'
ET —— em come
Bellefonte, Pa., October 25, 1912.
History Demolishes Republ.can
Glaim That Democrats Make
Hard Times.
1893 WES UNDER HIGH TARIFF
Every Panic Since the Civil War Has
Been a Republican Panic—Lessons
From 1907 Upheaval.
The enemies of Democracy are mak-
ing their anticipated and regularly re-
curring how!—they are predicting bard
times if Woodrow Wilson is elected
president on a Democratic tariff revi
sion platform.
The Republicans are claiming all
credit for present prosperity.
A glance backward will be worth
while at this time.
Every panic since the civil war orig-
inated and developed under Republic-
an rule.
The Republican campaign textbook
of 1904 devoted much space to the
many business disasters occurring from
July, 1893, to November, 1804, intend-
ing the public to attribute them to the
inauguration of President Cleveland in
March, 1803. But the Republicans fail
to refer to the fact that the Republic-
an tariff law was in force during more
than twelve of the sixteen months of
greatest business disasters. This fact
must be remembered—the McKinley
tariff bill became a law Oct. 6, 1890,
and the first indications of the 1803
panic were seen Nov. 11, 1800, scarcely
more than thirty days after the Me-
Kinley law was passed. and the panic
reached its worse stage in 1893 and
early In 1894, during which time the
McKinley law was in full force.
Millions Lost Their Jobs.
It may be recalled. too, that the
panic of 1873 under Republican rule
and in a period of twelve years or high
tariff taxation. was most disastrous.
It continued five years, 3,000,000 work-
ingmen were thrown out of employ-
ment and bankruptcy ran riot.
In 1890 the McKinley high tariff bill
was passed. and there wore 10,673 fail-
ures, followed by 12.394 in 1801. The
tariff was raised io nearly 50 per cent,
but wages stood still or declined while
the cost of necessaries advanced.
The most serious labor troubles in
the history of the United States have
occurred under Republican high tariffs.
Some Lessons From 1907.
The Republican panic of 1907 fur-
nished another forceful refutation of
the Republican claim that Democratic
administration and hard times, lower
tariffs and panics have been co-ex-
isting.
In 1007, in the midst of prosperity,
thousands of leading banks, with hun-
dreds of millions on deposit, suspended
cash payments. The trouble began as
a result of a struggle between great
New York financial institutions for bus-
iness. !
The New York Post in October, 1907,
said:
Condemn Themselves.
“The certain and significant thing is
that it will be known as a Republican
and high tariff panic. Protest as Re-
publicans may, they will be held re-
sponsible. Out of their own mouths
the Republican party and the Dingley-
ites will stand condemned. They fixed
in 1896 the standard by which they
cannot escape being judged. In the
party platform of that year they refer-
red to the panic of 1803. and the hard |
times following, squarely to charge up
the entire accountability to the party
in control of the national government,
and the political inference was stated
with merciless logic:
“ ‘Every consideration of public safe- i
ty and individual interest demands that
the government be rescued from the
hands of those who have shown them-
selves incapable of conducting it.’
“Now, what are the Republicans go-
ing to do when the Democrats hand
them back their poisoned chalice?!
® & + A great emergency has come
and the high tariff is seen to be of no |
It was to keep us all |
avail whatever.
rich and prosperous.”
“Because the country has just got
over the results of a Republican panie
the president and his friends are urging |
to perpetuate the Republican admin-
stration,” says the Philadelphia Rec-
ord.
Business Depression,
“As soon as business was checked
five years ago the steel corporation,
which was encouraged by Mr. Roose
velt to swallow the Tennessee con-
cern, then its most formidable poten- |
tial competitor, drew its fires and
threw about half its workmen out of
employment. Other industries did much
the same thing. * * * There was an
extensive stoppage of mills in Phila-
delphia.
“The Republican candidate for con-
gress in the Kensington-Richmond dis-
trict is using the ‘soup houses of 1898’
as a means of scaring the wage earners
from voting the Democratic ticket.
Those soup houses existed under the
McKinley tariff. But there have been
more recent ones. After 1907 there
were soup houses in the Kensington.
Richmond district. and everybody who
was charitably disposed was begged
for contributions to feed the people
who were out of empleyment.”
~——For high class Job Work come to!
the WATCHMAN Office.
COULD HAVE CARRIED OHIO.
But Big Bull Moose Took to the Ver
mont Woods—Noted Woman Exposes
His Change of Front.
BY IDA HUSTED HARPER.
The Progressive party had its first
opportunity to show its loyalty to the
woman suffrage plank in its platform
when the vote was Laken in Ohio on a
new constitution. Forty-two amend:
ments were on the ballot, and all were
adopted except the one for woman
suffrage!
Ohio is one of the “banner” Progres-
sive states, and Mr. Roosevelt expects
to secure its electoral vote. In order
to do this a plurality of the electors
must be Progressives, and they could
therefore have easily carried the suf-
frage amendment if all the others had
voted against it, as the vote on the con-
stitution was very light, only a few
hundred thousand out of more than a
million who were eligible. Did he is-
sue any orders to this effect? Did he
say to his followers: “Now, here is our
first chance to show the women that
we mean business. Of course if we
win in November we will give the
franchise to all in the United States,
but just now we can make good by
giving it to those in Ohio, so let every
Progressive vote for the woman suf-
frage amendment?’ Did he do this? |
On the contrary, he completely Iig- |
nored the matter, although he passed |
through Ohio the very day of the elec- |
tion.
A few days before, at St. Johnsbury, '
Vt., Mr. Roosevelt had devoted a large |
part of his speech to showing how |
strongly he believed in the ballot for
women and how anxious he was for
them to get it. The question was not |
an issue there or likely to be, but it
was a vital issue in Ohio, to be settled
in four days, and yet not by spoken or
written word did he show to the people
of Ohio that he knew of its existence. |
Two days after the Progressive party
in Ohio permitted the defeat of this
amendment its state convention met.
If any women were elected delegates |
the press dispatches failed to mention |
it, and in the platform a woman suf-
frage plank was conspicuous by its ab- |
sence. “The Progressive party pledges |
itself to the task of securing equal suf.
frage to men and women alike.” says
its national platform. and Ohio has |
Just given the first example of the way
it apparently means to keep that
pledge.
In Mr. Roosevelt's second term the |
suffragists determined to make every !
possible effort to secure an indorsement |
from: him. As Miss Susan B. Anthony's |
most eloquent letters to him received
no answer, she went in person to see |
him in November, 1005, just four |
months before her death. With all her
powers of persuasion she pleaded with |
him to recommend in his forthcoming
message some recognition of woman's
claim to a voice in the government.
Laying her hand on his arm, she looked
up into his face and said, “1 beg of you
to be the emancipator of woman as
Lincoln was the emancipator of the
slave.” He was not resembling Lin-
coln so’ much in those days as he is at
present, and he remained totally un-
moved by her appeals.
Scant Courtesy at White House.
Shortly before he left the White
House several officers of the Nationa!
Suffrage association, realizing his great
influence on public opinion, made one
| last effort to have him speak a favor-
able word He came into the outside
, lobby of the executive office, required
| them to state their business before the
crowd waiting to see him and would
i hardly give them a chance to speak,
but kept saying. “Go and get another
| state.” He shrugged his shoulders and
- turned on his heel. and then they said,
| “If we will get up a petition of a mil
! Hon names will that influence you?"
“No,” he replied, “not one particle.”
| That was in 1909. The next year
i letter from him was rend at an anti-
suffrage meeting in the Berkeley thea-
ter, New York. in which he said: *1
wm very tepid on woman suffrage.”
The cause of woman's enfranchise-
. ment has no more implacable enemy
than the Outlook. and Mr. Roosevelt is
on the editorial staff. Last February
. he had In that magazine a ten column
article entitled “Woman's Rights,” but
Waverly Oils
the only right considered was that of
the suffrage
excellent exposition of the attitude of
women who do not wish to vote that
the Anti-suffrage association ordered
copies for distribution In this article
he said again, “In our western states
where the suffrage has been zranted to
women | nin unable to see that any
great difference hax heen caused as
compared with neighboring states.”
And yet just four months after tis
publication, when Mr Roosevelt had
definitely decided to make the contest
for the presidential nomination. all his
scruples about forcing suffrage on a
hostile and indifferent majority van-
ished in thin air because a million and
a half already had votex and the colo-
nel wanted them. and he knew they
wouldn't stand for any nonsense about
a referendnm
CIRCULAR TO 6. A. R. POSTS.
Sought “Means” and “Harsh” Ex-
pressions by Wilson Supperters, but
Finds Facts the Reverse,
Ignoring the fact that the Democrat-
fc bouse pussed the most liberal pen-
sion bill in the history of the United
States and that it was the Republican
senate that reduced the appropriation
, the editor of the National Tribune of
. Washington
has appealed to grand
army posts all over the country to sap:
ply campaign material for nse against
the Democratic party.
Colonel (Sergeant) John McElroy, the
editor. hus not met always with the
co-operation he desired. This is evi-
denced by the fact that indignant
grand army men have forwarded his
circular letters to Democratic national
headquarters in New York with their
protests aguinst the playing of such
politics within the old soldiers’ organ-
ization.
Quest For “Mean” Things,
Editor McElroy's appeal was sent
out, mimeographed. on the letterhead
of the National Tribune. with his own
name at the top. The letter read:
Sept. 13, 1912.
Comrade--We are anxious to get the ex-
pression of editorials on pensions from
the papers supporting Wilson in your
neighborhood. Will you kindly look over
the files of vour local papers and send us
anything purtictclarly harsh und mean
which they have published. We want to
show conclusively the attitude of the men
| who are supporting Wilson and who will
control his administration If elected.
Please send these at your earliest cone
venience, as the time is short. Fraternal-
iy, THE NATIONAL TRIBUNE.
One of the replies seut to the Trib
une was:
Headquarters Cushing Post, No. 14, G.A.R.
Astoria, Ore., Sept. 28, 1912.
National T'ribune, Washington, D. C.:
Gentlemen —~ Your communication ad-
dressed to me as adjutant of Cushing
Post, No. 14, of the 17th inst. | found to-
day on my return from the national en-
campment at Los Angeles, Cal. Thus the
| delay In answering
You wish me to look over the files of our
local papers and send you “anything par-
ticularly harsh and mean” which they
have published regarding pensions. As
you have specified that these “harsh”
and “mean comments must be from pa-
pers supporting Wilson I must inform
you that the papers supporting Wilson
throughout the state, so far as I have
been able to learn, are friendly toward
the interests of the civil war veterans
and indorse the action of the Dumocratie
house of the United States congress in its
passage of the pension bill in the special
and last session of congress and have no
fault to find with Senator Kern for his
eloquent appeal in the senate in behalf of
the civil war veterans.
If you are really looking for ~'mean”
and “harsh” editorials along this line, if
your object In this search is for the In-
terests of the old soldiers, you will find
enough “mean” and “harsh” things in
the papers that are supporting Mr. Taft
And if you wish to prospect away out
here in Oregon (politically) for other than
pure gold please excuse the adjutant of
Cushing Post, No. 14, department of Ore-
gon, G. A. R., In assisting.
B. F. ALLEN.
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is not reasonable, therefore, ro expect
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uses “Favorite Perscription” can be sure
of this: It always helps, it almost always
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larity, weakening drains, inflammation,
ulceration, or female weakness, will find
no help so sure, no cure so complete, as
that which follows the use of “Favorite
Prescription.” .
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TWYTTYY YY YY YY ve ve vv
The article was sach an |
CLOTHING.
CLOTHING.
EEDEPEEOEE S331
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If You Want to
BE SURE
THAT THE CLOTHES
YOU BUY
ARE GOOD
CLOTHES
THEN COME TO FAUBLEYS.
We say to you, that if at any
time you think you did not get
Your Money's Worth
Bring your purchases
back to us and get
Your
Money Bac
You to be the judge.
Do you know of a safer way to
buy Clothes? We know our as-
sortment of Suits and Over-
coats is larger than any two
of Bellefonte’s stores combined.
FAUBLE'S.
ESE BE BIBI II
KI IRE IE REET IREEEH BHESHHREEERSEERESEESEKR