BY DAVID OVER. | t m'i I? 2rt ru. | T" ! THE 91' D'-i It wis a narrow pass. Watered with limn-in tears. For (hath hart kept thn oiUer ? Ul ' Almost six thousand years. And the c.-asele-s tread of a world'j feat Was • eer in my cars— Thronging, j>tling, harrying by. . ifthev were onlv born to t.ie. I A stately Stirs drew near. This • arr. 'V pass to tread, Around hir.t hung a gorgeous robe. And a erown was r,n his h >adj Bat I) 'atl' with a 1 >"k of Withering sco.n, Arrested Iti u an 1 sai i, • -Iu bum' 1 -st dress must the king draw near, ' For the crown and the purple are us< less here. Next earn • n naan of wealth, At.d iiis e o wis proud and hoi 1, And he bo>v in his hand a lengthy scroll, Teal 14 of fUns U'ttO d; i"j ' i aril wi. c aret li n->t for rar.k. Cat th as little far go*;-- -H re that scroll I ca'.rxt ell >w. Fee ■ : ■ g li of the richest is powerless now.-" Another fdl-iwo.l fast, i And 3 bo k was iti h'.i hand. Fid i Wit • • thvios ojuiraiug thought That are known in mfny a 1 nd; Eii ttiec'iM nig iusinailel to hear Death'? j.itilns dem itd — ••llthat !><>.; eaiivortn;> - r with the®, • Fertile iTg .1 i
  • found Sonr- litt',: sp >t of h >pv gr,v.ri 1, Wb-rc vil! ige pleasu-s might go round, i Vitb at the vilgj t-til.ng. Hew douMy blest th ipl t :e woul 1 be, Where ail might dvvc in liberty, Free tn in the bitter liscry Of gossip's en diss prattling. If such a spot were rellv known, Dame might ciaini it as her own. And in i site might ix her throne, Fjr ever and fr ever. There, lie a queen tight reign and live, W iid efu-y one woui s>on f rgivo The I.till sights they night re learn ■ sd be ofFendii never. Ihs mi si 'uef makers h.nt remove, Far fron our hearts tie warmth of And lea. us all to dis pprore Wls gives anoiler pleasure. 1 hey >ej r. t* take nil 's part—but when They've! card ourcaies, unkiudly then They so; i retail then again, Mixed \i h their poisonous measure. And tha they've suih a cunning way Often,l their ill merit tales, th.-y say ' Don't a entiou what I say, I p'ray, I WHild not tell another;" Sfiaigii* jo yottr neighbor's h/usn they go j • s "*ving everything they Wow; Ar.d i.reyfe the peace of higa stid low, W lie, V-aband, friend an® brother. Oh! tb-.itle mischief icakiig crew Were al*luced to one o/ r two Andthefrepaiotea r J T^ onoaight f nOWtbea ' To ragAL unrr J g f, r Mforget Ar.d la and fret, low them For tisl dcgrad/ri^K- And l'wi gg nart, We mo 1 oart a heri>b 1 Tlicn li renni^^Bs In quit >rt 'otitid While ] hid; 'peace abound, London, is I ~ r^JohnAlartin^ ♦'Jennen's possession of tlio has been ' w '®'r so lonjr a period < he inherits f" ec, | > cs n, l heir. The cash I 000,000, - ' por annum. .1! be § 1,250,000 " c " u "; r - v L iuto poe # „4.f a rZll rs of 1 if not ( j, j t . ! "' s ''".' "'"i { ul 1 IkUy Xtu I isrful hMW.-~.Ur. 1 1 •J'W- I ; /:■ 4** (L-. - gp. ; > f -• • .aafc V ' "•• :•' A Weekly iper, Devoted to Literature, Politics, the Arts, Sciences, Agriculture, &c., &c—Terms: One Dollar and Fifty Cents in Advance. ! yi!hTII8!,. ! SUGGK.-, NS ABOUT STABLES, i In a prcvit H'tioic on the subject of the | i construction! 'tables we submitted a few j bled to aid those who leu! j desirous otp tig everything possible for the ; i comfort of if torses, in toe work of planning ! ifrood sriblriif'. about to bniid new one j , or to re-cortstaild ones. As seve ft her suggestions, which wore I present torJumJ while writiug our fonncr article, wdStitte 1 on account of our limited space, we jiru to the subject, arid comaieuce with reni.'dg th at provisiou sdrould always be j uutdc, 'ti ie way or other, for a very i'ruc j and su9i in all stables.— j '! here arut lew stahles where this matter is j suifieieuUMndeii to. There are but few ' stables vdvjso not emit a most offensive or disagree*# ur hours, can neither be as : comfort/ar as htalthy as he would be if. : provisi >|djbnei: made to secure a purer 1 supply-ir. The whole of the blood and i humors hit system must he contaminated' i Wiih tli t|,u :tios cf the atmosphere which he |is üblignMihale and i.nbihe through hi- I lungs, lit. poisonous m.ittcr cannot be taken inn tlostwn for any great length of tims ' witlioulufnciug some disease, or, at least,; some iicuwn of strength and spiri's and. .a pre ji.-pwo and readiness to be affected wkh at ru, I "ise Ma y not the dullness of eve, and tvard|#priglitliness, which are sometimes ob.-erv.u twrse® on first taking them out of thestaJHowing in a great measure to the . imputfltawsplc're which they have been : breath duri 'g a loug ntgiit, or a longer! peri"u cfllffirietneut in their stable? And! may n ha languor ai,d logginoss, the want of streng >odr ignr, which are quite common with -st horse* in ti;v spring, be owing in a gicat-.roeno their I'cing shut up in close,,' ' il!-vpe rd, and impure stables, during the wiutei aiU-' However this may be, i; is j . well a-taic d that infijitimation and weak- . i ness of-.mp. as well as coughs, colds, iu ; flneiiz end v 9 until .tiuns of the lungs, arc often cid [by confinement iu the foul and ' . ur,wholes. atniophere of some mach~ne- j J fleeted#4j ill-constructed stables. When i hors - '-, tJ dto breathe such n atmosphere ■j ihiring ffef, cmuo to be exposed, s they | turiurai tit st be, to sudden changes o; i temper; C in the spring, it need not be j won ier-it hat they -h und readily take cold 1 ami be ae o-i vri.h serious auuld not be worked too much when youf, *• i| retards their growth and otherwise j inju' 3 ?h e f but the soouer they are accustomed j tu'lbt wolk, the better. If allowed to run j unt they fro three or four years old, they bo coa wild iud untractable, are always ruauing j aW;i with iiic cait or sled, and never beeomo so docile as those that are trained w b„ yffapier. When they are a year old, the hjyoked and bitched to a small stick of ruber j a sled, and be driven around for a fewdajs d they become docile and obedient. Tbisfifooiijwinter they shouid bo yoked a few tons. Tj little boys, if any iu the family, cando it, itd it is excellent amusement fori tLcu. j N.N. i. (|(!KiN't Food por .Stock". —Cooking food fd tin at-k is rapidly growing iuD' 'avor. — , iti|!iot ai' 'gcher a new notion, eitiier. B it; M :ii lv, gfi tuing feed has been in vogue, nutil Lfc ioi ta> D ty the miller Las become so I BEDFORD, PA., FRIDAY, JANUARY 1, 1858. f large an item that our farmers are disposed to save both the grist and the toli by using dif ferent. kinds of apparatus for cooking food.— Wc incline to the belief, from experieng and from information derived personally from in telligent English agriculturists who have hud experience iu this manner of preparing food, i that if an boiler can he procured 1 one that will economize fuel, using ail the beat. that is generated, thus saving a large per cent i that is lost in the use of kettles—cur farmers j will not tax themselves with the labor and time ■ jof visiting the "gristmill. v A correspondent i says he foods three fifths less grain to his hpga than wlten he fed raw grain, .and thinks lie saved the price of three steam boilers in three 1 weeks.— J our aid of Agriculture. ' ! FARMERS TRY IT. —On examination OF the j Chinese sugar-cane, it will be found that at ' each joint there is a small shoot, covered up | I)}' the outside coating. It is by preserving the tops or stalks, and replanted the next season lengthwise of the rows, that the sugar crop in I the Sou'h is produced from just such shoots. —<• We therefore suggest that sous.' stalks be saved i ; for experiment, and planted next year. If it j succeeds the growth may bo improved, and at . least it. will prevent the plant from rgnnittg j out or mixing with other species, as rumor j says it is ant to do. | | CURE FOR WARTS ON COWS. —Apply a few J ' drops of nitric acid to the wart, two or thtec j times. Use if carefully, and avoid putting it , on the bog. I have a'ways found it effectual. j They are sometimes removed by tying a strong j thread around them; but the acid is better. KEEPING CIDER SWEET —A pint- of nius- J tard seed, put in a barrel of eitler, will preserve ! ilt sweet for several months. I have drank j Fall eider in the mouth of May, which '.vas kept j sweet by this means. | JUKI BOtbWS SMI'! ■ Wc subjoin the coneluding portion of Ju ige Dmy'is's speech of December 9, upon Kansas afTiirs, our pace not- permitting its publication eutirc : Sir, I deny your right or mine to inquire of these people what their objections to that C m- Rtituiion are. They have a right to judge for themselves whether they like or dislike it. It is no answer to tell me that, tlte CohsdluitiduTs J a good one and unobjectionable. It is not sat isfactory to me to have the President say in j his message that that Constitution is an admi rable one, lik" all the Constitutions of the new ! States that have been receutiy formed. Whether good or bad, whether obnoxious or not, is none cf my business and none of yours. I It is their business and not ours. 1 care not t what they have in their Constitution, so that it suits ihetc. and docs not violate the Constitu tion of the United States aid the fundamental . principles of, liberty upou whieh our institu- j lions test. I atu not going lo argue the que.s- ' tiou whether the banking system established in that Constitution is wise or unwise. It says there shall be no there shall be ' one bank of discount in tis * State, with two ! branches. Ail J have to say on that point is, i if tiiey want a banking systeh, let them have j it; it they do not wf K ins is, has a right to judge fi'pjthcui. Hence it is no justification, in my niijjd, for the violation of a great principle of sejp-govcrniueuf, to say that the Constitution v"U arc forcing on them is not particularly ob noxious. or is it excellent in its provisions. Fe "haps, sir, toe s tine thing might bo said ofShe celebrated Tnpeka Constitution. Ido not recollect its peculiar pruvKiops. 1 kmuv one thing: We Democrats, we Nebraska men. would not even look into ir, to see what its pro v'uijnii* vveie.' Why? Because we 3iid it wiw made bv a political p irty, and not by the peo ple; that it was mad MII defiance of tlie author ity of Congress; that if it was as pure as the Bible, as holy as the ten commandments, yet we would not tnuch.it, until it was submitted to tjfid ratified by the people of Kansas, in pursuance of the forms of law. Perhaps that ropeba Constitution, but for tho mode of ua icieg it, would have been unexceptionable. I io not know, I do not care. You have t.o right to force an unexceptionable Constitution n people: It does not mitigate the evil, it iocs not diminish the insult, it does not am>:- iorate the wrong, that you are forcing a good hi.'ig on them. Icm not willing to be forced 0 do that which I wouli do if I were left free " judge and net for myself. Hence I as.ser: hat there is no justification to be made for hps flagrant violation of popular riirht.- in Ivm : ■*, on the pica, that the (Jonstitution which hyy have made is not particularly obnox efs. But, sir, the President of the United States really aud siueetely of the opinion that the -livery clause has been fairly and impaitluilv übmitteu to the free acceptance or rejection of he people of Kansas; and that, inasmuch as iiat was the exciting and paramount question, 1 they get tho right to vote as they please on hat subject, they ought to be satisfied, and 'osstbly it might be better if wv would accept J, and put an end to the question. Let me ask, sir, is the slavery clause fairly iUbniitted, so that the people can vote for or _siii:st it? Suppose 1 were a citizen of Kau ri , aud should tco up to the jwlis and say, "I it lire fy vote to make Kanstrt a slave State; i* -e is iay ballot." They reply to IUC, 4 -.Mr. D aglas, just vote for that Cou.-titutiou first, f you please." "Oh, no!" I answer, "I cau i- t vote tor that Cot;.-lituti|)u conscientiously, llam opposed to the clause by which you locate drtaiu railroads in such away as to sacrifice iiiy county and uiypartcf the State. lam op toed to that banking system. 1 atn opposed i# this Know Nothing or American clause in rjts Cous'itutiou about the qualification for ut ile. I cannot vote for it." Tiiey tLen nn #er, "You shall not vote on m .king it a slave Tate." 1 then say, "I want to make i*. a free i'ate." They r.-piy, "Vote for that Coiis'iiu lion first, and then you uau vote to make it a fee State: otherwise you cannot.'" Thus they liisquaitfy every free State man who wiil net jrt vote for the Constitution. No matter ♦ hethor or not the voters state that they can tot conscientiously vote for those provisions, tiey reply, 44 You cannot vote for or again t lavery liere. Take tho Constitution as wo Lave maile it, take the elective franchise as we lave established it, bake the banking system us we have dictated it, take the railroad imcs s te have located theui, take the judiciary sys tem as wc have formed it, take it all as we lave fixed it to suit ourselves, and ask no Questions, but vote for it, or you shall not vote •itiier for a slave or free iStutc." In ofh -r rords, the legal effect of the schedule is tin?: ill those, who are in favor of this Constitution nay \ote for or against slavery, as they please; Dut til. those who are against this Constitution ire disfranchised, and shali not vote at all.— lliat is the mode in which the slavery propo.-i --liou is submitted. Every man opposed to the Constitution is disfranchised on the slavery :lause. How many ore tbey? They tell you ihere is a majority, for they say the Constitu tion will be voted down instantly, by an over whelming majority, if you allow a negative rote. This shows that a majority are against it. They disqualify and disfranchise every man who is against it, thus referring the slave ry clause to a minority of the people of Kansas, and leaving that minority free to vote for or against the slavery clause, as they choose. Bet me ask you if that is a fair mode of sub mitting the slavery clause? Docs that mode of submitting that particular clause leave the peo ple perfectly free to vote for or ugaiust slave ry, as they choose* Am I free to vote as 1 choose oh the slavery question, if you tell nie I shall not vote on it until 1 vote for the Maine liquor lafw? Aui I free to vote on the slavery question, if you tell me that I shall not vote either way uutil I vote for a bauk? Is ii free dom of election to make your right to vote up on one question depend upon the mode in which ;ou are goiug to vote on some other question which has no connection with it. Is that free dom of electiou? Is that the great fundamen tal principle of self-fioverntuent, for which we combined and struggled, in this body aud throughout the country, to establish us tho rule of action in all time to come? The President of l'ue United States has made some remarks iu his message which it strikes me would be very appropriate to read in this connection. He says: "The friends and supporters of the Nebraska and Kansas act, wLen struggling on a receut occasion to sustain its wise provisions before the great tribunal of the American people, nev er differed about its true meaning, on this sub ject. Everywhere throughout the Union they publicly pledged their faith and honor that they would cheerfully submit the question of slave ry to the dcoisiou of the b >na fide people of Kansas, without any restriction or qualification whatever. Aii were cordially united upon tr.e great doctrine qf popular kovoreiguty, which is the vital principle of our free institutions. Mark this: 'II id it then been insinuated, from an quarter, that, n would have been a sufiiciec compliance with the requisitions of the orpini law for (he numbers of a Convention, ihereal tor to be elected, to withhold the question < slavery from the people, and to substitute thei own will for that of a legally ascertained tin jority of their constituents, this would hav been instantly rejected." \os, sir, and I will add, further, had it bee then intimated f-otn any quarter, and believe by the American people, that it would hav submitted the slavery ciause in such a inanne as tO*compel a nun to voto that which his con science did not approve, in order to vote on rh slavery eliue, not oniy would th" idea hav been rejected, but the Democratic candidal I for the Presi lencv would have been rejected and every man who backed him would hav . been rejected, too. The President tells us in his message ;ha , the whole party pledged our faith, and our lion I or that the slavery question should be submit ted to the people, without any restriction o qualification whatever. Doe* this sehedui : submit it without qualification? It qualities i by saying. "\oij may vote en slavery if yoi v ill vote for the Constitution: but you slul • not do so without doing that." That is aver important qualification—a qualification tha 1 controls a man's vote and his action and hi conscience, i: he is an honest man-—a qtalifi •caiion confessedly in violation of oar platform ; \\ e tire told by the President that our t'aitl and our honor are pledged that the slaver' '•lause shouid be submitted without qualiSoa fion of any kin J whatever, and now, am I t.< be called upon to forfeit my fd;h and my Hon or iu order to enable a small minority cf tfo people of Kansas to defraud the majority o that people out of their elective franchise? Sir my honor is pledged; and before it shall bt taruishcu, I will tike whatever consequences personal to myself, may come; but never a*l me to do an act which the President, in hi message, has saiu is a forfeiture of faith—a vi elation of honor and that merely for the ex pediency of saving the party . I will go as fai as any of you to save the party. 1 have at much heart in the great causu that binds us to gether as a party as auy man itvittg. 1 wil sacrifice anything, short of principle and hon or, for the peace of the party; but if the p-ir?< wiil not stand by its principle*, its faith, it; pledges, I wiil stand there, and abide whatcvei consequences may result from the position. Let me ask you, why force this Constituiioi down the throats of the people of Kansas, ii opposition to their wishes, and in violation o our pledge. \\ hat great object i* to be attain iu? Cut bono? What ate you to gain by it v\ tii you sustain the party by violating its prin cipios/ Do you propose to keep the party uni ted by forcing a division? Stand bv the Joe trine that leaves the people perfectly free t torsi) aud regulate their institutions for them selves iu their own way, and your party wiil In united aud irresistible in power. Abandoi that great principle, and tuc party is not wortl saving, and cannot be saved, after it "dial! b violated. I trust we are not to be rushed upot this question. Why shall it be done? Wbi is to be benefitted? Is the South to be tb gainer? Is the North to be the gainer? Nei ther the North nor the South has the right b gain a sectional advantage by trickery or fraud Hut 1 aui beseeched to wait until I hear fron the election on the 21st of December. Lan told, that perhaps that will put it all right, ant will save tue whole difficulty. How cau it ? Perhaps there may be a large vote. Then may be a large vote returned, [Laughter ] Hut I deny that it is possibl- to have a fair vot< on the Slavery clause: and 1 say that it is no possible to have auy vote on the Constitution Why wait for the m >ckery of an election, whet it is provided unalterably thai the people can not vote—when the majority are disfranchis ed ? Dot 1 am told on all sid3, "Oh, just wait the Pro-Slavery clause will be voted down."— That does not obviate any of my objections, it does not diminish any of thorn. You have nc more right to force a free State Constitution or Kansas than aslave-Stato Constitution. If Kan sas wants a slave-State Constitution, she has i right to i"; if she wants a free-State Constitu tion, she has a right to it. It i* none of my business which way the Slavery clause is deci ded. 1 care not whether it is voted down o: voted up. Do you suppose, after tho pledges of uiy honor that I would go for that principle, and leave the people to voto as they choose, that I would uow degrade myself by voting one way if the Slavery clause be voted down, and another way if it be voted up* I care not bow that vote may stand. I take it for granted that it will be voted out. I think 1 have seen enough in the last three days to make it ccrtain that it wiil be returned out, no matter bow the vote may stand. [Laughter.] Sir, I am opposed to that concern, because it looks to mo like a system of trickery and jug glery, to defeat tha fair expression of the will of the people. There is no necessity for crowding this measure, so uufair, so unjust as it is iu all its aspects, upon us. Why can we nt now do what we proposed to do iu the last Congress?— We then voted through tbo Senate au enabling act, called tbo Toombs bill, believed to be just and fair in all its provisions, prououueed to be almost perfect by (be Senator from New Hamp shire, [Mr. Hale.] only be did not like the man, then President of the United Statcs, who would have to make the appointments. Why cau we not take that bill, aud, out of compliment to the President, add to it a clause taken from the Minnesota act, which he thinks should be a gen eral rule, requiriug the Constitution to be sub mitted to tba people, and pass that? That unites the party. You all voted with me foi that biil at the last Congress. Why not staud by the same bill now? Ignore Leeompton, ig uure Topeka, treat both these party movements as irregular and void; pass a fair bill—the out YOL. 31, NO. 1. f that we trained ourselves when we were acting ias a unit. Have a fair election, and you will nave peace in the Democratic party, and peace j throughout the country, in ninety day*. The : people want a fair vote. They wili never be ; satisfied without it. They never should be sat ! L-ifiud without a fair rote on their Constitution, i If the T o.uubs bill does not suit my friends, i take tiie Minnesota bill of list session—the one ]so much commended by the President in bis message as a model. Let us pas,s that as an enabling act, and allow tbo people of all parties i to Ciuuo together and have a fair vote, and I will go for it. Frame amy other bill that secures a fair,holiest vote,'o me . of a':lj.arti(S,-iud c uries •. out ihe pledge that the people shall be leftlree ; t0 decide ou their domestic institutions tor themselves, aud 1 will go with you with piea ' sure, and with all the energy 1 may possess.— ; Bat it this Constitution is to be torcod down i our throats,in violation of iho fundamental prin , etpie ot tree government, under a mode of sub mission that is a mockery an l insult, painful 39 it will be to me, 1 must break all associations or connections, rather than forfeit my princi ples. I have no fear of any party associations be : iug severed. 1 should reorei to see social and political tics Severed; but it" it must be,if I can not act .vith you and preserve my faith and my honor, i wili stand on the great, principle of popular sovereignty, which declares the right of a!) people to ne left perfectly] free to fotini and regulate tueir domestic institutions io their owu way. J will follow that principle wher ever iu legal and logical consequences may take uie, and 1 will endeavor to defend it against assauit from any and ail quarters. No mortal man shall be responsible for my action but myself, By my action, I will couipromit UO UI3U. OLD SCENES EKVISITED. TLe progression of life is so simple, and in the greatest number of prisons so quiet, that men only know, at length, that' they aro changing, but seldom perceive the process of changing. We knew that we are no longer boys, but cannot tell when we crossed the line. We are conscious that we have reached man hood and that youth lias departed. But EO gently did it go,that wo are as those who listen to a bird singing in a tree. After it has fiowu they listen still, aud only know its flight because it no longer sings. But row and then we are turned back, and brought fco to faco with the past, in such away that two lives gaze at each other, and we walk as if one identity had two ex pressions. l'he recollections of the past beat upon the heart, and we stand in its door, as a parent to whuui comes back the child not seen for scores ot year--, uncertain whether to doubt or to ac cept the lauiiliur strangeness. Aftor long absence, let any oue revisit the scenes of his childhood home, aud see whether these things be not so. 'lhcte will be a soft bewilderment,- a sit.! jov of excitement, which perhaps, one may not be able to analyze, bur which is, in fact, the flowing together of the two great streams ol lire, the past and the present. ARREST OF MURDERERS.—Two colored men have been nrrested charged with the murder of Mrs. Garberaud Elizabeth Ream, at Lancaster, an account of which we published last week.— They arc residents of Lancaster, and have long been knowu as thieves—spending the greater portion of their time in the county prison.— When searched, upwards of S9O in gold and .silver was found upon tbeir persons, which amount corresponds with that which Mr. Garber says was in the possession of his wife. There is no doubt that the object of the murderers was to get possession of the money said to be in the house. There was considerable blood upon their clothing. The evidenco against them is of such a character as to leave no doubt of their guilt. The feeling against the murderers was so great, while thev wete uu dergoing examination, that fears were enter tained ttiai the excited crowd would inflict summary vengeance upon them. A few moments however, served to calm the excitement, and the officers were allowed to convey them to prison without hiudraucc. GENTLE ROARING.—The Richmond South declines a controversy with Cel. Forney, upon the following special ground: '•We have abundant opportunity for discus sion with editors of respectable character. If wo could not find a worthy cbampiou, we should not accept one whose name is the synonym of personal dishonor." We have an impression that this is the same Gol. Forney who was chosen Clerk of the United States House of Representatives by the votes of the Virgiuia delegation. Is not this so? Col. Forney, like Judge Douglas, enjoyed a temporary period of respectability while co operating with " Southern gentlemen." Like Judge Douglas/also be relapses into a con dition of "vulgarity" and " personal dishonor *' the moment lie thwarts the purpose of them* same interesting " genttlmen ."—Washington Republic. METHODISM.—The Methodist Church (Northl has a membership, it appears from its minutes, just published,of 820,219; being an increase of 20,192 over last year. Its travelling preachers uunibei 5,134; its local preachers 7,169 it churches 8,335; and the value of its churches and parsonages is estimated at $18,000,000. — Its contributions for missious,tracts, bibles, and Sunday-school publications reach §311,315. — The Church South has a membership of 550,- 890. Av impertinent editor iu Alabama wants to know when we "intend to pay the 'debt of - nature?" We are inclined to think that when nature gets her dues from liitu it still be by nu Execution.—Lou. Journal