BY DAVLD OVER.
Ittt fSortrt].
*!§§l§|®R
[From the Atlantic Monthly.]
STARS AAD FLOWERS.
When Eve had led Iter lord a.irny, •
And Cain had killed his brother,
The Stars and Flowers, the jioets say,
Agreed with one another.
To cheat the cunning tempter's art, I
Aud touch the race its duty.
By keeping on its-wicked heart
Their eyes of light and beauty.
A million sleepless lids, they say,
Will be, at Iwast. a warning;
And so the Flowers woul 1 watch by day,
The Stars troiu eve to morning.
On hill and piairie, field and lawn,
Their dewy eyes upturning,
The Flowers still watch from reddening dawn I
Till western skies are bui uiug.
Alas, each hour of daylight tells
A tale ot shame >■ crushing.
Tii it some tun) white as sea-tdeached shells,
And some ar- always Hushing.
But wheh the patient Stars look doWn
On all their light discovers—
The traitor's snnl". the murderer's frown. j
The lips of lying lovers, j
Ti ey try t i shut their saddened eyes,
And in the vain endeavor
M e Ml' them twinhling in the skies,
And so thi-v wink fl>r. wr.
.11Y WIFE t.\l) I
nr TKXXisos.
As through the land at eve we went,
And plucked the ripened ears.
Wo foil out —my wife and i
We foil "Ut! I k uw not why;
And kissed again with tears,
For when wo came where lies the nliild,
Wo lost iu othci years,
Th-re, aimvethe li tic grave—
O.'i. tiieie, above the little grave,
We kissed again with tears.
Ijiiiimim. i
OSlOlYINt; IRISH POTATOES. j
-1 protiiHcl. some time ago, to give tho resui*
or ai. experiment in growing Iri*li potatoes, and
which I was at that time trying. By the side
of a patch planted, manured and worked in
the usual way, I planted several rows with slips
ii* i* u.;ial with sweet potatoes in tins section,
i had [enviously m ule aho'-bed, iu which I put
about half a bushel of potatoes to turnisli the
slips or sprouts. It so happened, however, that
the bo; bed was made much later than it xli&ald
have been, and I did not have slips readv as
soon as 1 ought to have had them by several
weeks, aud consequently the yield was far less
than ii would have been, on account of the dry
weather which it; mid-summer foil owed the co
pious rains of the earlier pait of the season.—
Those which were planted in the usual way
with whole tuber.*, or pieces with one or more
c .y e; , —had the start of them, and yielded bet
ter, because they had the advantage of the rain.
Ycl my experiment, in connection wiih those of
some of my neighbors, has convinced me quite
satisfactorily on the lollowiug points:
1. Iu this way one bu*'nel of potatoes wili go
as far as three or four planted in the usual way.
One bushel will furnish slips for a large piece
of grouud.
'2. A crop cun be raised from 'be "lip* fully
as early, and I am confident earlier, than by
planting the potatoes, because the Lot-Led can
be made in February and the sprouts be grow
ing before it would be practicable to plant in
the open ground. A little brush or straw will
protect the Lot-bed in bard weather.
o. I found that the slips ou being transplant
ed lived wttb little or uo care, hardly one in a
hundred dying.
4. The potatoes grown from slips will usually
be larger and of more uniform size than thope
raised m the ordinary way, but not so many in
a hill—the yield in the aggregate fully as
much.
I hope souie of your readers will try this plam
and report. Let the ground be rich or thor
oughly manured, and, with a tolerable season,
the trial will be satisfactory, I am sure.
AGRICOLA
J B'Utimore Sun.
SEED CORN. —It is A matter of nxfre impor
tance of late years than formerly (o give espe
cial attention to the election and careful preser
vation o: corn for seed. For fioui the peculi
arity of the latter seasons, a vast amount of
corn that has seemingly kept well in the crib
for ordinary use, has been greatly injured in its
vegetative quality; so much so as either to /ail
iu sprouting altogether, or to send up such a
stock as is best calculated to withstand the un
favorable spring weather of the few last yeats.
To this cause must be referable in a great mea
sure the wide-spread complaint of the last sev
eral seasons relative to the "stand" iu the corn
crops throughout the country. And complaints
to a greater or less extent will be heard while
farmers arc, as the mass of tbem are, so un
mindful of iheir interest as to have to go to the
bulk of their corn iu the spring to pick up in a
hurry the corn for planting.
Written directions n the subject almost in
variably recommend goVig through the field iu
the fall, at the proper time, aud selecting the
earliest cars, braiding their husks together and
hanging them up for seed. Directions which,
however, often recommended, are very seldom
practiced; first because it is a very troublesome
way of selecting seed, and is casUy neglected
duriug the shot* ppace time intervening be-
BfiiforD jm* Jnquirrr.
A Weekly Paper, Devoted to Literature, Politics, the Arts, Sciences, Agriculture, &c., &c—Terras: One Dollar and Fifty Cents in Advance.
tween the time the earliest earsareripe enough
for planting and the time when the uniform ma
turity of the crop would make it impracticable
to make the selection. Next, every farmer
wishes, or should wish, to give the naked ear
as a whole, atid the gram and cob as parts, a
more careful examination than it. is possible to
do when the selection is made iu the field, and
the rule the more ripened appearance of the
externa! covering. Nor is the advantage in
| securing the first ears that mature of anything
| of like equal importance to other considerations
| hereafter alluded to, save, perhaps, in high or*
j der latitude*, especially when it is remeuiber
• ed how much a little excess of manure a stock
J of corn may have had over its neighbors has to
do with ripening its ears.. So numerous are the
shades of variety in every neighborhood, and so
multiplied are the facilities for intermixing
where the aptitude is so great as itisin Indian
corn, that the only way to preserve the distinc
i tivo characteristic of any variety is to employ
: watchful eye through a large portion of the
| crop while haudling it, or immediately on crib
bing it iu the fall. An acquaintance with the
features of the original variety, a slight prat- j
tice, will enable any or.e to detect the one ear '
iu twenty, perhaps fifty or a hundred, not mark
ed with a palpable adultcratiou from the origi- •
Hal.— lb.
INAUGURAL ADDRESS
OP
JIOLEBM WM. F. PACKER.
FELLOW CITIZENS: — In appearing before you
to enter upon my duties as Governor of tlm
Commonwealth, i consult my own inclinations j
in conforming to the usage which demands a
jx.pulir address: and, in the first place, I glad
ly embrace this opportunity to return my pro- •
found aml giuatful thanks to the l'eoplt* of PetiH- i
sylvania, for honoring me with the Chief Ex
ecutive office in their government. Their kind- '
uess will never be fotgotten, nor will the con
fidence they have reposed iu me ever lie hi ten- !
tionally betrayed. Duty to them and to myself ;
will require that the obligation which 1 have i
just taken to discharge my pubiic duties with
fidelity shall be faithfully observed; and thus
justify, as far as possible, the popular decision.
Doubtless I may commit errors iu a position
involving so touch of responsibility; but I will i
hope that none of them will be of a grave char-
P v~u.. •: Ir llio. n,u,.
lie iuteresis. 1 crave in advance a charitable
judgment upon tuy official conduct—that it
shall be construed with kin dues and toleration
so long n.t it shall appear to bo prompted by
sincere and honest motives—and I here engage ,
in this public and formal mariner, to regard lire
will of the people, the public good, and the
commands of ihe Constitution, as the guidrng
lights by which my course ih to be directed.—
With these aiurs constantly iu view, I shall
indulge the pleasing hope of doing some good
in the high station to which 1 have been called
by the public voice, aud of repressing some
evils which may threaten the public welfare, or
the individual rights of the people.
Ft/low Citizens of the Senate and House of
Representatives: —It will be my ardeut desire
to cultivate with you, as Representatives of the
people, the most amicable relations, and to
, unite with you in the adoptiou of all such uiea-
I sures as the public good mav require. The
different branches of the government, although
charged with distinct duties, arc to be regard
ed as parts of one harmonious whole ; and it is
well when all these parts move onward without
jar, interference, or collision. Nevertheless,
the distinct duties of the Executive, when du
ly aud honestly performed may occasion differ
ences with the Legislature; but, in such case, it
will be expedient to cultivate a spirit of com
promise and conciliation for the disposal of such
differences, or, at least, for mitigating the feel
ings of alienation to which they tend.
It is oue of the duties of the Executive from
time to time, to give to the General Assembly
information of the state of the connYiouwealth,
and recommend to their consideration such
measures as lie shall judge expedient; and un
der usage this is done by messages iu writing,
which are entered among the public records and
remain a part of the official history of the State.
I c'o uot understand this as a power of dicta
: ting to the General Assembly the measures
they shall adopt, nor even as a power of iuitia
| ting laws, but as an iuforming aud suggesting
power, iu no respect trenching upon the just
and proper jurisdiction of the legislative de
partment ot a free state. Iu short, it was nev
ler intended to give a legal control over the
i proceedings of the Representatives of the
; people in the euactmcnt of laws. It is, there
i fore, a right of communication with them,
which, while prudently and reasonably exerci
sed, cau give HO just occasion for jealousy, ob
jection, or cctnplaiut. The Executive, wheu
exercising this right, is but performing a plaiu
duty, and cau apprehend no difficulty in speak
i ing with a respectful freedom even upon ques
tions where an entire agreement ot sentiment
cannot be expected. But, there is another aud
I more delicate power which pertains to the re
lations betweeu the Legislative and Executive
depariments. By the twenty-third aud twenty
fourth sections of the first article of toe Oon-
I stifcutiou, all bills pasted by the General As
i setnbly, aud most of the orders, resolutions and
votes iu which they may concur, are submitted
to the Executive, and if disapproved by him
i can ouiy be made valid by a vote of two-thirds
of each House. This power of disapproval is
among the most important duties of the Exec
utive, and is constantly becoming more so,
from- the operation of obvious and natural cau
ses. In my opinion it is the clear and binding
duty of the Executive to return for ic-consid
oration every bill, order, resolution or vote,
presented to bim which be canuot approve—iu
j other words, that the assent of his judgment
aud conscience shall be. actually given to any
i measure before lie permits it to take effect; uu
i less, indeed, it be passed against h objeotiou
BEDFORD, -PA.. FRIDAY, JANUARY 29, 1858.
by a two-thirds vote. The words of the Cou
stituiiou are "if he approve he shall sign it, but,
if be shall uot approve, he shall return it with
his objections to the House in which it shall
have originated." Words could not convey a
power, and prescribe a duty iu a more clear and
definite form. It is manifestly the intention of
the Constitution that the deliberate and con
scientious approval of the Governor shall be
given to a bill before it, becomes a law, in ad
dition to the approval of the two Houses that
have previously passed it; unless the majorities
afterwards given to it upon re-ooiisideration iu
each House, shall bo so decisive as to clearly
indicate the wisdom of ths measure. It is true
that upou things trivial or icuifferent, where no
great interests are involved, nor constitutional
principles ill question, no private rights assail
ed, considerations of expediency may be taken
into account by the Executive; but certainly no j
substantial objection, whether of policy or of j
principle, can be waived by him in view of bis :
oath to support the Constitution. Ten days .
(Sundays excluded,) are allowed tho Executive j
to consider a bill, and to approve or veto it, !
after which it will become a law without his
signature, if uot previously returned. The j
practice of my predecessors has been occasion- j
ally to permit bills to become laws by this lim
itation of time. They have taken effect in the
entire absence of Executive action. But I be
lieve tliis has ouiy occurred where the Kxequ- ;
five has fouud it impossible to form a postive ;
opinion upon the measure—wticre, though uot
unobjectionable, it was trivial—or, where it
Was manifest that a veto would not cause its
defeat. This Executive practice ought not to
be extended, ami ilie practice iistlf is open to
question. For if the provision that bills noi
tuer signed uur returned within ten days, shall
become laws, was intended as a guard against
Executive abuse, iu holdiug tUeiu an undue pe
riod, and not as a mode by which the Execu
tive might cause them to take effect, without
the responsibility of acting upon them,itpvnuld
seem clear that the practice of holding them
over for siicii purpose cannot be defended.
But the Legislature by its adjourn men t
within ten days after the passage of u bill, may
ueprive the Executive of due tim.f for consid
ering it, and hence it is provided that iu such
case it shall become a law unless scut back with
in three day s after the next meeting. Iu mod
ern practice a large uumber of bills arc usual
ly sent to the Governor within a few days of
the adjournment of the Legislature, which it is
iiii|HJ>SlUiv I'n Uiin VU buuciwoi UUI * v.-
adjournment takes place. Iu fact many arc
scut to him in the very closing liout icof the
session. But it would seem plain that the Ex
ecutive could reasuuabiy ask Hi such case only
the full constitutional period of ten days for
formiug his opinion, aud that all bit!* he be
l.eves it his duty to approve siiull be actually
signed within that period. By the eketcisc of
reasonable industry this cau iu all cases be ac
complished. Then, sucii bills as lie disap
proves will be held over to bo returned to the
proper branch of the General Assembly v.ithiu
ilitee days alter their next mooting, according
to the constitutional provision. This will prop
erly dispose of all bills iu his hands at the ad
journment, unless iudoed it, be allowable to
hold over bills aud permit them to become
laws without his action.
The propriety of signing bill* by the Gover
betwecu the sessions of tho Legislature has
hecu questioned. It docs not accord with the
old practice, and is certaiuly liable to abuse.
Duriug my term it will be strictly confined to
the tiist ten days after an adjournment, and ail
bills not then approved, may be considered as
awaiting the next meeting of the General As
sembly, to be returned with the Executive dis
approval. The Executive should not be sub
jected for long periods of time to the nolicita
i rions of those interested in bills, nor shuold be
i tie subject to the imputation of indecision, or
I favoritism almost unavoidable in such cases.—
I Nor is it right that he should have in his hands
• the means of influence which the holding open
I of his decision upou bills during a recess would
confer. Besides a great wrong mav bo don*
to those interested in legislation, by continuing
tbem for undue period iu uncertainty as to tie
fate of bills iu which their rights, their proper
ty, or their business may be involved. Thee
are evils which an Executive may obviate, ly
settling his policy firmly in the outset of lis
administration. It would be well, also, for tie
Legislature to so shape its action as to avid
the necessity of sending iiiauy important bils
to the Governor in the closing days or boureof
a session.
Fellow Citizens: —Although it will no be
expected that 1 should at this time discus) in
detail the particular questions whioL willpob
ably come before the government dnriu,' my
team, 1 desire briefly to give expression u the
general views of public policy to which ihoid
iu their application to practical issues now
peuding. The currency of the State is insuoh
a disordered condition, that a genera) and
wholesome public opinion demands its itbrm,
and the] establishment of eifcotuai turners
agaiust future convulsions. This is a sd'jeet
which will test tli3 intelligence, the finmess,
and the patriotism of the Representatises of
the people in the Legislative department, and
may impose grave responsibilities upou tip Ex
ecutive. My views are decidedly hostildo tbe
emi*siou and circulation of small uotea as a
ourreucy; to the iucrease of Bankiug apital
tinder present urrangenicuts, and to tbe issoos
of bank paper upou securities inadequat for
tbeir redemption. The want of unitoraty iu
the legal provisions under which exisiiudianks
.Operate, is objectionable. Iu tbe revisit aud
amendment of our bankiug system, the fublie
j iutkrests iu my opinion demand the extusion
of the specie basis upon which issues ariuade,
the suppression of tho smaller deuouiinaous ot
notes heretofore allowed; thorough refits ot
the condition and business of bauks wi< their
frequent publication; additional seeuiit, (oth
er than specie) to oousiat of the bonds I this
' State or of the United State*, for tbe #ietirp-*
' tion of j "wulatiug note* 1 , including in all cases r
proper liability of stockholders and
director, fitted for con venient and actual en- '
foroenidhL with a supervisory and controlling
power in louu; proper officer or department of
Government t*j restrain or suspend! tho action
af buukfc in case of their violation or evasion of
tbe laws: <
Wheff # specie curreucy shall be secured to
the peojde by prohibiting tho c-ireulatiori of
bills of# small denomination, it will be highly
desirable that the fiscal afiairs of the Statu
governtfient shall be wholly separated front
those of the banks;-in other weirds, that tho
money transactions of the government both in
its collections and ijisburseuientt. shall be iu
the leg#! ccm of the country. Whenever a
practicible, convenient and efficient scheme for
the operations of the Treasury ugK>u such u ba
sis cau pt presented to me by the Represents- j
i lives of the people, it will meet -with a 4 cheer- i
| ful appj-oval. There are difficulties iu tbe ease,
Isoweveir, far greater thau those surmounted by j
the general government, i-i the establishment ;
1 of its independent Treasury system; but ihcob
; jeet bojbg one of the first magnitude, and cal
culated to exercise a most salutary influence j
| upon '!<e action of the government, aqd upon i
! the business of the banks aud the people, it is !
Well worthy of earnest consideration.
In reforming the currency, a siugie State can
| accomplish but a moderate good,
i however sincere, itHeliigeut and earnest it may
be, without the co-operation of other States,
and especiilly of those which adjoin it. Bank
notes 'ire not stopped in their flow by imagina
ry Sra lines, no/ doe* it seem possible for a
Sta e altogether to prevent foreign notes from
; eircu Utiiig within her border.*, even by the
1 most stringent enactments. We must, there
fore, invoke our sister States to join with u* in
the regression of small paper, and iu such oih- j
er ji trlicilurs of reform as require tor com- j
plete Wuecess their en-uperatiou. Meantime to j
the uxient of our power let us exert ourselves
jto furilsh our citizen* with a sale and stable
currurfcy; to prevent future fitiaucial coutul
sioiis rial bar to that under wbion thu communi
ty La* for Miuie time been struggling; and t.,
| relieve tbe government in i's fiscal action from
tho danger of depreciated or worthless paper,
joudtjlfe embai rassments arising from do pell
; dencf' upon Corporations of hor owu erea
: tiou.. m
Thd people of I'enm-yivania by the recent
iduA"ijffof an amendment to tbv Constitution
t .... ilu WEi, . .
imposed nu nnpetativc obligation upon tnoir
servants to practise economy, to limit expendi
tures, ami to give their best efforts to the
graduil but eventual extinguishment of the ex
isting public debt. Afici eight years of expe
rience under the sinking fund act of 184U, wo
| find nr public indebtedness but slightly
diuiinplied. The constitutional amendment
' just adopted demands the establishment vt an
effective sinking fund for its payment, audi
shall consider it one of the leading do lie* of
imy administration to see that that amendment,
is ojrried out both in its letor and its spirit.—
1 owl uot regard the reduction of tiiu three mill
tax oil property, made at the last regular ses
sion ot'the Legislature, otherwise than as inop
portune, ntid doubtless existing financial ein
baraismetits will for a timo reduce the amount
lierlvfd from other sources of revenue. Nor
will any very large amount of the purchase
motet of the main line of tbe pubiic works be
realicd by the Treasury for a considerable pe
ri ad. It wiil, therefore, be necessary for the
i Statejto husband tier resources, and to iucrease
Iter rlvenuea as far as is possible, without op
pros-iin to my interest, in order to meet her
current aud necessary outlays, the demands of
i her auditors, and the positive obligation of the
constitutional ameudttienf.
Tlcre i* a great lack of consistency and
prinerde in ihe laws passed duriug some years
in reation to incorporations. They have been
crealtd upon no settled, uniform plan; are ex
cusspe in number; and many of them uuueees
sarvto the acoouipli-buient of any legitimate
purpose. They have doubtless encouraged
speculation, and in various ways contributed to
the reeent financial convulsion. Various and
iucnisistant provisions appear in acts establish
ing or extending the powers of corporate bodies
of tkc same class and general eharaetei. The
tax laws relating to theui are in some confu
sion, and conkequeutly taxes paid by them un
equal, while soma wholly escape any share of
the public burdens. In brief, our system of
incorporations has become so vast, diversified
and difficult of comprehension, that no reasona
ble industry can master the whole subject, and
understand precisely where we are aud whither
we are drifting. A thorough revision of our
laws on this subject, aud the establishment of
general, uniform regulations for each class of
corporute bodies, with the avoidauee, as far as
possible, of special provisions for particular
corporations, are reforms imperiously demand
ed by the public interests iu which 1 shall
heartily co-operate. I have no hostility to ex
press against incorporations for proper objects
beyond the power of individual means and
skill: nor generally against legislative facili
ities for the application of labor and'capital to
the creatiou of wealth, where individual un
prompted action will not go. But no oue cau
assert that we have limited ourselves to such a
policy, nor that our laws ou this subject have
been careful, consistent and just.
Bat, notwithstanding all topics of regret or
criticism in our public career, (and which
sbouid bear their proper fruit iu amendment
and reform) we may well be proud of this
Pennsylvania of oure—of her people, her insti
tutions aud her laws. She has become great,
prosperous and powerful, ranking auioug the
first of the States, aud her condition at homo
and character abroad bear testimony to ber
merits, aud protniee for her a distinuisiw.d fu
ture. B sides her agricultural resources which
are great and first iu importance, she is capa
ble of producing in untold quantities those two
articles of priuie necessity and universal use,
Iron and Coal. Even in times of wide spread
financial calamity, when speculation end ex
travagance have done their worst, to cripple the 1
operations of capital, and stay the hand of la
bor in its useful toil, the leading interests of
our State may be counted among the first to
revive and to furnish a strong and reliable ba
sis for the resumption of activity iu all the
channels of employment, and in all the opera
tions of trade. That government would be
unwise and blind which would aduiiuister the
public affairs of this State, otherwise than in a
spirit of kindness and protection to these great
and capital interests.
From the earliest period of our history, it
has been the policy of Pennsylvania to educate
all her citizens; aud at this time our institu
tions of leamiug atrd educational facilities are
equal to those of any country. Our Common
School system is justly distinguished as one of
the uioat practical and efficient iu the Union.
Let us then cherish this traditional policy,
coming down to us from the fathers of the
Common wealth, and by every means in our
power foster and strengthen the measures now
successfully producing the results so ardently
desired by the patriotic men wuo have gone be-
fore us.
While our domestic affairs and policy uatu- j
rally will occupy most ot the attention of our i
Government and our people, it is not t< be for
gotten that Pennsylvania bears very interest
ing relations to tbe other States of the confed
eracy, and looks wi'L an anxious eye to the
proceedings and policy of the Gcueral Govern- !
meut. It is both war duty and our interest to ;
cultivate the most friendly relation* with our ■
sister Statu.*, and to frown upou all attempts to '
sow among them feelings of alienation. . We j
should exert our whole influence to keep the '
government of the Union in its true position,
|as the common agent of the States and the
i people, cxetci-itig high powers in liust. for
i their advantage and welfare, and deriving all
, its powers from the written constitution which ;
I called it into being. At this time we have j
| strong reasou to confide in that Government,
:a* we know that its administration i* in sife,
able and patriotic hands; ard that it may be
trusted to deal justly with all sections of the
country.
Insubordination—an utter disregard and
contempt of just ami lawful authority —has
heretofore produced difficulties in the Territo
ries of Kansas and Utah, aud in the case of the
latter, lias uow precipitated a state of artued
bostihtv between the inhabitants aud the Gen
eral urtTveiirffon,i. m trie tmtihrrj tc- pvai,.e,.i
American remedy for ttie redress ol political
grievances, real or imaginary—the ballot-box,
I —hao been tot a long tiuie abjured by a cou
! siderablc portion ol iliu population, aud a
■ struggle between legal authority and unlawful
; aud irregular vuiibiuatiou* continued down to
; the prcseut period. Meantime, contributions
|of motiey and aid from the State.*, have kept
; up excitement aud turbulence in the Tenitorv,
| and enabled <ie*igning tueu there to inflame
! passious, which otherwise would long since
j have subsided. The judgment and opinion of
the country cannot be too strongly consolida
ted in favor of the laws, and against ail who
rise up to oppose iheiu ty unauthorized uieans.
Nor cau the excuse for resistance to the Terri
torial laws, and for failing to perform the du
ties of citizenship uuder tiiem, that wrongs
and frauds were perpetrated at elections; be
admitted as a justification. Where elections
are so fi'eqnent, and the right of suffrage so
liberal, as iu this country, it is peculiarly the
duty of a good citizen to obey existing author
ities, and even objectionable laws, knowing
' that, the former cuu be changed, and the latter
modified or repealed, within a very brief peri-
I od. Aud as to disputed election*, they must
>be decided by the proper legal authority, ami
; uot by individual citizens, or irregular self-con
stituted assemblages.
Insubordination t>. necessary and rightful
I authority, instigated aud encouraged by un
• worthy men iu the organized States, who de*i
i red that discord should continue, and were wil
| iiug to contribute to that object, is the prolific
i foundation from which the troubles in Kitisas
| have heretofore proceeded. It was natural,
; perhaps inevitable, that this conduct, by a par
jty in tbe territory should provoke uu opposite
i party to many unjustifiable acts, and to much
i imprudent and unreasonable couduct. Thus
extremes act and re-act upou eaeli other, and
; when the laws are defied aud individual action
} let loose, wroug, outrage aud violence are ue
j eessary results.
| The last phase of the Kansas question, wbiclt
i is upon the constitution framed by a Territori
ial Uooventiou, is peculiarly for the judgmeut.
jof Congress, to which the power of admitting
: new State* is confided by tbe Constitution of
' the Union. The representatives of the people
i and of the States in Congress assembled, will
meet that question under all the rcsponsibili
! ties whioit they owe to their constituents, aud
j which are imposed upon them by their oaths of
' office; and with full information upou matters
!of fact important to the formation of a final
j judgment. Events are constantly occurring in
: the territory which will afford matter for o<u
-l gressional debate, and may affect the ultiia te
i decision.
To tbe people uf Peunsylvauia the admis
sion of a new iitate into the Union—into that
confederacy of which she is a member—must
be at all times a subject of bigh interest.—
And 1 believe 1 express their sentiuieo's as
well as my own, in declaring that ull tbe quali
fied electors of a Teriitory, should have a full
and fair opportunity to participate iu soicotiug
delegates to form a Constitution preparatory to
admission us a State, and, if desired by them,
they should also he allowed an unqualified
right to vote upon such Constitution after it is
frame!, (if course tbos9 wbo lUen fail U vote
iu either case, cannot complain that the pro
ceeding goes ou without their partieipatiou. —
It is to be hoped, turt Congress such
provision for other Territories that the present
difficulty will have no repetition in the future.
VOL .31. NO. 5.
In conclusion, permit nje to observe, that all
oxperieuce and reflection prove that the moral
virtues form the only firm foundation of pnbiic
ojder as well as individual character, and their
support should therefore engage the profound
attention of Government, and ibe co-operation
of all good men. Frail, indeed will be any
structure icared for the regulation of society,
and the promotion of man's true and substan
tial happiness, unless it stand upon a founda
tion more permanent than paper arrangements
or the fleeting impulses of the hour! The re
cognition of a Great Supreme power, which
rules the affairs of nations and of uten, is the
ouly support of those virtues which can make
a people distinguished aud prosperous, and give
to Government duration and success.
Sincerely imploring the Divine guidance in
the performance of duty, I assume the post as
signed me by the people, indulgiug the hope
that at the termination of tey service I shall
enjoy the approval of uiy own conscience, and
behold Pennsylvania advanced and secure in
her position as one of the great communities of
the New World—her standard aloft, and
proudly bearing, untarnished, her motto of
"Virtue, Liberty and lodepencence."
■■ - -
From the Washington American.
Gat\U DEBATE IX TIIE SEX ATE.
EXTRACT FROM THE PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE.
" How ardently I have longed to meet you here,
That in close conclave we together might
Bewail the woes which, like a mighty dood,
Have all our hopes and prospects overwhelmed ;
Discuss toe causes of the sad event,
And, gathering wisdom from our late mishaps,
Contrive by what means we may best avert
Our final doom ; how save oar sinking ship,
' Which, tike a foundreod craft, now floats at Urga,
i Broken and rotten on the swelling wave
Of schismatic ascendency."
Then Douglas bold his ruuse invoked,
Folded his arms and thus he spoke :
i •• By consultation with our mutual friends,
j And in my journey bitherward, I called
j On Sunday list upon the reverend Sage.
; For four full hours upon that sacred day.
| We viewed this subject iu its grave aspects.
Talked aud reUiked it, scanned and conned it o'er,
! Discussed its merits, bearings ami designs.
Its means, its end, and all its bitter fruit—
! And from all thai I could hear or see, or think,
! 1 could not tell to whicn side he iuclined.
' but Buck is with me, mirk; I know the man—
! For had he declared himself on either side,
> He surely would have stabbed it to the heart.
For silence aud non-committalism prove him still
i A hunker true, in spirit, aim aud will."
BigUr—
-1 " Mr. President, I must express surprise
i 4.rl -man now arise,
Our council to divide;
1 That be should think to load astray
, Our pirty from the appointed way,
To paths we ksow not of."
j flaie —(tote twee,)
, O. what a tangled web we weave
When first we practice to deceive !"
Hunter—
•' And ivnre't not that at thy lieck and cili
A faction great, not large nor small,
Might here arise ;
i And thus disturb the harmony
| Of brethren bound in amity,
I We'd spurn you hence."
Green — *
j " And Douglas, more, I tell thee hero,
I More, in thy pitch ot pride,
I E'en with tnese Freesoilers near,
j 1 tell thee, thou'rt defied.
! And if thou suidst old Buck's not peer
| To any Squatter Sovereign here.
Eastward or Westward, tar or near,
i Bold Angus, thou hast told a story."
i Wilson —
i '• Behold how sinners disagree,
The Publican aud Pharisee ;
| One doth bis righteousness proclaim,
j The other owns his guilt and shame."
Toombs—
• " And is there then in Gilead found
; N'o balm to heal this smarting wound,
; Made by the warmed viper's breath t
Sctcurd—
i Hark! lVoiu the Tombs the mournful sound,
i Mine ears attend the cry ;
j Ye Locos corns aud view the ground,
I Where you must shortly lie."
! Doug las—
•• Behold the precious DALM is found
To lull the paiti, to Ileal the wound.
Here is a resolution, quaintlv drawn,
Which, wnite it rea L freesoil may still he turned,
By skillful rhetoric, to its opposite.
! And thus may be made to justify what'er
j Ourselves iu future may devise."
Toombs—
t '• I'll have no resolution which shall bind
The Loco party to that cursed creed,
And make us how our necks and take the yoke
To drag the car of Abolitionism."
' BigUr —
j " Toombs,forbear, for with prophetic km,
I I see our party hopes revive again;
Visions of glory crowd ray laboring brain,
And stores of plunder press, uml endless train.
The pist is gone, the present we enjoy,
Aud iot'sthis day our means employ ;
If union now our mutual Councils tiless,
'Twill be the pledge of spoil and hippiuess."
Tcombs—
" Forgive me, Douglas, once again,
No More I'll seek to give thee pain."
Pugh.
" Let us join hands and altogether swear
Our mutual wants and losses to repair,
And pray to Heaven to grant us ail oar joy,
And Sanctify all means te may employ."
They all join hands in token of forgiveness.
L "'he spirit ot Kansas is then supposed to appe ir
iu the scene and express her surprise and admira
tion iu the following chant.— }
• Sweet is the carol of the early 1 irk,
As, heavenward rising, ho salutes the mom;
Sweet is the music ot the church-going bell,
Which calls the early penitent to prayer.
Sweet are the hymns which, like soft incense rise,
To call down kiudreJ blessings from the skies ;
And sweet's the voice of prayer.
But sweeter far, and dearer far to me,
Arc Locos bound in unity:
| And sweeter far than these combinsd,
| Are the spoils of office to a pious mind."
Douglas —
"Wiiier, the brandy! Friends, let's take a hortf,
To celebrate the diy our hopes vVere born ;
Lot here a deep libation down I pour,
Iu memory of tuss consecrated hour."
A Germau prince, iu a dream, seeiug three
rats—one fat, tue other lean, and the third
blind —sent for a celebrated iiohemisn gypsy,
aud deuiauded an oxplauatiou. "Hie fat rat,
said the sorceress, "is your prime luiuister, tbo
lean rat your people, aud the blind rat your
self."