a
EE ——— ARTI ER
Hughes and Fairbanks,
Roosevelt and P arker. {lished an article on preparedness by
First Two Nominated by Republicans at Chicago for
~ President and Vice President; Last Two Nomi-
nated by Progressives. Roosevelt Declines
: Provisionally.
THE THREE BALLOTS.
Ist 2nd 3rd
Eat tatassssismmsarase 253 328%, 949%,
are 81 18%
103 98%
105 79 3
77% 76% fe ¢
74% 881% —
85 85 _—
12 13 5
66 65 -_—
25 25 3
29 hit a=
32 -_ —-
36 36 —
14 -_ —
2 — —_—
4 1 —
sizes 1 1 -_
— 5 -—
1 1 -_
ge... — -
Not voting................ 2% 2 1
.Chicago, June 10.—Following the
failure. of conferees representing the
Republican and Progressive conven-
tions to agree upon any man for the
amalgamation of the two parties, the
Republican National Convention
wound its work up at 2.05 o’clock this
afternoon by nominating Supreme
Court Justice Charles E. Hughes, for
President, and Charles W. Fairbanks,
for Vice President. :
Before the adjournment, the chair-
man of the convention announced that
he had received a message from Mr.
Hughes saying that he would accept
the nomination.
The final moves in the drama that
culminated in the nomination of Mr.
Hughes by the “straight goods” con-
vention and inflicted the most violent
jolt to the vanity of Colonel Roose-
velt ever experienced by him, were
short, sharp and decisive.
The delegates and audiences in both
conventions who were assembled to
write the final chapters of their
stormy deliberations were swept off
their feet by the suddenness of the ac-
tion, some of them did not catch their
breath until after they had been writ-
ten.
At 9 o’clock in the morning, the Pro-
gressive and Republican conferees re-
convened at the Blackstone Hotel, in
accordance with the request of George
W. Perkins, the Progressive comman-
der. This request constituted the last
word when the gathering broke up at
the Chicago Club, six hours earlier,
after trying for four hours to reach
an argument.
Because of the arbitrary attitude
of the Progressives, who still clung
tenaciously to their demand that
Roosevelt be nominated by the Repub-
licans, no progress toward a union of
forces had been made.
The Republican conferees had wholly
rejected Mr. Roosevelt and offered for
the consideration of the Progressives
the names of Hughes, Root, Fair-
banks and Cummins, finally centering
on Hughes. The problem then was re-
duced ‘to a single issue between the
two factions and a contest between
Hughes and Roosevelt.
At the final conference at the Black-
stone neither side had any new propo-
sitions to make and it was apparent
to the participants in it that both
would hold rigidly to their demands.
So after shaking hands all around the
conference fell into two parts and each
set about preparing a report to be
read to their respective conventions:
The Progressives got together first.
They were wildly excited when in-
formed that the conference had failed.
The element that had favored an
amalgamation of the Progressive and
Republican parties expressed genuine
regret over it, though the more radi-
cal “wild men” found great cause for
rejoicing in it and immediately set
about organizing their associates to
carry out the plan that they had fa-
vored from the start—the nomination
of Roosevelt and the adoption of the
Progressive platform.
REPUBLICAN PLATFORM IN BRIEF.
“The Republican party stands for
"a united people, absolutely Ameri-
can.”
“We believe in peace and the res-
toration of our just and rightful
place among the nation.”
“We deeply sympathize with the
fifteen million people of Mexico and
express our horror and indighation,
for the indignity which has been per-
petrated on them and American men
and women by bandits.”
“The Monroe Doctrine is essential
to the present and future peace and
safety of this country.”
“We believe in a policy, which will
draw more closely the business and
social interests of this country and
Latin-America.”
“We renew our allegiance to the
“Philippine policy inaugurated by
President McKinley.”
“We believe in National defense
within and without our borders.”
“The Republican party stands now
as always for a complete protection
of American trade by an adequate
tariff.”
“We have always believed in a
rigid and strict regulation of the
great corporations of this country.”
“We favor an effective system of
rural credits, as opposed by the Dem-
ocratic administration.”
“We favor the extension of the
rural free delivery service wherever
possible.”
“We favor legislation which will
build up an adequate merchant mar-
ine and give us ships for requisition
in a national emergency.”
“We pledge our support of a simple
businesslike budget system, which
will effect a real reform in the ad-
ministration of the national finan-
ces.”
“We believe in a careful, unwaste-
ful, unabusive husbandry of our na-
tural resources.”
“The reorganization of civil serv-
[Concluded at bottom of next column.]
~
Checago, June 10.—The Progressive
National Convention, after four days’
of tumult, with but one purpose in
view, today nominated Colonel Theo-
dore Roosevelt for President, and Col-
onel John M. Parker, of Louisana, for |
Vice President. A few hours later the
delegates listened without protest to a
message from Oyster Bay saying that
Roosevelt would not “accept at this
time.” The convention adjourned at
4.58 p. m.
Colonel Roosevelt’s declination was
conditional and it was placed in the
hands of the Progressive National
Committee, to be held until such time
as statements to be made by Justice
Hughes, the nominee of the Republi-
can party, “shall satisfy the commit-
tee that it is for the best interest of
the country that he be elected.”
The delegates never had wavered
in allegiance or cast a passing glance
upon another man. Three minutes be-
fore the convention adjourned Chair-
man Raymond Robins read to them
the brief message from Oyster Bay,
in which Colonel Roosevelt declined
to accept the nomination. Few of the
thousands in.the vast auditorium,
some of whom had seen the Colonel
named in an even wilder burst of en-
thusiasm four years ago, realized
when the chairman rapped his gavel
and declared the convention adjourn-
ed sine die that in a few hours or a
few weeks they might be a party
without the one leader to whom they
had come to Chicago to give the :
pledge of loyalty and faith.
The significance of Colonel Roose-
velt’s message, with its announcement
that if the Progressive National Com-
mittee found the subsequent state-
ments of Charles Evans Hughes, the
Republican standard bearer, to its
liking, his non-acceptance of the
Progressive nomination should stand
as his last word, was lost in that tired
throng, worn out by its own enthu-
siasm, by long delays over peace
parleys with the Republicans and by
the discussion of a platform, on which
it must go into the field, if at all,
against both the forces of Democracy
and Republicanism.
None of the feeling that some of
them later betrayed when they had
opportunity to digest the Colonel's
statement had time to flare out when
the gavel fell. They trooped out into
Chicago’s streets for home, while the
band played faintly and the flags that
had flaunted so proudly through all
the stormy sessions were folded and
the banners put away.
Before they left the hall the dele-
gates remembered one of the essen-
tials of a campaign. In response to
the spur of the leaders they promised
more than $80,000 to carry on the
fight. It was pledged in enthusiasm
and the contributions tumbled in
almost as fast as they could be re-
corded.
The Colonel is Out of Politics.
Oyster Bay, N. Y., June 11.—
Theodore Roosevelt reiterated tonight
that he is “out of politics.”
“I want to tell you newspaper-
men,” he said, “that it’s of no use for
you to come up here to see me. I will
have nothing to say. I will answer no
questions, so please don’t ask me to.
I am out of polities.”
If the former President has any
plans for the immediate future other
than to continue his literary work,
he has not made them public. His
scretary, John W. McGrath, is expect-
ed to arrive here with a detailed re-
port of the happenings at both Re-
publican and Progressive conventions.
Colonel Roosevelt attended church
services in the village this morning
with Mrs. Roosevelt, but remained in
seclusion at Sagamore Hill the rest of
the day. The telegraph wires last
night and today brought a flood of
messages to Colonel Roosevelt. It was
announced that most of them approv-
ed uy action in declining to become a
candidate upon the Progressive ticket.
While Colonel Roosevelt would not
discuss the question today his inti-
mates considered it altogether unlike-
ly that he would reconsider his econ-
ditional refusal to head a third tick-
et. He has not yet made it clear
whether or not he will support the
candidacy of Mr. Hughes.
——Canadians, Mexicans, and south
Americans have been inclined to dis-
pute the claim of residents of the
United States to the name American.
To escape the difficulty by providing
a simple and euphonious term some
one has coined the word Usonian,
based on the initials U. S. This sug-
gestion has set the word-mints at
work. Correspondents of The Nation
propose “Usarians” (from U. S. A.)
“Ustatians;” “Usonans” and “Uni-
tans.” The last is tendered’ by Pro-
fessor Charles W. Super, of ‘Athens,
0., who thinks “it is neither right nor
polite for us to monopolize the entire
Western Hemisphere.”
Different Now. >
Mrs. A—How marriage changes a
man,
Mrs. B—Doesn’t it? Take my hus-
band. He used to offer me a penny for
my thoughts and now he offers me $50
to shut up.—Boston Transcript.
ice, along lines of efficiency and econ-
omy are necessary.”
“Officials should be bonafide resi-
dents of the territory they repre-
sent.”
“We pledge our support to the en-
forcement of all laws passed for the
protection of labor.”
“The Republican party favors the
extension of suffrage to women, but
recognizes the right of each State to
settle this question for itself.”
WILL THERE BE A “UNITED
STATES OF EUROPE?”
Last week the “Watchman” pub-
president Hibben, of Princeton Uni-
i versity. On page 1 of this issue will
{be found an interview with Dr. Nich-
'olas Murray Butler, president of
Columbia University, under the title
“The United States of Europe.” It is
ia wonderfully interesting presenta-
‘tion of the views of a man who has
gone deep into the subject and we
| would advise you to read it.
THE UNITED STATES OF EUROPE.
Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler, Presi-
dent of Columbia University, firmly
believes that the organization of such
a federation will be the outcome, soon
or late, of a situation built up through
years of European failure to adjust
government to the growth of civiliza-
tion.
He thinks it possible that the end-
ing of the present war may see the
to light a day of freedom for our
transatlantic neighbors.
He tells me that thinking men in all
the contending nations are beginning
vividly to consider such a contingency,
to argue for it or against it; in other
words, to regard it as an undoubted
possibility
Dr. Butler's acquaintance among
those thinking men of all shades of
political belief is probably wider than
that of any other American, and it is
significant of the startling importance
of what he says that by far the great-
er number of his European friends,
the men upon whose views he has
largely, directly or indirectly, based
his conclusions, are not of the social-
istic or of any other revolutionary
or semi-revolutionary groups, but are
among the most conservative and
most important figures in European
political, literary and educational
fields.
This being unquestionably true, it
is by no means improbable that in the
interview which follows, fruit of two
evenings in Dr. Butler's library, may
be found the most important specula-
tive utterance yet to appear in rela-
tion to the general European war.
Dr. Butler’s estimate of the place
| which the United States now holds
| upon the stage of the theatre of world :
i progress and his forecast of the tre-
mendously momentous role which she
!is destined to play there must make
every American’s heart first swell
with pride and then thrill with a real-
ization of responsibility.
The United States of Europe, mod-
eled after and instructed by the Unit-
ed States of America! The thought
lis stimulating.
Said Dr. Butler: :
“The European cataclysm puts the
people of the United States in a
unique and tremendously important
position. As neutrals we are able to
observe events and to learn the lesson
that they teach. If we learn rightly
we shall gain for ourselves and be
able to confer upon others benefits fax»
more important than any of the ma-
terial advantages which may come to
us through a shrewd handling of the
new possibilities in internationsl
trade.
“I hesitate to discuss any phase of
the great conflict now raging in Eu-
rope. By today’s mail, for example, I
received long, personal letters from
Lord Haldane, from Lord Morley,
from Lord Weardale, and from Lord
Bryce. Another has just come from
Prof. Schiemann, of Berlin, perhaps
the Emperor’s most intimate adviser;
another from Prof. Lammasch, of
Austria, who was the Presiding Judge
of the British-American arbitration
in relation to the Newfoundland fish-
eries a few years ago, and who is a
member of the Austrian House of
Peers. Still others are from M. Ribot,
Minister of Finance in France, and M.
d’Estournelles de (Constant. These
confidential letters give a wealth of
information as to the intellectual and
political forces that are behind the
conflict.
“You will understand, then, that
without disloyalty to my many friends
in Europe, I could not = discuss with
freedom the causes or the progress of
the war, or speculate in detail about
the future of the European problem.
My friends in Germany, France, and
England all write to me with the ut-
most freedom and not for the public
eye; so you see that my great difficul-
ty, when you a.k me to talk about the
meaning of the struggle, arises from
the obligation that I am under to pre-
serve a proper personal reserve re-
garding the great figures behind the
vast intellectual and political changes
which are really in the background of
the war. ,
“If such reserve is necessary in my
case, it seems to me that it also is
necessary for the country as a whole.
The attitude of the President has been
impeccable. That of the whole Ameri-
can press and people should be the
same.
“Especially is it true that all- Ameri-
cans who hope to have influence, as
individuals, in shaping the events
which will follow the war, must. avoid
any expression which even might be
tortured into an avowal of partisan-
ship or final judgment.
“Even the free expression of views
criticising particular details of the
war, which might, in fact; deserve
criticism, may destroy one’s chance
of future possible usefulness. A state.
ment which might be unquestionably
true may also be remembered to the
damage of some important cause later
on
“There are reasons why my position
is, perhaps, more difficult than that of
some others. Talking is often a haz-
ardous practice, and never more so
than now.
“The world is at the crossroads, and
everything may depend upon the
United States, which has been thrust
by events into a unique position of
moral leadership. Whether the march
of the future is to be to the right or
to the left, uphill or down, after the
war is over, may well depend upon
the course this nation shall then take,
and upon the influence which it shall
exercise. mone
“If we keep our heads clear there
are two things that we can bring in-
sistently to the attention of Europe—
each of vast import at such a time
Pk
rising of the new sun of Democracy.
have come here if, in 1789, New York
en —————————————————— . - — — —
as that which will follow the ending
of the war.
“The first of these is the fact that
race antagonisms tend to die away
and disappear under the influence of
liberal and enlightened political in-
stitutions. This has been proved in
the United States.
“We have huge Celtic, Latin,
Teutonic and Slavic populations all
living here at peace and in harmony;
and, as years pass, they tend to merge,
creating new and homogeneous types.
The Old World antagonisms have be-
come memories. This proves that
such antagonisms are not mysterious
attributes of geography or climate,
but that they are the outgrowth prin-
cipally of social and political condi-
tions. Here a man can do about what
he likes, so long as he does not violate
the law; he may pray as he pleases or
not at all, and he may speak any
language that he chooses.
“The United States is itself proof
that most of the contentions of Euro-
peans as to race antagonisms are ill-
founded. We have demonstrated that
racial antagonisms need not necessari-
ly become the basis of permanent
hatred and an excuse for war.
“If human beings are given the
chance they will make the most of
themselves, and, by living happily—
which means by living at peace-—they
will avoid conflict. The hyphen tends
to disappear from American termin-
ology. The German-American, the
Italo-American, the Irish-American |!
all become Americans. :
“So, by and large our institutions
have proved their capacity to amalga-
mate and to free every type of human
being which thus far has come under |
our flag. There is in this a lesson
which may well be taken seriously to
heart by the leaders of opinion in
Europe when this war ends.
“The second thing which we may,
with propriety, press upon the atten-
tion of the people of Europe after
peace comes to them, is the fact that
we are not only the great exponents,
but the great example, of the success
of the principle of federation in its
application to unity of political life
regardless of local, economic and
racial differences.
“If our fathers had attempted to
organize this country upon the basis
of a single, closely unified State, it
would have gone to smash almost at
the outset, wrecked by clashing econo-
mic and personal interests. Indeed,
this nearly happened in the civil war,
which was more economic than polit-
ical in its origin.
“But, though we had our difficul-
ties, we did find a way to make a
unified nation of a hundred million
people and forty-eight common-
wealths, all bound together in unity
and in loyalty to a common political
ideal and a common political purpose.
“Just as certainly as we sit here
this must and will be the future of
Europe. There will be a federation
into the United States of Europe.
“When one nation sets out to assert
itself by force against the will, or even
the wish, of its neighbors, disaster
must inevitably come. Disaster would
had endeavored to assert itself against |
New England or Pennsylvania.
“As a matter of fact certain in-
habitants of Rhode Island and Penn-
sylvania did try something of the sort
after the Federal Government had
been formed, but, fortunately, their
effort was a failure.
“The leaders of our national life
had established such a flexible and ad-
mirable plan of government that it
i federation some
was soon apparent that each State
could retain its identity, forming its
own ideals and shaping its own prog- |
ress, and still remain a loyal part of !
the whole; that each State could make
a place for itself in the new federation
and not be destroyed thereby. :
“There is no reason why each na-
tion in Europe should not make a
place for itself in the sun of unity
which I am sure is rising there be-
hind the war clouds. Europe’s stu-
pendous economic loss, which already
has been appalling and will soon be
incalculable, will give us an oppor-
tunity to press this argument home.
“True internationalism is not the
enemy of the nationalistic principle.
On the contrary, it helps true nation-
alism to thrive. The Vermonter is
more a Vermonter because he is an
American, and there is.no reason why
Hungary, for example, should not be
more than ever before Hungarian
after it becomes a member of the
United States of Europe.
“Europe, of course, is not without
examples of the successful applica-
tion of the principle of federation
within itself. It'so happens that the
federated State next greatest to our
own is the German Empire. It is only
forty-three years’ old, but there
federation has been notably success-
ful. So the idea of federation is
familiar to German publicists.
“It is familiar, also, to the English
and has lately been pressed there as
the probable final solution of the Irish
question.
“It has insistently suggested itself
as the solution of the Balkan problem.
“In a lesser way it already is repre-
sented in the structure of Austria-
Hungary.
“This principle of nation building,
of international ° building through
federation, certainly has in it the seeds
of the world’s next great development
—and we Amricans are in a position
both to expound the theory and to
illustrate the practice. It seems to me
that this is the greatest work which
America will have to do at the end of
this war.
“These "are the things which I am
writing to my European correspond-
ents in the several belligerent coun-
tries by every mail.
“The cataclysm is so awful that it
is quite within the bounds of truth
to say that on July 31 the sun went
down upon a world which never will
be seen again.
“This conflict is the birth-throe of a
new European order of things. The
man who attempts to judge the future
by the old standards or to force the
future back to them will be found to
be hopelessly out of date. The world
will have no use for him. The world
has left behind forever the interna-
tional policies of Palmerston and of
Beaconsfield and even those of Bis-
Dark, which were far more power-
ul.
“When the war ends, conditions will
be such that a new kind of imagina-
tion and a new kind of statesmanship
will be required. This war will prove
to be the most effective education of
500,000,000 people ‘which could possi-
bly have been thought of, although it
is the most costly and most terrible
means which could have been chosen.
The results of this education will be
shown, I think, in the process of gen-
eral reconstruction which will follow.
“All the talk of which we hear so
much about the peril from the Slav or
from the Teuton or from the Celt is
unworthy of serious attention. It
would be quite as reasonable to dis-
cuss seriously the red-headed peril or
the six-footer peril.
“There is no peril to the world in
the Slav, the Teuton, the Celt or any
other race, provided the people of
that race have an opportunity to de-
velop as social and ecnomic units, and
are not bottled up so that an explosion
must come.
“It is my firm belief that nowhere
in the world, from this time on, will
any form of government be tolerated
which does not set men free to devel-
op in this fashion.
I asked Dr. Butler to make some
prognostication of what the United
States of Europe, which he so confi-
dently expects, will be. He answered:
“I can say only this: The interna-
tional organization of the world
already has progressed much farther
than is ordinarily understood. Ever
since the Franco-Prussian war and
|the Geneva Arbitration, both land-
marks in modern history, this has ad-
vanced inconspicuously, but by leaps
and bounds.
“The postal service of the world
has been internationalized in its con-
trol for years. The several Postal
Conventions have given evidences of
an international administrative organ-
ization of the highest order.
“Europe abounds in illustrations of
the international administration of
large things. The very laws of war,
which are at present the subject of so
much and such bitter discussion, are
the result of international organiza-
tion.
“They were not adopted by a Con-
gress, a Parliament, or a Reichstag.
They were agreed to by many and
divergent peoples, who sent repre-
sentatives to meet for their discussion
and determination.
“In the admiralty law we have a
most striking example of uniformity
of practice in all parts of the world.
If a ship is captured or harmed in the
Far East and taken into Yokohama
or Nagasaki, damages will be assess-
ed and collected precisely as they
would be in New York or Liverpool.
“The world is gradually developing
a code for international legal pro-
cedure. Special arbitral tribunals
haye tended to merge and grow into
the international court at The Hague,
and that, in turn, will develop until it
becomes a real supreme judicial tri-
bunal.
“Of gourse the analogy with the
federated State fails at some points,
but I believe the time will come when
each nation will deposit in a world
portion of its
sovereignty.
“When this occurs we shall be able
to establish an international execu-
tive and an international police, both
devised for the especial purpose of
enforcing the decisions of the inte:-
national court.
“Here, again we offer a perfect ob-
ject lesson. Our central Government
is one of limited and defined powers.
Our history can show Europe how
such limitations and definitions can
: be established and interpreted, and
how they can be modified and amend-
ed when necessary to meet new con-
ditions.
“My colleague, Prof. John Bassett
Moore, is now preparing and publish-
ing a series of annotated reports of
the decisions of the several interna-
tional arbitration tribunals, in order
that the Governments and jurists of
the world may have at hand, as they
have in the United States Supreme
Court reports, a record of decided
cases, which, when the time comes,
may be referred to as precedents.
“It will be through gradual proces-
es such as this that the great end will
be accomplished. Beginning with
such annotated reports as a basis for
precedents, each new case tried before
this tribunal will add a further pre-
cedent, and, presently, a complete
international code will be in ex-
istence. It was in this way that the
English common law was built, and
such has been the history of the ad-
mirable work done by cur own judi-
cial system.
“The study of such problems as
these is at this time infinitely more
important than the consideration of |
how large a fine shall be inflicted by
the victors upon the vanquished.
“There is the probability of some
dislocation of territory and some
shiftings of sovereignty after-the war
ends, but these will be of compara-
tively minor importance. The impor-
tant result of this great war will be
the stimulation of international or-
ganization along some lines as I have
suggested.
“Dislocation of territory and the
shifting of sovereigns as the result of
international disagreements are medi-
aeval practices. After this war the
world‘ will want to solve its problems
in terms of the future, not in those of
the outgrown past.
“Conventional diplomacy and con-
ventional statesmanship have very ev-
idently broken down in Europe. They
have made a disastrous failure of the
work with which they were entrusted.
They did not and could not prevent
the war because they knew and used
only old formulas. They had no tools
for a job like this.
“A new type of international states-
man is certain to arise, who will have
a grasp of new tendencies, a new out-
look upon life. Bismarck used to say
that it would pay any nation to wear
the clean linen of a civilized State.
The truth of this must be taught to
those nations of the world which are
weakest in morale, and it can only be
done, I suppose, as similar work is ac-
complished with individuals. Courts,
not killings, have accomplished it
with individuals.
“One more point ought to be re-
membered. We sometimes hear it
said that nationalism, the desire for
national expression by each individual
nation, makes the permanent peace
S
ond good order of the world impossi-
e.
“To me it seems absurd to believe
that this is any truer of nations than
it is of individuals. It is not each na-
tion’s desire for national expression
which makes peace possible; it is the
fact that thus far in the world’s histo-
ry such desire has been bound up with
militarism.
“The nation whose frontier bristles
with bayonets and with forts is like
the individual with a magazine pistol
in his pocket. Both make for murder.
Both in their hearts really mean mur-
er.
“The world will be better when the
nations invite the judgment of their
neighbors and are influenced by it.
“When John Hay said that the
Golden Rule and the Open Door
should guide our new diplomacy, he
said something which should be appli-
cable to the new diplomacy of the
whole world. The Golden Rule and a
free chance are all that any man
ought to want or ought to have, and
they are all that any nation ought to
want or ought to have.
“One of the controlling principles
of a democratic State is that its mil-
itary and naval establishments must
be completely subservient to the civil
power. They should form the police,
and not be the dominant factor of
any national life. 5
“As soon as they go beyond this
simple function in any nation, then
that nation is afflicted with militar-
ism.
“It is difficult to make predictions
of the war’s effect on us. As I see it,
our position will depend a good deal
upon the outcome of the conflict, and
what that will be no one at present
knows.
“If a new map of Europe follows
the war, its permanence will depend
upon whether or not the changes are
such as will permit nationalities to or-
ganize as nations.
“The wor should have learned
through the lessons of the past that it
is impossible permanently and peace-
fully to submerge large bodies of
aliens if they are treated as aliens.
That is the opposite of the mixing
process which is so successfully build-
ing a nation out of varied nationali-
ties in the United States.
“The old Romans understood this.
They permitted their outlying vassal
nations to speak any language they
chose and to worship whatever god
they chose, so long as they recogniz-
ed the sovereignty of Rome. When
a conquering nation goes beyond that,
and begins to suppress religions, lan-
guages, and customs, it begins, at
that very moment, to sow the seeds of
insurrection and -revolution.
“My old teacher and colleague, Pro-
fessor Burgess, once defined a na-
tion as an ethnographic unit inhabit-
ing a geographic. unit. If a nation is
not an ethnographic unit, it tries to
become one by oppressing or amalga-
mating the weaker portions of its
people. If it is not a geographic unit,
it tries to become one by reaching
out to a mountain chain or to the sea
—to something which will serve as a
real dividing line between it and its
next neighbors.
“The accuracy of this definition
can hardly be denied, and we all know
what the violations of this principle
have been in Europe. It is unnecessa-
ry for me to point them out.
“Races rarely have been successful-
ly mixed by conquest. The military
winner of a war is not always the real
conquerer in the long run. The Nor-
mans conquered Saxon England, but
Saxon law and Saxon institutions
worked up through the new power
and have dominated England’s later
history. The Teutonic tribes conquer-
ed Rome, but Roman civilization, by a
sort of capillary attraction, went up
into the mass above and presently
dominated the Teutons.
“The persistency of a civilization
may well be superior in tenacity to
mere military conquest and control.
“The smallness of the number of
instances in which conquering nations
have been able successfully to deal
with alien peoples is extraordinary.
The Romans were usually successful,
and England has been successful with
all but the Irish, but perhaps no other
peoples have been successful in high
degree in an effort to hold alien pop-
ulations as vassals and to make them
really happy and comfortable as such.
“One of the war’s chief effects on
us will be to change our point of view.
Europe will be more vivid to us from
now on. There are many public men
who have never thought much about
Europe, and who have been far from
a realization of its actual importance
to us. It has been a place to which
to go for a Summer holiday.
“But, suddenly, they find they can-
not sell their cotton there or their
copper, that they cannot market their
stocks and bonds there, that they can-
not send money to their families who
are traveling there, because there is a
war. To such men the war must
have made it apparent that interde-
pendence among nations is more than
a mere phrase.
“All our trade and all our economic.
and social policies must recognize
this. The world has discovered that
money without credit means little.
One cannot use money if one cannot
use one’s credit to draw it whenever
and wherever needed. Credit is in-
tangible and volatile, and may be de-
stroyed over night.
“I saw this in Venice.
“On July 81 I could have drawn
every cent that my letter of credit
called for up to the time the banks
closed. At ten o'clock in the morn-
ing on August 1 I could not draw the
value of a postage staiap.
“Yet the banker in New York who
issued my letter of credit had not fail-
ed. His standing was as good as ever
it had been. But the world’s system
of international exchange of credit
had sufferel a stroke of paralysis
over night.
“This realization of international,
interdependence, I hope, will elevate
and refine our patriotism by teaching
men a wider sympathy and a deeper
understanding of our peoples, nations,
and languages. I sincerely hope it
will educate us up to what I have call-
ed ‘The International Mind.’
“When Joseph Chamberlain began
his campaign after returning from
South Africa, his keynote was,
‘Learn to think imperially.’ I think
[Continued on page 3, Col. 4.1