Bellefonte, Pa., August 14, 1908,
PLEADING HANDS.
Oh Christ, who toiled up Calvary,
Scmetimes methinks almost | feel
The burden of Thy heavy cross
When I behold the morbid zeal
With which the wicked seek life's dross
And leave Thy little ones the weal
Of human slavery.
Ofttimes my heart is great to share
The sorrow that must sadden Thee,
When through my tears | see their hands—
Gaunt child hands—beckoning to me,
While afar off earth's tavored stand
Indifferent to their misery
Aud deaf to their despair,
1 want my portion of this load;
I want to feel for them and Thee.
Tis little that | have to give,
But that | bring most willingly,
Remembering all Thy power dia with
Tne loaves and fishes by the sea,
Where grace once overflowed.
= Chicago Record Herald.
BRYAN'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE
Mr. Clayton and Gentlemen of the
Notification Committee: | can not ac-
cept the nomination which you official-
ly tender. without first acknowledging
my deep indebtedness to the Democrat-
ic party for the extraordinary honor
which it has conferred upon me. Hav-
ing twice before been a candidate for
the presidency, in campaigns which
ended in defeat, a third nomination, the
result of the free and voluntary act of
the voters of the party, can only be ex-
plained by a substantial and undis-
puted growth in the principles and po!
icies for which I, with a multitude of
others, have contended. As these prin-
ciples and policies have given me what-
ever political strength I possess, the
action of the convention not only re-
news my faith in them, but strengthens
my attachment to them.
A Platform Is Binding.
I shall, in the near future, prepare a
more formal reply to your notification,
and, in that letter of acceptance, will
deal with the platform in detail. It is
sufficient, at this time, to assure you
that I am in hearty accord with both
the letter and the spirit of the plat-
form. 1 endorse it in whole and in
part, and shall, if elected, regard its
declarations as binding upon me. And,
1 may add, a platform is binding us to
what it omits as well as to what it!
contains. According to the democratic
idea, the people think for themselves
and select officials to carry out thei
wishes. The voters are the sovereigns.
the officials are the servanis, empioye
for a fixed time and at a stated salary
to do what the sovereigns want done,
and to do It In the way the sovereigns
want it done. Platforms are entirely
in harmony with this democratic idea.
A platform announces the party's po-
sition on the questions whieh are at is-
sue; and an official is not at liberty to
use the authority vested in him to
urge personal views which have not
been submitted to the voters for their
approval. 1. one is nominated upon a
platform which is not satisfactory to
him. he must. if candid. either decline
the nomination,. or, in accepting it, pro-
pose an amended platform in lieu of
the one adopted by the convention. No
such situation, however, confronts your
candidate, for the platform upon which
1 was nominatéd not ouly contains
nothing from which I dissent, but it
specifically outlines all the remedia
legislation which we can hope to sc
cure during the next four years.
Republican Challenge Accepted.
The distinguished statesman who re-
ceived the Republican nomination for
president said, in his notification
speech: “The strength of the Republican
cause in the campaign at hand is the
fact that we represent the policies es-
sential to the reform of known abuses
to the continuance of liberty and true
prosperity. and that we are determined,
as our platform nnequivocally declares,
to maintain them and carry them on.”
In the name of the Democratic party,
1 accept the challenge, and charge that
the Republican party is responsible for
all the abuses which now exist in the
federal government, and that it is im-
potent to accomplish the reforms which
are imperatively needed. Further, 1
can not concur in the statement that
the Republican platform unequivocally
declares for the reforms that are nec-
essary: on the contrary, I affirm that it
openly and notoriously disappoints the
hopes and expectations of reformers,
whether those reformers be Republic
ans or Democrats, So far did the Re-
publican convention fali short of its
duty that the Republican candidate felt
it necessar: to add to his platform in
several important particulars, thus re-
buking the leaders of the party, upon
whose co-operation he must rely for
the enactment of remedial legislation.
As I shall, in separate speeches, dis-
cuss the leading questions at issue, I
shall at this time confine myself to the
paramount question, and to the far
reaching purpose of our party, as that
purpose is set forth in the platform.
Shall the People Rule?
Our platform declares that the over
shadowing issue which manifests itself
in all the questions now under discus-
sion, is “Shall the people rule? No
matter which way we turn; no matter
to what subject we address ourselves,
the same question cenfronts us: Shall
the people control their own govern-
ment, and use that government for the
protection of their rights and for the
promotion of their welfare? or shall
the representatives of predatory wealth
prey upon a defenseless public, while
the offenders secure immunity from
subservient officials whom they raise
to power by unscrupulous methods?
This is the issue raised by the “known
abuses” to which Mr. Taft refers.
| President's Indictment Against the
Party.
| In a message sent to congress last
| January. President Roosevelt sald:
| “The attacks by these great corpora-
! tions ou the administration's actions
| bave been given a wide circulation
| throughout the country, in the news
| papers and otherwise, by those writers
{and speakers who, consciously or un
| consciously, act as the representatives
| of predatory wealth—of the wealth ac.
| ecnmulated on a giant scale by all forms
{of iniquity, ranging from the oppres-
| sion of wage earners to unfair and un
| wholesome methods of crushing out
| competition. and to defrauding the
public by stock-jobbing and the manip
ulation of securities. . Certain wealthy
| men of this stamp, whose conduct
should be abhorrent to every man of
| cetnariiy decent conscience, and whe
commit the hideous wrong of teaching
| our young men that phenomenal busi
| ness success must ordinarily be based
| on dishonesty, have, during the last
few months, made it apparent that
| they have banded together to work for
ia reaction. Their endeavor is te
| overthrow and discredit all who hon
| estly administer the law, to prevent
| ans additional legislation which would
check and restrain them, and to secure
if possible, a freedom from all re
straint which will permit every un.
scrupulous wrong-doer to do what he
wishes unchecked, provided he has
enough money.”—What an arraignment
of the predatory interests!
Is the president's indictment true?
And, if true. against whom was the
indictment directed? Not against the
Democratic party.
Mr. Taft Endorses the Indictment.
Mr. Taft says that these evils have
crept in during the last ten years. He
declares that, during this time, some
“prominent and influential members
of the community, spurred by financial
success and in their hurry for greater
wealth, became unmindful of the com-
mon rules of business honesty and
fidelity, and of the limitations imposed
by law upon their actions!" and that
“the revelations of the breaches of
trusts, the disclosures as to rebates
and discriminations by railroads, the
accumulating evidence of the viola-
tions of the anti-trust laws, by a num-
ber of corporations, and the over-issue
of stocks and bonds of interstate rail.
roads for the unlawful enriching of di
rectors and for the purpose of concen-
trating the control of the railroads un.
der one management,”—all these, he
charges, “quickened the conscience of
the people and brought on a moral
awakening.”
During all this time. I beg to remind
you, Republican officials presided in the
executive department, filled the cab-
inet, dominated the senate, controlled
the house of representatives and occu-
pled most of the federal judgeships.
Four years ago the Republican plat
form boastfully declared that since
1860—with the exception of two years
~the Republican party had been in con-
trol of part or of all the branches of
the federal government; that for two
years only was the Democratic party i
a position to either enact or repeal a
law. Having drawn the salaries; hav-
ing enjoyed the honors: having secured
the prestige. let the Republican party
accept the responsibility!
Republican Party Responsible.
Why were these “known abuses”
permitted to develop? Why have they
not been corrected? If existing laws
are sufficient, why have they not been
enforced? All of the executive ma-
chinery of the federal government is
in the hands of the Republican party.
Are new laws necessary? Why have
they not been enacted? With a Re-
publican president to recommend, with
a Republican senate and house to carry
out his recommendations, why does the
Republican candidate plead for further
time in which to do what should have
been done long ago? Can Mr. Taft
promise to be more strenuous in the
prosecution of wrong-doers than the
present executive? Can he ask for a
larger majority in the senate than his
party now has? Does he need more
Republicans in the house of represent-
atives or a speaker with more unlim-
ited authority.
Why No Tariff Reform?
The president's close friends have
been promising for several years that
he would attack the iniquities of the
tariff. We have had intimation that
Mr. Taft was restive under the de-
mands of the highly protected in-
dustries. And yet the influence of the
manufacturers, who have for twenty-
five years contributed to the Republican
campaign fund, and who in return
have framed the tariff schedules, has
been sufficient to prevent tariff reform.
As the present campaign approached.
both the president and Mr, Taft de-
i
tion is so hedged about with qualify
ing phrases, that no one can estimate
with accuracy the sum total of tariff
:
g
5
§
&
2
3
Why No Railroad Legislation?
For ten years the Interstate Com-
merce Commission has been asking for
an enlargement of its powers, that it
might prevent rebates and discrimina-
tions but a Republican senate and a
Republican house of representatives
were unmoved by its entreaties. In
1000 the Republican national conven-
tion was urged to endorse the demand
for railway legislation, but its platform
was silent on the subject. Even in
1004 the convention gave no pledge to
remedy these abuses. When the presi-
deut finally asked for legislation he
drew his inspiration from three Demo-
cratic national platforms and he re-
ceived more cordial support from the
Democrats than from the Republicans.
The Republicans in the senate deliber-
ately defeated several amendments of-
ferred by Senator La Follette and sup-
embodying legislation asked by the [n-
terstate Commerce Commission, One
of these amendments authorized the
ascertainment of the value of rail-
roads. This amendment was not only
defeated by the senate, but it was over-
whelmingly rejected by the recent Re-
publican national convention, and the
Republican candidate has sought to res-
cue his party from the disastrous re-
sults of this act by expressing him-
self. in a qualified way, In favor of |
ascertaining the value of the railroads. |
Over-issue of Stocks and Bonds.
Mr. Taft complains of the over-issue
of stocks and bonds of railroads, “for
the unlawful enriching of directors
and for the purpose of concentrating
the coatrol of the railroads under one
management,” and the complaint is
well founded. But, with a president to
point out the evil, and a Republican
congress to correct it. we find nothing
done for the protection of the public.
Why? My honorable opponent has, by
his confession, relieved me of the ne-
cessity of furnishing proof; he admits
the condition and he can not avoid the
logical conclusion that must be drawn
from the admission, There is no doubt
whatever that a large majority of the
voters of the Republican party recopg-
nize the deplorable situation which Mr.
Taft describes; they recognize that the
masses have had but little influence
upon legislation or upon the ad-
ministration of the government, and
they are beginning to understand
the cause. For a generation the Re-
publican party has drawn its cam-
paign funds from the beneficiaries of
special legislation. Privileges have
been pledged and granted in return for
money contributed to debauch elec-
tions. What can be expected when of-
ficial authority Is’ turned over to the
representatives of those who first fur-
nish the sinews of war and then reim-
burse themselves out of the pockets of
the taxpayers?
Fasting In Wilderness Necessary.
So long as the Republican party re.
mains in power, it is powerless to re-
generate itself. It can not attack
wrong-doing in high places without dis-
gracing many of its prominent memn-
bers, and it, therefore, uses oplates in-
stead of the surgeon's knife. Its male-
factors construe each Republican vie- |
tory as an endorsement of their con-
duet and threaten the party with de-
feat If they are interfered with. Not
until that party passes through a pe-
riod of fasting in the wilderness, will
the Republican leaders learn to study
public questions. from the standpoint
of the masses. Just as with individ-
uals, “the cares of this world and the
deceitfulness of riches choke the truth,”
so In politics, when party leaders serve
fur away from home and are not in
constant contact with the voters, con-
tinued party success blinds their eyes
to the needs of the people and makes
them deaf to the cry of distress.
Publicity as to Campaign Contribu-
tions.
An effort has been made to secure
legislation requiring publicity as to
campaign contributions and expendi-
tures; but the Republican leaders, even
in the face of an indignant public, re-
fused to consent to a law which would
compel honesty in elections. When the
matter was brought up in the recent
Republican national convention, the
plank was repudiated by a vote of 880
to 4. Here, too, Mr. Taft has been
driven to apologize for his convention
and to declare himself In favor of a
publicity law; and yet. if you will read
what he says upon this subject, you
will find that his promise falls far short
of the requirements of the situation.
He says:
“If I am elected president, 1 shall
urge upon congress, with every hope of
success, that a law be passed requiring
the filing, in a federal office, of a state-
ment of the contributions received by
committees and candidates In elections
for members of congress, and In such
other elections as are constitutionally
within the control of congress.”
I shall not embarrass him by asking
him upon what he bases his hope of
success; it Is certainly not on any en-
couragement he has received from Re-
publican leaders. It is sufficient to say
that If his hopes were realized—if, In
spite of the adverse actton of his con-
vention, he should succeed In securing
the enactment of the very law which
he favors, it would give but partial re-
lief. He has read the Democratic plat-
form; not only his language, but his
evident alarm, Indicates that he pas
read it carefully. He even had before
him the action of the Democratic na-
tonal committee in Interpreting and
applying that platform; and yet, he
falls to say that he favors the publica-
tion of the contributions before the
election. Of course, it satisfies a nat-
ural curiosity to find out how an elec-
tion has been purchased, even when
the knowledge comes too late to be of
service, but why should the people Le
kept in darkness until the election is
past? Why should the locking of the
door be delayed until the horse is gone?
An Election a Public Affair.
An election is a public affair. The
i question which has been agitated—a
ported by the Democrats—amendments |
| corporation from contributing to =»
people. exercising the right to seiec.
their officials and to decide upon the
policies to be pursued. proceed to thel:
several polling places on election day
and register their will. What excuse
can be given for secrecy as to the in-
fluences at work? If a man, pecun-
larily interested in “concentrating the
control of the railroads in one manage
ment,” subscribes a large sum to aid in
carrying the election, why should hi:
part in the campaign be concealed un
til he has put the officials under obli-
gation to him? If a trust magnate
contributes £100,000 to elect politica!
friends to office, with a view to pre-
venting hostile legislation, why should
that fact be concealed until his friends
are securely seated in their official po-
sitions?
This is not a new question; it is a
question which the Republican leaders
fully understand—a question which the
Republican candidate has studied, an!
yet he refuses to declare himself in fa
vor of the legislation absolutely neces
sary. namely. legislation requiring pub
lication before the election.
Democratic Party Promises Publicity.
How can the people hope to rule. if
they are not able to learn until after
the election what the predatory inter
ests are doing? The Democratic prt;
meets the issue honestly and coura
geously. It says:
“We pledge the Democratic party to
the enactment of a law prohibiting any
campaign fund, and any individua!
from contributing an amount above a
reasonable maximum, and providing
for the publication, before election. of
all such contributions above a reason
able minimum.”
The Democratic national committee
immediately proceeded to Interpret an’
apply this plank. announcing that n-
contributions would be received fro.
corporations. that no individual woul!
be allowed to contribute more than
£10,000, and that all contributions
above $100 would be made public be
fore the election—those received befor
October 15 to be made public on or
before that day, those received afte:
ward to be made public on the da:
when received. and no such contrib
tions to be accepted within three days
of the election. The expenditures ar.
to be published after election. Here
is a plan which 1s complete and effec
tive,
Popular Election of Senators.
Next to the corrupt use of moner.
the present method of electing Uni:ed
States senators is most responsible fr
the obstruction of reforms. For onc
hundred years after the adoption o!
the constftution, the demand for th
popular election of senators, while find-
ing increased expression, did not be
come a dominant sentiment. A con
stitutional amendment had from tim
to time been suggested and the matter
had been more or less discussed in an
few of the states, but the movement
had not reached a point where it mani.
fested itself through congressional ac.
tion. In the Fifty-second congress.
however, a resolution was reporte
from a house committee proposing the
necessary constitutional amendment
and this resolution passed the house
of representatives by a vote which
was practically unanimous. In the
Fifty-third congress a similar resolu.
tion was reported to, and adopted by
the house of representatives. Both
the Fifty-second and Fifty-third con
gresses were Democratic. The Repub-
licans gained control of the house as
a result of the election of 1894 and in
the Fifty-fourth congress the proposi-
tion died in committee. As time went
on, however, the sentiment grew among
the people, until it forced a Republican
congress to follow the example set by
the Democrats, and then another and
another Republican congress acted fa-
vorably. State after state has endorse
this reform, until nearly two-thirds of
the states have recorded themselves in
its favor. The United States senate.
however, impudently and arrogantly
obstructs the passage of the resolution,
notwithstanding the fact that the vot-
ers of the United States, by an over-
whelming majority, demand it. And
this refusal is the more significant
when it is remembered that a number
of senators owe their election to great
corporate interests. Three Democratic
national platforms—the platforms of
1000, 1904 and 1908—specifically call
for a change in the constitution which
will put the election of senators In the
hands of the voters, and the proposi-
tion has been endorsed by a number
of the smaller parties, but no Repub-
lican national convention has been
willing to champion the cause of the
people on this subject. The subject
was ignored by the Republican national
convention in 1900; it was ignored in
1904, and the proposition was explicit-
ly repudiated fn 1908, for the recent
Republican national convention, by a
vote of 866 to 114, rejected the plank
endorsing the popular election of sena-
tors—and this was done in the conven:
tion which nominated Mr. Taft few
delegates from his own state voting for
the plank.
Personal Inclination Not Sufficient.
In his notification speech. the Repub-
Bown Swudiaate, speaking of the elec
senators by the people, says:
“Personally, I am Inclined to favor it.
the senate? What influence could he
exert iu behalf of a reform which his
party bas openly and notoriously con
demned in its convention, and to which
he is attgehed only by a belated ex
pression of personal inclination?
The Gateway to Other Reforms.
“Shall the people rule? Every
reieddial measure of a uational char
acter must run the gauntlet of the
senate. The president may personall:
ineline toward a reform; the house
may consent to it; but as long as the
senate obstructs the reform, the peo
ple must wait. The president ma
heed a popular demand; the house may
yield to public opinion: but as long us
the senate is defiant, the rule of the
people is defeated. The Democratic
platform very properly describes the
popular election of senators as “the
gateway to other national reforms.’
Shall we open the gate, or shall we
allow the exploiting interests to ba:
the way by the control of this branch
of the federal legislature? Through
a Democratic victory, and through u
Democratic victory only. can the peo
ple secure the popular election of sen-
ators. The smaller parties are unable
to secure this reform: the Republican
party. under its present leadership, is
resolntely opposed to it; the Democratic
party stands for it and has boldly de-
manded it. If | am elected to the
presidency, those who are elected upon
the ticket wiih me will be, like my-
self. pledged to this reform. and |
shall convene congress in extranordi
nary session immediately after inaun-
guration, and ask, among other things,
for the fulfilinent of this platform
pledge.
House Rules Despotic.
The third instrumentality employed
to defeat the will of the people is
found in the rules of the house of rep:
reseuntatives. Our platform points on
that “the house of representatives wis
desizned by the fathers of the consti
tution, to be the popular branch of our
government, responsive to the public
will,” and adds:
“The house of representatives, ux
coutrolled in recent years by the Re
publican party, has ceased to be a de
liberative and legislative body. respon.
sive to the will of a majority of the
members, but has come under the ab
solute domination of the speaker, wh)
has eutire control of its deliberations.
and powers of legislation.
“We have observed with amazement
the popular branch of our federal gov-
ernment helpless to obtain either the
consideration or enactment of meas.
ures desired by a majority of its mem-
bers.”
This arraignment is fully justitied
The reform Republicans in the house
of representatives, when in the minor
ity In their own party, are as helpless
to obtain a hearing or to secure a vote
upon a measure as are the Democrats
In the recent session of the present
congress, there was a considerable ele
ment in the Republican party favorable
to remedial legislation; but a few lead-
ers, in control of the organization.
despotically suppressed these mem-
bers. and thus forced a real majority
in the house to submit to a wel! organ-
ized minority. The Republican national
convention, instead of rebuking this
attack upon popular government, eulo
gized congress and nominated as the
Republican candidate for vice president
one of the men who shared in the re
sponsibility for the coercion of the
house. Our party demands that “the
house of representatives shall again
become a deliberative body. controlled
by a majority of the people's repre-
sentatives, and not by the speaker.”
and is pledged to adopt “such rules
and regulations to govern the house
of representatives as will enable a ma-
jority of its members to direct its de-
liberations and control legislation.”
“Shall the people rule?’ They can
not do so unless they can control the
house of representatives, and through
their representatives in the house, give
expression to their purposes and their
desires. The Republican party Is
committed to the methods now in
vogue in the house of representatives;
the Democratic party is pledged to
such a revision of the rules as will
bring the popular branch of the federal
government into harmony with the
ideas of those who framed our consti
tution and founded our gevernment.
Other Issues Will Be Discussed Later.
“Shall the people rule?’ I repeat. is
declared by our platform to be the
overshadowing question, and as the
campaign progresses, [ shall take occa-
sion to discuss this question as it man.
ifests itself in other issues: for whether
we consider the tariff question, the
trust question, the railroad question.
the banking question, the labor ques.
tion, the question of imperialism, the
development of our waterways, or any
other of the numercus problems which
press for solution, we shall find tha‘
the real question involved in each is,
whether the government shall remain
a mere business asset of favor seeking
corporations or be an Instrument in
the hands of the people for the ad-
vancement of the common weal.
Democratic Party Has Earned Con-
fidence.
If the voters are satisfied with the
record of the Republican party and
with its management of public affairs
we can not reasonably ask for &
change in administration; if, however,
the voters feel that the people, as a
whole, have too little influence in shap-
ing the policies of the government; if
they feel that great combinations of
capital have encroached upon the
rights of the masses, and employed the
instrumentalities of government to se-
cure an unfair share of the total wealth
produced, then we have a right to ex-
pect a verdict against the Republican
party and in favor of the Democratic
party; for our party has risked defeat—
aye, suffered defeat—in its effort to
arouse the conscience of the public and
to bring about that very awakening to
which Mr. Taft has referred.
Only those are worthy to be entrust.
ed with leadership in a great cause
who are willing to die for it. and the
Democratic party has proven its worthi-
ness by its refusal to purchase victory
by delivering the people into the hands
of those who have despoiled them. In
this contest between Democracy on the
one side and plutocracy on the other,
the Democratic party has taken its pe-
sition on the side of equal rights, and
invites the opposition of those who use
polities to secure special privileges and
governmental favoritism. Gauging the
progress of the nation, not by tr. hap-
piness or wealth or refinement of a
few, but “by the prosperity uid ad-
vancement of the average man.” the
Democratic party charges the Repub-
lican party with being the promoter of
present abuses. the opponent of neces-
sary remedies and the only bulwark of
private monopoly. The Democratic par.
ty affirms thei in this campaign it is
the only part’, having a prospect of
success, which stands for justice in
government and for equity In the divi-
sion of the fruits of industry.
Democratic Party Defender of Honest
Wealth.
We may expect those who have com-
mitted larceny by law and purchased
immunity with their political influence,
to attempt to raise false issues. and to
employ “the livery of Heaven” to con-
ceal their evil purposes, but they can
no longer deceive. The Democrati-
party is not the enemy of any legiti
mate Industry or of honest accumula-
tions. It Is. on the contrary, a friend
of industry and the steadfast protector
of that wealth which represents a serv.
ice to society. The Democratic party
does not seek to annihilate all corpora-
tions: it simply asserts that as the gov-
ernment creates corporations, it must
retain the power to regulate and to
control them, and that it should not
permit any corporation to convert itself
into a monopoly. Surely we should
have the co-operation of all legitimate
corporations in our effort to protect
business and industry from the odium
which lawless combinations of capital
will, if unchecked, cast upon them.
Only by the separation of the good
from the bad can the good be made
secure.
Not Revolution, but Reformation.
The Democratic party seeks not revo-
lution but reformation. and | need
hardly remind the student of history
that cures are mildest when applied at
once: that remedies Increase in severity
as their application is postponed. Blood
poisoning may be stopped by the loss
of a finger today; it may cost an arm
tomorrow or a life the next day. So
poison in the body politic can not he
removed too soon, for the evils pro-
duced by it increase with the lapse of
time. That there are abuses which
2eed to be remedied, even the Repub-
lican candidate admits: that his party
is unable to remedy them, has been
fully demonstrated during the last ten
years. 1 have such confideuce in the
intelligence as well as the patriotism
of the people, that I can not doubt their
readiness to accept the reasonable re-
forms which our party proposes, rather
than permit the continued growth of
existing abuses to hurry the country on
to remedies more radical and more
drastic.
Our Party's Ideal.
The platform of our party closes with
a brief statement of the party's ideal.
It favors “such an administration of
the government as will insure, as far
as human wisdom can, that each citi
zen shall draw from society a reward
commensurate with his contribution to
the welfare of society.”
Governments are good in proportion
as they assure to each member of so-
clety, so far as governments can, a re-
turn commensurate with individual
merit,
The Divine Law of Rewards.
There is a Divine law of rewards.
When the Creator gave us the earth,
with its fruitful soil, the sunshine with
its warmth, and the rains with their
moisture, He proclaimed, as clearly as
if His voice had thundered from the
clouds, “Go work, and according to
your industry and your intelligence, so
shall be your reward.” Only where
might has overthrown, cunning under
mined or government suspended this
law, has a different law prevailed. To
conform the government to this law
ought to be the ambition of the states-
man; and no party can have a higher
mission than to make it a reality wher-
ever governments can legitimately op-
erate.
Justice to All.
Recognizing that I am indebted for
my nomination to the rank and file of
our party, and that my election must
come, if it comes at all, from the un-
that in order to obtain of
yoga in the Black Caves of India he
had to continue in this position on the
a