performance of duty, I assume the post as signed me by the people, indulgiug the hope that at the termination of tey service I shall enjoy the approval of uiy own conscience, and behold Pennsylvania advanced and secure in her position as one of the great communities of the New World—her standard aloft, and proudly bearing, untarnished, her motto of "Virtue, Liberty and lodepencence." ■■ - - From the Washington American. Gat\U DEBATE IX TIIE SEX ATE. EXTRACT FROM THE PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE. " How ardently I have longed to meet you here, That in close conclave we together might Bewail the woes which, like a mighty dood, Have all our hopes and prospects overwhelmed ; Discuss toe causes of the sad event, And, gathering wisdom from our late mishaps, Contrive by what means we may best avert Our final doom ; how save oar sinking ship, ' Which, tike a foundreod craft, now floats at Urga, i Broken and rotten on the swelling wave Of schismatic ascendency." Then Douglas bold his ruuse invoked, Folded his arms and thus he spoke : i •• By consultation with our mutual friends, j And in my journey bitherward, I called j On Sunday list upon the reverend Sage. ; For four full hours upon that sacred day. | We viewed this subject iu its grave aspects. Talked aud reUiked it, scanned and conned it o'er, ! Discussed its merits, bearings ami designs. Its means, its end, and all its bitter fruit— ! And from all thai I could hear or see, or think, ! 1 could not tell to whicn side he iuclined. ' but Buck is with me, mirk; I know the man— ! For had he declared himself on either side, > He surely would have stabbed it to the heart. For silence aud non-committalism prove him still i A hunker true, in spirit, aim aud will." BigUr— -1 " Mr. President, I must express surprise i 4.rl -man now arise, Our council to divide; 1 That be should think to load astray , Our pirty from the appointed way, To paths we ksow not of." j flaie —(tote twee,) , O. what a tangled web we weave When first we practice to deceive !" Hunter— •' And ivnre't not that at thy lieck and cili A faction great, not large nor small, Might here arise ; i And thus disturb the harmony | Of brethren bound in amity, I We'd spurn you hence." Green — * j " And Douglas, more, I tell thee hero, I More, in thy pitch ot pride, I E'en with tnese Freesoilers near, j 1 tell thee, thou'rt defied. ! And if thou suidst old Buck's not peer | To any Squatter Sovereign here. Eastward or Westward, tar or near, i Bold Angus, thou hast told a story." i Wilson — i '• Behold how sinners disagree, The Publican aud Pharisee ; | One doth bis righteousness proclaim, j The other owns his guilt and shame." Toombs— • " And is there then in Gilead found ; N'o balm to heal this smarting wound, ; Made by the warmed viper's breath t Sctcurd— i Hark! lVoiu the Tombs the mournful sound, i Mine ears attend the cry ; j Ye Locos corns aud view the ground, I Where you must shortly lie." ! Doug las— •• Behold the precious DALM is found To lull the paiti, to Ileal the wound. Here is a resolution, quaintlv drawn, Which, wnite it rea L freesoil may still he turned, By skillful rhetoric, to its opposite. ! And thus may be made to justify what'er j Ourselves iu future may devise." Toombs— t '• I'll have no resolution which shall bind The Loco party to that cursed creed, And make us how our necks and take the yoke To drag the car of Abolitionism." ' BigUr — j " Toombs,forbear, for with prophetic km, I I see our party hopes revive again; Visions of glory crowd ray laboring brain, And stores of plunder press, uml endless train. The pist is gone, the present we enjoy, Aud iot'sthis day our means employ ; If union now our mutual Councils tiless, 'Twill be the pledge of spoil and hippiuess." Tcombs— " Forgive me, Douglas, once again, No More I'll seek to give thee pain." Pugh. " Let us join hands and altogether swear Our mutual wants and losses to repair, And pray to Heaven to grant us ail oar joy, And Sanctify all means te may employ." They all join hands in token of forgiveness. L "'he spirit ot Kansas is then supposed to appe ir iu the scene and express her surprise and admira tion iu the following chant.— } • Sweet is the carol of the early 1 irk, As, heavenward rising, ho salutes the mom; Sweet is the music ot the church-going bell, Which calls the early penitent to prayer. Sweet are the hymns which, like soft incense rise, To call down kiudreJ blessings from the skies ; And sweet's the voice of prayer. But sweeter far, and dearer far to me, Arc Locos bound in unity: | And sweeter far than these combinsd, | Are the spoils of office to a pious mind." Douglas — "Wiiier, the brandy! Friends, let's take a hortf, To celebrate the diy our hopes vVere born ; Lot here a deep libation down I pour, Iu memory of tuss consecrated hour." A Germau prince, iu a dream, seeiug three rats—one fat, tue other lean, and the third blind —sent for a celebrated iiohemisn gypsy, aud deuiauded an oxplauatiou. "Hie fat rat, said the sorceress, "is your prime luiuister, tbo lean rat your people, aud the blind rat your self."