The Beaver radical. (Beaver, Pa.) 1868-1873, March 14, 1873, Image 1

Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page. It is also available as plain text as well as XML.

j;he 'fitnvex llaflical.
The Radical is published every Friday morning
4 , .. ]t . lo’.lowlng rates;
0 . r year, (payable in advance,)
s s.iLE copies
" t'i >er? discontinued to subscribers at the expire
the i r terms of subscription aUhe option of
[' , ' ; , u bUiher. unless otherwise agreed upon.
P-ofes-donal or Business Cards, not exceeding 10
\ >.- of this type, $B,OO per annum.
\ I Advertisements of 10 lines or less, *l,OO for one
] —ion and 5 cents per line for each additional
'TlUdvert lament*, whether of displayed or blank
~n e# measured by lines of this type.
Advertisements by the month, quarter or year
~-e,ved. and liberal deduction* made proportion
to 'length of advertisement and length of time of
Notices inserted among loca. items at 10 ]
ceats per line for each insertion, unless otherwise j
. 7-eed npon hy the month, quarter or year. ,
Advertisement* of 5 lines or less, |
insertion, and & cents per line for each additions I
' hUrluge or Death announcements pnblished fre
ofTharg:. Obituary notices charged as advertise-
and payable in advance.
o inicated by any correspondent, wi
to the publisher, will be thankfully re
c, ved. Local news solicited from every part of
county. _
publication Office: In Thu Radical Building
(..yaer Diamond, Beaver, Pa.
t i communications and business letters should
, . addressed to SMITH CURTIS, Beaver, Pa.
t o II X E AJK I N ,
ATTORNEY at law,
>f\lN ST., BEAVER;FALLS. [jalO'73
■* tt or ysys at la w
v attend promptly to all business entrusted to
* and have superior facilities for buying
«_i -cliing real estate. dec!3
i i;NEW vfe BUCHAN AJ*,
l\ '
r, ct4
v .mw prompt attention to Collections, Pro
< Bounties and Pensions, Buying and Selling
I ■ : Estate, etc.
i • 'ite R. E. Hoopes’ Banking House,,
-lUfflce. in the Radical Building,)
ini-in''-*.- entrusted to care will receive
I oi;>! attention.
attorxey at law,
1 fir?: dr>or below the Court House,)
■ Pensions, Back Pay, Horse Claims,
1 -r.m-. ,tc.. promptly collected. No charge
■ormanon. nor when money is not collected.
: ■' u
li. YOUNG,
attorney at law,
’ ’ sad residence on Third st.eastofthe Court
c ' -v* business entrusted to my care £hall re
rp prompt attention. Also, persons having
;,-o- v .«I ato tor sale - an d those wishing to buy town
c °aj or farm lands, may save time and
"■ ay calling at my ofhce. (aprSO’Vt/ ly.
1 swautzaveLDßE ,TKO. C. BABB.
' 0 ■ R 6 grant street,
At TORNEY at law,
Eai >^yeverybody,
B r a \i tv
J. S. RUTAN, Proprietor
i grttomtjis.
The Moral and Lessl Consideration!.
Ed. Radical: —Please publish the selec
tion from the Lancaster Gazette , for the
consideration of the voters of Beaver
county, and oblige
. 1,00
. 50
. 05
Are there any principles of law, gospel
or morality which should deter the citl-j
zens from voting against license ?
1. It is a principle recognized; in all
civilized communities that society has
the right to protect, by legal enactment,
health, lives and moral interests of its
citizens. This right is acted npon by
every government, legislature and court
in Christendom, and it is a right inherent
in the organization of society.
“Natural law,” says Blackstone, “re
quires that we should liw honestly, hurt
nobody and render to ‘every one bis due.
dan a man sell liquor to be drank, and
not hurt the drinker ? Can he take
money and give do value ? The liquor
seller cannot do this, and therefore has
no natural right to sell liquor for drinking
“Common law further declares that no
man has a right to use his property to the
injury of another, and that the consent of
the party injured is no mitigation of the
offence.” No man can rent his house for
the sale of liquor, without using it to in
jure others. No man can sell liquor to be
used for drinking, and not injure those
who thus use it. Common law, we thus
see, gives no man a right to sell for such
purpose. The moral law, which requires
•‘that we love our neighbors as ourselves,’
does not give the right to self intoxicating
drinks, inasmuch as no one can thus bell
without doing hurt to his neighbor
Therefore, the moral law gives no right
to a license.
The law of God, which says “thou shall
not kill,” does not give the right to trade
in that which all experience shows, kills
and destroys. It is believed that nearly
every homicide which has taken place in
Lancaster county during the past thirty
years, has been caused directly or indi
rectly by liquor. Therefore, the law of
God confers no right to sell lor such pur
The statute law is the only one which
does give men this privilege to sell. The
Legislature has assumed to give a privi
lege which neither natural law, common
law, moral law, nor the law of God al
The liquor seller’s “right” is by man
made law. He holds it on ly at the will
of that law. When that is taken away,
all right to sell ceases. It is not a duty to
take away a privilege, which experience
has proved cannot be exercised but at the
cost of all other citizens, and which con
fers no good, but causes evil continu:
ally. W
Gambling, horse-racing and lotteries,
which were once carried on under the
sanction of man made law, have, because
of the injuries inflicted upon the people,
all been prohibited—the liquor traffic is a
thousand times more destructive to every
interest and should also be prohibited.
2. This principle of protection is act
ed upon in the laws which are passed
against gambling, lotteries, profanity,
Sabbath-breaking, counterfeiting, storage
of gun powder, obscene prints, and any
business that endangers the public health
and morals. We do not depend upon
moral suasion to protect society against
these evils. We do not go to the gambler
or horse-thief and appeal to his con
science, his humanity, love of right, or
his regard for public welfare. We do not
plead with the incendiary and portray
before his mind the suffering, the loss of
property or life which he occasions. We
do not depend upon the preaching of the
Gospel, public meetings, speeches or the
force of argument to protect men from
stealing, or forging, or slandering. So
ciety, by law, says these evils shall not be
permitted. So with rum selling. It is
evil and only evil, and that continually,
and must be forbidden.
3. This right of society to protect it
self qr its young, ignorant or thoughtless
members from the evils of the drink
trade, has constantly been recognized by
outlaws in relation to the sale of intoxi
cating drinks. It is conceded that this
traffic is so full of danger and followed
by such sad consequences that it cannot
and has not been left open for every one
to engage in it. Hence, permission is
granted only to a select few to sell li
quors. Now, if society has the right to
forbid lh : s trade to all but a few persons,
it is clearly right to suppress it altogether.
4. Society exercises the right of de
stroying frrivate property when necessary
to prevent evil or to secure the public
good. The goods oi Jthe smuggler are
' ' : ■ ' i’-t I
J. I Frazer,
J. H. Aughey,
J. F. Edgar.
Special Committee.
seized and confiscated. To arrest a coo*
flagratlon a house or store may be pulled
down or blown up. Tainted meat, (jam
aged bides, decayed fish, fruit or vegta
bles, the implements of the gambler may
be seized and destroyed. And why ? Be
cause the trade in these is a sin against
society, and are destructive of health and
public welfare. Bnt the sale of intoxica
ting drinks produces an amount of pri
vate misery and public mischief compared
with which the injury done by those
things is as nothing.
Judge McLean (sth Howard’s Reports
589) says.- “The acknowledged police pow
er of a State extends often to the destrac
tion of property. A nuisance may be
abated; every thing prejudicial to the
public health or the morals of a city may
be removed; merchandize from a port
where contagious diseases prevails, joeing
liable to communicate may be ex
eluded, and in extreme cases may be
thrown into the sea.” t
5. It ia constitutional. The prohibition
of the traffic in intoxicating beverages is
in accord with the fundamental principles
of the Government. We believe it
safely be affirmed that the right to pro*
hibit the sale of intoxicating drinks has
been affirmed by the Supreme Court of
the United States, and also of every State
before whom the question has come for
adjudication, and that the contrary is not
found in any judicial annals of the coun
try. Let us quote ffom the judges of the
Supreme Court of the United States as
being the highest authority. Judge Grier
of Pennsylvania, gives his opinion in
Hbe following clear and forcible* words;
‘‘lt is not necessary to array the appal*
ling statistics of misery, pauperism and
crime, which have their origin in the use'
and abuse of ardent spirits. The police
power, which is exclusively in the States,
is alone competent to the correction of
these great evils, and all measures of re*
slraint or prohibition, necessary to effect
the purpose, are within the scope of that
authority; All laws for the restraint or
punishment of crime, or the preservation
of the public peace, health and morals,
are, from their very nature, of primary
importance, and lie at the foundation of
social existence. They are for the pro
tection of life and liberty, and nccessaii
ly compel all law on subjects of seconda
ry importance which relate only to pro
perty, convenience or luxury, to recede
when they come iu contact or colission,
solus populi supremo, lex. If a loss of rev
enue should accrue to the United States
from a diminished consumption of ardent
spirits, she w ill be the gainer a thousand
fold in health, wealth and happiness of
the people."—s Hotcard, 633.
Chief Justice Taoey of Maryland, says:
"If any State deems the retail atad in
ternal traffic in ardent spirits injurious to
its citizens, I see nothing in the Constitu
tion to prevent it from regulating and
restraining the traffic, or from prohibiting
it altogether.”—s. Howard, 577.
Justice Catron of Tennessee said;
“If the State has the power of restraint
by license, to any extent, she has the dis
cretionary power to judge of its limits.
And may go the length of prohibiting
sales altogether.”—s. Howard, 611.
Justice McLean, of Ohio said:
cense to sell an article, foreign or domes
tic, as a merchant or inn keeper, or vic
tualler. is a matter of police and revenue,
within the power of the State.” —5. How*
ard, 599.
Again: “It is the settled construction
of evey regulation of commerce, that un
der the sanction of its general laws, ho
person can introduce into a community
malignant diseases, or anything which
contaminates its morals or endangers its
safety." If the article be injurious to the
health and morals of a community, a
Stale may, in the exercise of that great
and comprehensive police power which
lies ot the foundation of its prosperity,
prohibit the tale of it.—s Howard; 592.
“No one can claim a license to retail
spirits as a matter of right.”—s Howard ,
These opinions put beyond question the
constitutionality of prohibitory laws.
We have to a limited extent presented
the economical and legal aspects of the
questions involved in the coming vote;
The strictly moral considerations, numer
ous and conclusive from that point of
view, we are compelled, for want of
space, to refer to the churches or a subse
quent paper.
Fellow citizens—This is a question o£»
far more importance to yourselves and
families, and involving far greater respon
sibility to your fellow men than attaches
to political elections. We pray you to
consider that in deciding whether the
drink trade of the county shall be con
tinued or suppressed, you not only settle
a point which ajffects your pecvniary in-
ttrests K h\\\ one which involves the joy and
sorrow of many families and the temporal
and; eternal welfare .of men; women and
Can you be guiltless if this op
portunity, passes untised by yon* in behalf
of morality, peace and the common good,
or if in support of the license
flood gates of iniquity are
kept opfen, and the streams of liquid
deathate still poured out upon the com
munity.' t ''
Consider, what good have yon ever
known,; [jo; come to the user of strong
drink such, become.wiser men,
more Christians, or belter citi-
they thereby become better
bnsbandh or fathers ; better farmers or
mechanics ? Have such been the most
faithful In fulfilling promises, or paying
debts ? n ;Have they reared their Children
bettefjviifbrding better examples of mo
rality, Industry or frugality ? Have they
made t|Sq J best school directors' or town
ship tomjfab, or better performed trusts of
any kiM? Would yon employ such tn
yonr btj|fhesB in preference to the entire
ly sobef f Has any good within your re
eollectioMeome to your neighborhood from
the drink f
CoDSideft on tbe other band, the evils
which you know have been caused by the
drink, jjow many men within the circle
of you*/acquaintances have become im-
How manytfamUies, who in
startingln life bad good prospects, have
become and broken Up? How
many separations and divorces of husband
and ’ How many children bound out
at a tepdferage because of it ? Bow many
stores l&ii op, farms and homes sold by
the sheriff or assignee ? How many fail
ures in How many bad debts?
Bow ...i&ttiy children not schooled, led or
it ? In short, bow much
of hnma&i misery and distress have you
by tlie drink trade ? Isjthc
bar-room or the beer saloon the place
whcreMrqU would desire your children to
responsdnlities which duster
Vote “For License’’'and the bad trade
continues, the crime and the pauperism,
and the evils you know of, continue by
your help I Vote thus, and when yon see
the bloated, reeling drunkard, feel and
say, I voted for that r
When you hear the oaths, curses and
imprecations, which come from our liq
uor places, feel and say, I voted for that I
When you learn of families abused, the
heart and hope of the wife crushed, the
children ignorant and imbruted by the
father’s drunkenness, say and feel. I voted
for that! When you see the prison and
poor-house crowded with the victims of
the drink, say and teel, I voted for this!
You cannot escape the responsibility,
except by working and voting “Against
Ho! for tho rescue I ye whosr eyed have seen
The rain wrought where drunkenness bath been.
Up! ye are bidden to a nobler strife.
Not to destroy, bat to rescue human life.
To accomplish this no time must be
lost, and no pains spared. Openly avow
your sentiments; talk with your neigh
bors. Your self-respect as a man, your
happiness as a son or brother, the safety
of your family, your security as a citizen,
depeni) on your action. How will you
vole ? “To him that knoweth to do good,
and doeth it not, to him it is sin.” How
will you vote ?
There Is an evil in the land.
Rank with age and foul with crime,
Strong with many, a legal band.
Money, fashion, use and time. ,
’Tis the question of tho hour,
How shall we the strong o’erpower!
Vote it out!—vote it out !
This will put the thing to rout.
’Tis the battle of the hour—
Freemen, show your strength again;
la the ballot is your power.
This will bring the foe fo pain.
We have preached against this wrong.
Have pleaded, too, with words of song ?
Vote it out!—vote it out I
Vote and pray with hearts devout.
The following is the inaugural address
delivered by President Grant on the ,4th
of March:
Fdlow Citizens —Under Providence I
have been called' a .second time to *act
as Executive over this great nation. It
has been my endeavor to maintain all the
laws, and so far as lay in my power, to
act for the best Interests of the whole na
tion. My best efforts will be given in the
future, I trust my four years’ experience
in the office has not been without profit.
When my first term of office of Chief
Executive began, the country had not re
covered from the effects of a great inter
nal revolution'and three of the four States
of the Union had not been restored to
their federal relations. It seemed to me
wise that no new questions should be
raised so long as that condition of affairs
existed; therefore the past four years,sojfar
as I could control Cyents, have been con--
sumed In the efforts to restore harmony,
public credit, commerce and all the arts of
peace and progress.
It is my firm conviction that the civiliz
ed world is tending towards Republican
ism, or government by the people, and
that onr own great Republic js destiued to
be the guiding star to all others. Under
our Republic we support an army less
than that of any European power of any
standing and a Davy less than that of
either of at least five uf them.
There could be no extension of territo
ry on this continent which would call for
an increase of this force, but rather might
such extension j enable us to diminish it.
Tbe theory of government changes with
the general progress. Now that the tele
graph is Smade available for communi
cating thought, together with rapid
transit by steam, all parts of the conti
nent are made continuous for all purpo
ses of government, and communication
between the extreme limits of the coun
try made easier than it was throughout
the old thirteen States at tbe beginning
of onr national existence.
Tbe effects of the late civil strife have
been to free the slave and make him a
Citizen; yet he is not possessed of the
civil rights which citizenship should car
ry with it. This is wrong and should be
corrected. To this correction 1 am com
mitted so far as executive influence can
Social equality isnot a subject to be
legislated on, nor shall I ask that anything
be done to advance the social status of the
colored man, except to give him a fair
chance to develop what is in him. Give
him access to schools, and when be trav
els, let him feel assured that his conduct
will regulate the treatment and fare be
will receive.
The States lately at war with the gen
eral government are now happily rehabil
itated, and executive control is not exer
cised in any one of them that would not
be exercised in any other State under the
same circumstances.
In (he first year of the past administra
tion a proposition came up for the admis
sion of San Domingo as a territory of the
Unjon. It Was not a question of my seek
ing, but was a proposition from the people
pf San Domingo, and which I entertained.
I believe, as I did then, that it was for
the best interests of this country, for the
people of Sao Domingo and all concerned,
and that the proposition should be re
ceived favorably. It was, however, re
jected constitutionally, and therefore the
subject was never brought up again by
me. f
In future, while 1 hold the present of
fice, the subject of the acquisition of ter
ritqry must have the support of the peo
ple before I recommend any proposition
looking to such acquisition. However, I
do not sha'e the apprehension held bj
many as to the danger of the government
becoming weakened and destroyed by
reason of the acquisition of territory.
Commerce, education, rapid transit of
thought and matter by telegraph and
steam have changed all this; rather, I be
lieve, our great Maker is preparing the
world, in his own good time, to become
one nation, speaking one .language, and
that armies and navies will be no longer
My efforts in the future will be directed
to the restoration of good teeliug between
the different sections of our common
country ; the restoration of currency to a
fixed value compared with the world’s;
gold; if possible, to par with it; the con
struction of cheap routes of transit
throughout the land, that the products of
all sections may find a market and leave a
diving remuneration to the producer ; to
the maintenance of friendly relations
with all our neighbors and distant na
tions ; lo the establishment of our com
merce and our share in carrying trade
upon the ocean ; to the encouragement of
such manufacturing industries as can be
economically pursued in this country,
that the exports of home products and in
dustries may pay for our imports, is the
only sure method of returning to and per
manently maintaining a specie basis ; to
the’elevation of labor, and by a humane
course to bring the aboriginees of the
country under the benign influence of
education and civilization —it is either
this or a war of extermination. Wars of
extermination engaged in by people pur
suing commerce, and all industrial pur
suits are expensive, even against ihe
weakest people, aud are demoralizing and
wicked. Our superiority of strength and
advantages of civilization should make us
lenient toward the Indian. The wrongs
already inflicted upon him should be ta
ken into consideration, and the balance
placed to his credit.
A moral view of the question should be
considered, and the question asked, can
not the Indian be made a useful and
produclive l member of society by proper
teaching and treatment ? If the effort be
made in good faith, we will stand better
before the civilized nations of the earth
and our own consciences, for having made
All these things’are not to be accom
plished by one individual, but they wilt
receive my support and such recommend
ations to Congress as will, in my judgment
best serve to caary them into effect. I
beg your support and encouragement. It
has been aod is my earnest desire to se :
cure this.
Reformatory rules regulating the meth
ods of appointments and promotion were
established, and my efforts (or such re form
ation shall br continued to the best of my
judgment. The spirit of the rules adopted
will be maintained.
I acknowledge before this assemblage,
representing as it does, every section of
our country, the obligation I am under to
my fellow men for the great boner they
have conferred upon me by returning me
to the highest office within their gift, and
the further obligation resting upon me to
render the best services within my power.
This I promise, looking forward with
the greatest anxiety to the day when I
shall be released from the responsibilities*
that at times are, almost overwhelming,
and from which I have scarcely bad a rest
since the eventful firing on Fort Sumpter,
in April, 1861, to the present day.
My services were then tendered and ac
cepted under the first call for troops grow
ing out of that event. I did not ask for
place or position, and was entirely with
out influence, or the acquaintance of per
sons of influence, but was resolved to per
form my part in the war threatening the
very existence of the nation.
I performed conscientiously my duty,
without asking promotion or command,
and without revengeful feelings towards
any section or individual.
Notwithstanding this, throughout the
war, and from my first candidacy for my
present office in 1863, to the closing of the
last Presidential campaign, have been
the subject of labuse and slander scarcely
ever equalled political history, which
to day I feel I can afford to disregard ip
view cf your verdict, which I gratefully
accept as my vindication.
An Act to Prohibit the Importation of
C'hluene Under the Contract System.
A Washington correspondent of Hie
Philadelphia Press, writing in reference
to the dissatisfaction growing,ou-t of the
employment of Chinese laborers at
Beaver Falls, in this State, says .-
Hon. William McClelland, representa
tive from the Beaver district, has already
presented several petitions in the House,
very numerously signed by his consti
tuents, praying Congress to "pass a law
prohibiting any further
Chinese laborers under contracts made ia
China.” The matter has been before the
House Committee on Education and
Labor for sune time, and it is understood
they had agreed to report a bill prepared
by Mr. Coghlan, of California, which it is
thought will break up the system of im
porting Chinese laborers. It provides
that every cintract for labor or service
for a longer period of time than one
year, made in any foreign country with
nr for an alien, any part of which is to
be performed in the United Slates, shall
be regarded ns a contract for servile labor.
Any person contracting for such labor or
attempiog to enforce such contract shall
be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable
by a fine of not less than one thousand
dollars, nor more than five thousand do!
lars. Parties who shall employ this ser
vile labor are made amenable to the
pains and penalties of the statute. It ia
made the duty of each of the consular
officers of the United States residing at
the ports of China and Japan to see that
persons emigrating therefrom to the
United States have not entered into con
tract for ths performance of servile labor
in this country. The captains and own
ers of vessels who shall or attempt
to land this class of emigrants at any port
of the United States shall be liable to a
fine of five hundred dollars for each and
every emigrant. This bill ia intended to
reach and, if possible, to settle the entire
question of the importation of what ia
known as Coolie labor. The working
people of the Pacific coast do not now
stand alone in their contest with “cheap
labor and the heathen Chinee.” Peti
tions are coming in from all sections of
the country similar in character to those
forwarded by the citizens of Beaver
county, and it is highly probable Con
gress will put a- stop to the batinea* by
passing some such bill as that of